DOCSLIB.ORG

Blog Addition Gneezy and List

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Blog Addition Gneezy and List Women and the Competition Gap By Uri Gneezy and John List You think you know why less than 4% of Fortune 500 CEOs are women? Scholars have theorized for decades about the reasons why women can’t seem to make faster progress in breaking through the glass ceiling. The sad fact is that while women are doing better than men in some areas, such as higher education, men still occupy the highest ranks of society in the United States and around the world. The proportion of women in the U.S. workforce rose from 48 percent in 1970 to 64 percent in 2011,1 but today, only one in five senior management positions are held by women. Some consider these facts as an achievement, since they are the highest in U.S. history. Yet, women are still paid less than men for equivalent jobs. Even in public positions women still have not achieved parity. They still hold fewer than 17 percent of Congressional seats, and about the same percentage of corporate board seats. We’ll try to convince you that an important contributor to this gap in labor market outcomes is the different ways in which men and women react to incentives. In particular, women tend to avoid competitive settings and jobs in which salary is determined by relative rankings. But why do women and men react differently to incentives? And how important is the culture we’re born into in making us more or less competitive? We couldn’t just take for granted, in the absence of data, that women were innately less competitive than men. We decided to start collecting evidence by looking at ordinary men and women in their natural habitats and doing things people do every day—say, participating in a gym class or answering job ads on Craigslist—and we used the full gamut of experimental tools at our disposal to answer these questions: To what degree are the differences between men and women (such as levels of aggression, competitive drive, and wage-earning power) truly innate? To what degree are they culturally learned? In the end, we combine evidence from the United States with data we collected from our travels to the foothills of the Kilimanjaro and to North East India to answer this question. We’ve come up with unique evidence for the reasons for the persistent differences we observe between men and women, particularly when it comes to competition. A Distaste for Competition We started with a simple lab experiment showing that women hold back when they are in competitive environments.2 In a study at Technion, the so-called “MIT of Israel,” we set up an experimental game that involved solving as many mazes as one could in fifteen minutes, and receiving a dollar for every maze solved. When we then measured how well participants in these groups did, we found that the women performed pretty much the same as the men. But other groups of participants were given a competitive incentive: the person who solved the most mazes was paid proportionally more. In the heat of the battle, would a woman increase her effort? It turned out that the male participants responded to the competitive incentive by significantly increasing the number of mazes they solved during the fifteen minutes, but the other women did not perform as well. In the competitive condition, the women solved, on average, the same number of mazes as they did in the noncompetitive one. The hypothesis that women are less competitive than men seemed to hold firm. In a later experiment, we mimicked something you might remember from your childhood.3 Think about running as fast as you can alone, or next to someone else. If you are competitive, just having someone running next to you might motivate you to run faster and win an imaginary “race.” You just transformed an innocent situation into a competition. And if you’re less competitive, maybe you don’t care who’s next to you—you just run fast. As you might have guessed, we wanted to test whether young boys and girls would have different tendencies to be competitive. To do so, we went to visit some fourth-grade school kids in Israel. In a physical education class, we first asked kids to run forty meters on a track, one at a time. After the teachers timed the individual students’ results, the students who ran at similar speeds raced against each other. We didn’t offer incentives, and we didn’t even tell the kids that this was a competition. The kids simply had to run neck and neck. As we found in the Technion maze experiment, the boys ended up reacting more strongly to the competitive environment, running faster than when they had run alone. The girls, again, didn’t seem to react to the heightened competition. They ran about as fast as when they had run alone—even when they were competing against only girls. Once more, it looked like girls didn’t do as well in a competitive context. Next, we wanted to go out of the lab into the real world and test whether such gender differences in competitiveness survive in the wild. So we conducted a large-scale field experiment on Craigslist.4 In this experiment, we wanted to directly discover the factors that drive people to apply for entry-level jobs. How would men and women respond to different compensation scenarios? Would women go after jobs that required some competitiveness and risk-taking if the salary offered were higher? To get some answers, we conducted a very large field experiment in which we placed two ads on Internet job boards in sixteen cities for an administrative assistant, one of the most common jobs in the United States. An example of one of our job postings in Seattle looked as follows: Posting Category: admin/office jobs Title: Seeking Sports News Assistant The Becker Center is seeking a Seattle-area administrative assistant to help gather information on sports stories in the Seattle region. While the Becker Center is based in Chicago, we have a satellite project in Seattle. The assistant will provide us with up-to-date information on local news and views on basketball, football, baseball, soccer, Nascar, golf, tennis, hockey, and other sports. Responsibilities for the position include reading local sports-related news coverage (pro, semi-pro, and college) and preparing short reports. The successful candidate will also be comfortable with typical administrative duties—light correspondence, proofreading, filing, email and phone communication, etc. Compensation: Hourly Our second job description looked almost identical to this one, but it didn’t mention sports. Instead, the description noted, “The assistant will provide us with up-to-date information on community events, arts and culture, business, entertainment, policy issues, crime, and other stories. Responsibilities for the position include seeking out, reading, and summarizing local news stories and preparing short reports.” Over a period of four months, nearly 7,000 interested job seekers applied for these jobs listed in the various cities.5 Upon responding to our ad, we told the job seekers the wage structure for the jobs: some were told that they would be paid on an hourly basis, while others were told that their pay would depend on how they performed compared to a coworker. Our goal was to see if the competitive aspect influenced one sex more than the other.6. What do you think we found after placing several months of ads on Craigslist? Not surprisingly, guys were more interested in the sports-oriented ad and women responded to the non-sports-oriented ad: whereas 53.8 percent of the job seekers for the sports- related job were women, 80.5 percent of those responding to the alternate job were female. But the real differences showed up when we described the compensation schemes. According to one scheme, the job would pay a flat $15 per hour. Not too shabby for an entry- level office administration gig. The competitive pay scheme, on the other hand, rewarded the workers based on how they performed in relation to a coworker. Applicants were told that they would be paid $12 per hour but would be compared to another worker, and whichever of the two performed better would receive a bonus of $6 per hour in addition to the $12-per-hour base pay. In this way, each of the two compensation schemes paid an average of $15 per worker, but one was highly incentivized, whereas the other was not. You might be surprised (and saddened) by the actual gender breakdown of who applied for each kind of job. In general, women didn’t like the competitive option; in fact, they were 70 percent less likely than men to go after the competitive job. Further, the women who did apply for the highly incentivized job tended to have more impressive resumes than the men who applied for those same jobs. These findings seemed to underscore the fact that, when it comes to competition, men aren’t nearly as shy as women. A Trip to Tanzania All of this gives rise to several obvious but uncomfortable questions: is the lack of competitiveness inherent in women or a learned behavior? If the latter, exactly what does nurture—or the fact that culture might be linked to their competitive inclinations—have to do with their learning how competitive they should be? And would our own daughters have a fair shot at succeeding in a competitive society? To address these questions, we decided we needed to leave Western culture and run some tests in other parts of the globe.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Econ 771.001
    ECON 771: Political Economy of Race and Gender Spring 2018 Dr. Elissa Braunstein Department of Economics, Colorado State University [email protected] Office: C327 Clark Office hours: T 1:00 – 2:00 (or by appointment) Overview I define political economy as “the study of the impact of group identity and collective conflict on the organization of economic activity and its consequences.” Political economy traditions tend to focus on class as a source of identity and group conflict. In this course, we will expand that focus to incorporate other sources of group membership, giving you a broad background in economic approaches to inequality and identity based on race/ethnicity and gender. We will focus primarily on the neoclassical, Marxian political economy and feminist literatures. In addition to learning more about the relationship between group membership and economic structures, we will use the prisms of race and gender to better understand and critique various approaches to economic analysis. And while much of the literature focuses on the U.S. context, I will try to broaden the discussion as often as possible, and encourage students to do the same. I welcome students from other social science disciplines. Although we will cover some advanced material that may be difficult for those who have not completed graduate economics courses, the emphasis will be on the main points, rather than the technical detail. The syllabus includes both required readings (*starred) and supplemental readings/sections as I wanted to give you a more complete sense of the literature if you are interested in looking further into a particular topic.
    [Show full text]
  • Kranton Duke University
    The Devil is in the Details – Implications of Samuel Bowles’ The Moral Economy for economics and policy research October 13 2017 Rachel Kranton Duke University The Moral Economy by Samuel Bowles should be required reading by all graduate students in economics. Indeed, all economists should buy a copy and read it. The book is a stunning, critical discussion of the interplay between economic incentives and preferences. It challenges basic premises of economic theory and questions policy recommendations based on these theories. The book proposes the path forward: designing policy that combines incentives and moral appeals. And, therefore, like such as book should, The Moral Economy leaves us with much work to do. The Moral Economy concerns individual choices and economic policy, particularly microeconomic policies with goals to enhance the collective good. The book takes aim at laws, policies, and business practices that are based on the classic Homo economicus model of individual choice. The book first argues in great detail that policies that follow from the Homo economicus paradigm can backfire. While most economists would now recognize that people are not purely selfish and self-interested, The Moral Economy goes one step further. Incentives can amplify the selfishness of individuals. People might act in more self-interested ways in a system based on incentives and rewards than they would in the absence of such inducements. The Moral Economy warns economists to be especially wary of incentives because social norms, like norms of trust and honesty, are critical to economic activity. The danger is not only of incentives backfiring in a single instance; monetary incentives can generally erode ethical and moral codes and social motivations people can have towards each other.
    [Show full text]
  • Behavioral Economics As Applied to Firms: a Primer1
    Munich Personal RePEc Archive Behavioral economics as applied to firms: a primer Armstrong, Mark and Huck, Steffen University College London (UCL) January 2010 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/20356/ MPRA Paper No. 20356, posted 02 Feb 2010 03:16 UTC Behavioral Economics as Applied to Firms: A Primer1 Mark Armstrong and Steffen Huck Department of Economics University College London January 2010 Abstract We discuss the literatures on behavioral economics, bounded rationality and experimental economics as they apply to firm behavior in markets. Topics discussed include the impact of imitative and satisficing behavior by firms, outcomes when managers care about their position relative to peers, the benefits of employing managers whose objective diverges from profit-maximization (including managers who are overconfident or base pricing decisions on sunk costs), the impact of social preferences on the ability to collude, and the incentive for profit-maximizing firms to mimic irrational behavior. 1. Introduction In recent years there has been a good deal of research investigating how poor or non-standard decision making by consumers might affect market outcomes. In much of this work, the assumption is that firms are fully rational and aim to maximize their profits (and sometimes they do this by exploiting the behavioral biases of consumers). Some of this work points to situations where there is a role for policy which protects consumers from their own failings and from exploitative firms.2 In this article we focus instead on non-standard approaches to firm behavior. Consumers are kept in the background, and are present merely to generate in some fashion a demand curve for the firms' products.
    [Show full text]
  • Gender Differences*
    PERFORMANCE INCOMPETITIVE ENVIRONMENTS: GENDER DIFFERENCES* URI GNEEZY MURIEL NIEDERLE ALDO RUSTICHINI Eventhough the provision of equal opportunities for men and women has beena priorityin manycountries, large gender differences prevail in competitive high-rankingpositions. Suggested explanations include discrimination and dif- ferencesin preferencesand human capital. In this paper we present experimental evidencein support of anadditionalfactor: women may be lesseffective than men incompetitive environments, even if they are able to perform similarly in non- competitiveenvironments. In a laboratoryexperiment we observe, as we increase thecompetitiveness of theenvironment, a signicant increasein performancefor men,but not for women. This results in a signicant gendergap inperformance intournaments, while there is no gap whenparticipants are paid according to piecerate. This effect is stronger when women have to compete against men than insingle-sex competitive environments: this suggests that women may be ableto performin competitiveenvironments per se. I. INTRODUCTION Allocationsacross genders of high prole jobs remain largely favorableto men, and area majorfactor in thegender gap in earnings.For example, Bertrand and Hallock[2001] found that only2.5 percentof the vehighestpaid executivesin alargedata setof U.S.rmsare women (for areviewon genderdifferences in wages,see Blau and Kahn [2000]). Thenumerous attempts to explain this fact can beclassi ed intotwo broad categories.The rstexplanation restson gender differences in abilities and pref- erencesand hencein occupationalself-selection [Polachek 1981]. Thesecond class ofexplanations relatesto discrimination in the workplace,which leads todifferential treatmentof men and womenwith equal preferencesand abilities [Black and Strahan 2001; Goldin and Rouse2000; Wennerås and Wold1997]. In this paper wepropose and experimentallytest an addi- tional explanation:women may be less effective than menin competitiveenvironments.
    [Show full text]
  • Price Dispersion in the Lab and on the Internet: Theory and Evi- Dence
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Papers in Economics Price dispersion in the lab and on the Internet: Theory and evi- dence MichaelR.Baye∗ John Morgan∗∗ Price dispersion is ubiquitous in settings that closely approximate textbook Bertrand competition. We show (Propositions 2 and 3) that only a little bounded rationality among sellers is needed to rationalize such dispersion. A variety of statistical tests, based on data sets from two indepen- dent laboratory experiments and structural estimates of the parameters of our models, suggest that bounded rationality based theories of price dispersion organize the data remarkably well. Evidence is also presented which suggests that the models are consistent with data from a leading Internet price comparison site. *Department of Business Economics and Public Policy, Kelley School of Business, Indiana Univer- sity, Bloomington, IN 47405. Phone: (812) 855-2779. E-mail: [email protected]. ** Haas School of Business and Department of Economics, University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720. Phone: (510) 642-2669. E-mail: [email protected]. We thank the Editor, the referees, and numerous seminar participants for helpful comments on earlier versions of this paper. We are especially grateful to Dilip Abreu, Martin Dufwenberg, Glenn Ellison, Nancy Epling, Ed Glaeser, Uri Gneezy, Paul Klemperer, Dan Kovenock, David Laibson, John Maxwell, Martin Sefton, Dale Stahl, and Abdullah Yavas. The authors thank Nuffield College (University of Oxford), Trinity and Corpus Christi Colleges (University of Cambridge), University of Nottingham, The Hoover Institution, and the University of Bonn for their gracious hospitality and for providing a stimulating environment where some of this work was completed.
    [Show full text]
  • Predictions and Nudges: What Behavioral Economics Has to Offer the Humanities, and Vice-Versa
    Book Review Predictions and Nudges: What Behavioral Economics Has to Offer the Humanities, and Vice-Versa Richard H. Thaler and Cass R. Sunstein, Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008. Pp. 304. $26.00. Dan Ariely, Predictably Irrational: The Hidden Forces That Shape Our Decisions. New York: HarperCollins, 2008. Pp. 280. $25.95. Anne C. Dailey* Peter Siegelman** Rationalists, wearing square hats, Think, in square rooms, Looking at the floor, Looking at the ceiling. They confine themselves To right-angled triangles. If they tried rhomboids, Cones, waving lines, ellipses- As, for example, the ellipse of the half-moon- Rationalists would wear sombreros.1 Evangeline Starr Professor of Law and Associate Dean for Academic Affairs, University of Connecticut School of Law. ** Roger Sherman Professor of Law, University of Connecticut School of Law. We thank Ellen Siegelman for helpful comments. 1. Wallace Stevens, Six Significant Landscapes, VI, HARMONIUM (1916). Yale Journal of Law & the Humanities, Vol. 21, Iss. 2 [2009], Art. 6 Yale Journal of Law & the Humanities [21:2 The informed law and humanities reader can hardly fail to be aware that the field of economics has undergone a "behavioral revolution" over the past several decades, and that this revolution has spilled over into the legal academy. Open an economics journal these days and you are likely to find any number of articles billing themselves as "behavioral" in orientation. Similarly, law reviews are filled with articles bearing titles ranging from "A Behavioral Approach to Law and Economics"'2 to "Harnessing Altruistic Theory and Behavioral Law and Economics to Rein in Executive Salaries" 3 and "Some Lessons for Law from Behavioral Economics About Stockbrokers and Sophisticated Customers.
    [Show full text]
  • Putting Behavioral Economics to Work: Testing for Gift Exchange in Labor Markets Using Field Experiments
    Econometrica, Vol. 74, No. 5 (September, 2006), 1365–1384 PUTTING BEHAVIORAL ECONOMICS TO WORK: TESTING FOR GIFT EXCHANGE IN LABOR MARKETS USING FIELD EXPERIMENTS BY URI GNEEZY AND JOHN A. LIST1 Recent discoveries in behavioral economics have led scholars to question the under- pinnings of neoclassical economics. We use insights gained from one of the most influ- ential lines of behavioral research—gift exchange—in an attempt to maximize worker effort in two quite distinct tasks: data entry for a university library and door-to-door fundraising for a research center. In support of the received literature, our field evi- dence suggests that worker effort in the first few hours on the job is considerably higher in the “gift” treatment than in the “nongift” treatment. After the initial few hours, however, no difference in outcomes is observed, and overall the gift treatment yielded inferior aggregate outcomes for the employer: with the same budget we would have logged more data for our library and raised more money for our research center by using the market-clearing wage rather than by trying to induce greater effort with a gift of higher wages. KEYWORDS: Gift exchange, field experiment. 1. INTRODUCTION NEOCLASSICAL ECONOMICS treats labor as a hired input in much the same manner as capital. Accordingly, in equilibrium, the firm pays market-clearing wages and workers provide minimum effort. The validity of this assumption is not always supported by real-life observations: some employers pay more than the market-clearing wage and workers seemingly invest more effort than nec- essary (Akerlof (1982)). The “fair wage–effort” hypothesis of Akerlof (1982) and Akerlof and Yellen (1988, 1990) extends the neoclassical model to explain higher than market-clearing wages by using a gift exchange model, where “On the worker’s side, the ‘gift’ given is work in excess of the minimum work stan- dard; and on the firm’s side the ‘gift’ given is wages in excess of what these women could receive if they left their current jobs” (Akerlof (1982, p.
    [Show full text]
  • Econ 0040: Behavioural Economics Fall 2020
    Econ 0040: Behavioural Economics Fall 2020 Lecturer information Dr. Zeynep Gurguc E-mail: [email protected] Student feedback hours (online): Thursdays 13:15-14:15 during first term or by appointment & later by appointment. What will you learn about? The purpose of this course is to provide students an overview of research in Behavioural Economics, a field of economics that draws on knowledge in psychology to capture important aspects of human behaviour and social interactions that standard economic models cannot explain. The topics we will cover include: Heuristics and Biases, Decision Making under Uncertainty, Prospect Theory, Reference Dependence, Intertemporal Choice, Social Preferences, Bounded Rationality, Nudge as well as Heterogeneity and Malleability of Preferences. Throughout this course, we will link theory to practice and discuss empirical applications in areas and topics such as consumer choice, saving behaviour, procrastination, education, labour supply, finance and policy making. How will you learn? We will use a mixture of online asynchronous and synchronous content. Each Monday by 11:45 am you will get access to the core materials for the week as well as the tasks. In addition, both your lecturer and your teaching assistant will have regular student support and feedback hours where you can drop in to discuss any issues around this module. Weekly Live Sessions with Dr Gurguc: Wednesdays 11AM-12:30PM. The lectures will be on zoom except for weeks 6, 7, 12 and 14 (i.e. October 7, October 14, November 18 and December 2) when the live lecture will be held face-to-face (F2F). F2F lectures will take place in Wilkins Building (main building), Jeremy Bentham Room.
    [Show full text]
  • Labor Economics I
    Advanced Topics in Labor Economics MIT 14.663 David Autor Spring 2009 MIT E51-151 Lectures: Monday & Wednesday, 10:30am – noon • No lecture on 4/20 (due to institute holiday) and 4/22 due to instructor’s external commitments. • Papers marked with * are likely to be considered in class. All listed papers are relevant. 1. Topic 1: Self-selection and the Labor Market, with Applications to Immigration, the Gender Gap, Medical Treatment, and Sexual Harassment * Basu, Kaushik. “Sexual Harassment in the Workplace: An Economic Analysis with Implications for Worker Rights and Labor Standards Policy.” MIT Department of Economics Working Paper 02-11, February 2002. (available via SSRN). Blau, Francine and Lawrence Kahn (1997), "Swimming Upstream: Trends in the Gender Wage Differential in the 1980s," Journal of Labor Economics 15 (January, Part 1), 1-42. Borjas, George. 1987. “Self-Selection and the Earnings of Immigrants,” American Economic Review, 77(4), 531-553. Borjas, George. 2002. “The Wage Structure and the Sorting of Workers into the Public Sector.” NBER Working Paper No. 9313, November. * Chandra, Amitabh and Douglas Staiger. 2007. “Productivity Spillovers in Health Care: Evidence from the Treatment of Heart Attacks.” Journal of Political Economy, 115(1), February, 103-? * Chiquiar, Daniel and Gordon Hanson. 2005. "International Migration, Self-Selection and the Distribution of Wages," Journal of Political Economy 113 (April), 239-81. C. Goldin. 2006. "The Quiet Revolution that Transformed Women's Employment, Education and Family," American Economic Review (May). Heckman, James J. 1979. “Sample Selection Bias as a Specification Error.” Econometrica, 47(1), January, 153-161. Heckman, James J. and Bo E.
    [Show full text]
  • Dan Ariely Alfred P
    Dan Ariely Alfred P. Sloan Professor of Behavioral Economics Curriculum Vitae [Updated October 2007] Education Duke University, The Fuqua School of Business, Durham, NC Ph.D., Business Administration, August 1998. University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, NC Ph.D., Cognitive Psychology, August 1996 University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, NC M.A., Cognitive Psychology, August 1994 Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel B.A., Psychology, June 1991 Personal Convincing Sumi to marry me Achievements Amit (2002) Neta (2006) Employment 2007 – Current: Duke University, Fuqua School of Business & The Center for Cognitive Neuroscience (visiting Professor) 1998 – Current: MIT, Sloan School of Management & the Media Laboratory Other 2001-2002: University of California at Berkeley appointments 2004 (Summer): The Center for Advanced Studies in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford 2005-2007: The Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton Published Dan Ariely (Forthcoming) “Customers’ Revenge 2.0” Harvard Business Papers Review. Dan Ariely and Michael Norton. (Forthcoming) “Psychology and Experimental Economics: A Gap in Abstraction” Current Directions in Psychological Science. Jeana Frost, Zoë Chance, Michael Norton and Dan Ariely. (Forthcoming) “People are Experience Goods: Improving Online Dating with Virtual Dates” Journal of Interactive Marketing. Ariely CV - 1 - Dan Ariely, Emir Kamenica and Drazen Prelec. (Forthcoming) “Man’s Search for Meaning: The Case of Legos.” Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization. Kristina Shampan’er and Dan Ariely. (Forthcoming) “How Small is Zero Price? The True Value of Free Products.” Marketing Science. Uri Simonsohn, Niklas Karlsson, George Loewenstein and Dan Ariely. (Forthcoming) “The Tree of Experience in the Forest of Information: Overweighing Personal Relative to Vicarious Experience.” Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes.
    [Show full text]
  • The Behavioral Economics Guide 2019
    ISSN 2398-2020 THE BEHAVIORAL ECONOMICS GUIDE 2019 $ $ Introduction by Uri Gneezy Edited by Alain Samson behavioraleconomics.com The Behavioral Economics Guide 2019 ISSN 2398-2020 Author information: Alain Samson (Editor) Uri Gneezy (Introduction) Nina Mažar (Guest editorial) Rabya A. AlFadl (Aboab & Co), Kristen Berman (Irrational Labs), Anne Charon (BVA Nudge Unit), Benny Cheung (Decision Technology), Torben Emmerling (Affective Advisory), Antonio M. Espín (Behave4), Jessica Exton (ING), Maria Ferreira (ING), Gregory Gadzinski (Panthera Solutions), Tim Gohmann (Behavioral Science Lab), Evelyn Gosnell (Irrational Labs), Wiam A. Hasanain (Aboab & Co), Christian Hunt, Abbie Letherby (Decision Technology), Ulf Löwenhav (Aalto Capital Group), Jenic Mantashian (BVA Nudge Unit), Joseph Marks (Influence At Work), Stephen Martin (Influence At Work), Jaime Martínez-Brocal (Behave4), Roger Miles (BP&E Global), Shabnam Mousavi (Panthera Solutions), Ed Nottingham (Decision Technology), Elizabeth Nyamayaro (UN Women), David Pascual-Ezama (Behave4), Francisco Reyes (Behave4), Markus Schuller (Panthera Solutions), Laura Straeter (ING), Roos van den Wijngaard (ING) (Contributing authors) Editorial assistant: Andreas Haberl Cover image: Kiran Sandhu Published on www.behavioraleconomics.com by Behavioral Science Solutions Ltd With Further Support By Copyright © by the authors All rights reserved Requests for permission to reproduce materials from this work should be sent to [email protected] or directly to contributing authors Suggested citation: Samson, A. (Ed.)(2019). The Behavioral Economics Guide 2019 (with an Introduction by Uri Gneezy). Retrieved from https://www.behavioraleconomics.com. Suggested citation for individual sections/authors: [Author(s)] (2019). [Chapter/Section Title]. In A. Samson (Ed.), The Behavioral Economics Guide 2019 (with an Introduction by Uri Gneezy) (pp. nnn-nnn). Retrieved from https://www.
    [Show full text]
  • Top 5% Authors, Number of Downloads Through Repec Services Over the Past 12 Months, Weighted by Number of Authors, As of December 2017
    24.01.2018 Economst Rankngs, Number of Downloads through RePEc Servces over the past 12 months, Weghted by Number of Authors | IDEAS/… Printed from https://ideas.repec.org/ Top 5% Authors, Number of Downloads through RePEc Services over the past 12 months, Weighted by Number of Authors, as of December 2017 What this page is about This page is part of a larger set of rankings for research items, serial, individuals and institutions made available on this site. A FAQ is available. Additional detail specific to this particular ranking are: Only authors registered with the RePEc Author Service are considered. Only works listed on RePEc and claimed as theirs by registered authors are counted. Number of downloads in the past 12 months (January 2017-December 2017) from the various RePEc sites (IDEAS, EconPapers, Socionet, NEP). For details, see LogEc. The score of each work is divided by the number of authors. There are 51795 registered authors evaluated for all the rankings. Similar rankings Entity Full ranking Last 10 years 10 best authors Top 5% authors More Authors Short Details Short Details More Institutions Short Details Short Details Short Details All years Last 10 More Regions Short Details Short Details More Same ranking by institutions, countries and regions, and more rankings for authors, including the criteria used here. The rankings Rank Author Score 1 Jeffrey Marc Wooldridge 7630.92 Economics Department, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan (USA) 2 Ben Jann 6521.58 3 Nicholas Cox 6186.5 4 Christopher F Baum 6047.7 Department of Economics, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts (USA) 5 Ilhan Ozturk 5162.8 İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi, Çağ Üniversitesi, Mersin, Turkey Joseph E.
    [Show full text]