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Russian-Speaking Estonians: Bridging the Gap of Understanding

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Russian-Speaking Estonians: Bridging the Gap of Understanding Russian-speaking Estonians: Bridging the Gap of Understanding University of Helsinki Intercultural Encounters 2016-2018 Supervision by Arto Luukkanen, University of Helsinki Katalin Miklossy, University of Helsinki David W. Veney II 1 Abstract: This research explores the way in which the Russian-speaking community of Narva, Estonia perceives their identity and sense of belongingness in relation to Estonia and Russia through self-reflection. Sixteen interviews with residents of Narva reveal perceptions of discrimination and integration and the surrounding discourses on inclusion and exclusion which define and influence how Russian-speaking Estonians balance their relationship with Russian and Estonian societies. The theoretical framework is composed of psychological and sociological theories which examine the individual and social aspects involved in the relationships the interviewees describe. The research underlines the value in having a deeper understanding of minority populations along critical borders to develop appropriate and effective national-level policies which affect the community, country of residence and country of origin of the minority community. This research aims to add to the existing literature focused on the study of minority communities along critical borders in general and Russian-speaking communities spread across the Post-Soviet Space in particular as well as describe the factors that influence their mobilization and transnationalism. Abstrakti: Tämän tutkimuksen tavoitteena on selvittää millä tavalla venäjää puhuva yhteisö Narvassa, Virossa kokee identiteettinsä ja kuulumisensa Viroon ja Venäjään. Identiteettiä ja kuulumisen tunnetta tarkastellaan itsereflektioissa. Kuudentoista Narvassa asuvan ihmisen haastatteluiden kautta paljastetaan havaintoja heidän syrjinnästään ja integraatiostaan sekä haastatteluita ympäröiviä diskursseja sisällyttämisestä ja syrjäytymisestä, jotka vaikuttavat siihen, miten venäjänkieliset ihmiset tasapainottavat suhdettaan sekä Venäjän että Viron yhteiskuntaan. Teoreettisena viitekehyksenä on psykologisia ja sosiologisia teorioita, jotka tutkivat haastateltavien kuvaamia henkilökohtaisia ja sosiaalisia vaikutuksia suhteissansa. Tutkimus korostaa sitä, miten hyödyllistä on ymmärtää syvästi vähemmistöjä jotka asuvat kriittisillä rajoilla, jotta olisi mahdollista kehittää sopivaa ja tehokasta politiikkaa kansallisella tasolla, mikä vaikuttaa vähemmistöihin, heidän asuttamassaan maassa ja heidän alkuperäisessä kotimaassaan. Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on lisätä tietoja tutkimuksen kenttiin, jotka käsittelevät vähemmistöyhteisöä kriittisillä rajoilla ja erityisesti venäjänkielisten yhteisöä, joka on levinnyt entisen Neuvostoliiton läpi sekä kuvailla tekijöitä jotka vaikuttavat heidän mobilisaatioonsa ja transnationalismia. 2 Table of Contents 1. Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………p. 4 1.1. Why study Russian/Estonian relations ………………………………………………p. 5 1.2. Applicable Fields of Research ………………………………………………………p. 6 1.3. Previous Research ……………………………………………………………………p. 8 1.4. Methodology and Theories …………………………………………………………p. 11 1.5. Research Material ……………………………………………………………………p. 13 1.6. Historical Background ………………………………………………………………p. 16 2. Who am I/Who are We? ………………………………………………………………………p. 20 2.1. What is the relationship with Estonia? Residency Social and Cultural Characteristics Mentality Language Final Conclusions about Estonian Relationship 2.2. What is the Relationship with Russia? ………………………………………………p. 41 Family Roots Cultural Roots Institutional Connections Final Conclusions about Russian Relationship 2.3. Who is a Russian-speaking Estonian? ………………………………………………p. 54 Physical and Social Separation from Estonians Ethnic Discrimination from Estonians Economic Differences from Estonians Physical and Social Separation from Russians Isolation from Estonian and Russian Society Recognition and Application of Duality Opportunity and Individual Responsibility Generational Differences in Duality 2.4. Conclusions on Self-perceptions of the Russian-speaking Estonians ………………p. 71 3. Where do I/We belong? ………………………………………………………………………p. 74 3.1. Belongingness ………………………………………………….……………………p. 74 3.2. Place-Belongingness .………………………………………………….……………p. 75 3.3. Interviewees’ Discourses on Belongingness ……………………………………….p. 77 Education Discourse Ida-Virumaa Environment Discourse Physical Interaction Discourse Conclusions from the Discourse Analysis 4. Discussions and Recommendations ….……………………………………………………….p. 84 4.1. Thoughts on Community Mobilization………………………………………………p. 85 Internal Identity Orientation Group Conflict Orientation 4.2. Other Means to Identify Self-perception, Belongingness and Mobilization…………p. 90 4.3. How Might Estonia and Russia Interpret this Research?…………………………….p. 94 Key Take-away points for Russia and Estonia Is the Minority a Threat? How can Governments Affect Belongingness? 5. Conclusions ………………………………………………….…………………………………p. 103 5.1. Can this Research be Applied to a Larger Context? 5.2. Transnationalism Bibliography ………………………………………………….……………………………………………p. 110 Attachments (Upon Request) a. Blank Questionnaires (Russian and English) b. Research Transcripts c. Blank Consent Forms (Russian and English) d. Interview Audio Files 3 Section 1. Introduction Border conflicts are not a new or uncommon issue, particularly when discussing the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union or present-day Russia. Where Russia stops and another county begins has remained a dynamic question. Along Russia’s European borders alone, recent examples of such controversies include the 2003 dispute of the Tuzla island between Russia and Ukraine, the Georgian invasion into South Ossetia in August 2008 with the subsequent recognition of Abkhazia as a “Russian occupied territory” by Georgia, and the 2014 Euromaidan controversy and Ukrainian revolution which led to the annexation of Crimea and Russia’s present-day involvement in the Donbass region of Ukraine. Given this context, Russia’s recent actions; expanding the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), conducting the 2017 West (Запад) large-scale military exercise or launching environmental expeditions into the Artic have raised concern that Russia is in search of its next border incursion. Which of the 14 land-bordering countries (not to mention the additional 7 countries that share a sea border) will find itself in Russia’s crosshairs next? While many factors contributed to the above-mentioned disputes, two constants and strong indicators for future disputes are: the existence of a large population of ethnic Russians on the non-Russian side of the border and the border-country’s openness towards the European Union (EU) or the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, ethnic Russians abroad, particularly those claiming they require protection from an oppressive host country, have given Russia cause to invoke its self-proclaimed mandate to strengthen ties with and protect ethnic Russians across the Post-Soviet Space (PSS).1 This compatriot policy is Russia’s way of exerting influence in the former Soviet states’ domestic affairs and thus ensuring control over the region. With regards to Europe-oriented countries, even before the creation of the Soviet Union, Europe has threatened the security of the Russian Empire’s borders and challenged the idea of Russianness. In Iver Neumann’s book, Russia and the Idea of Europe he underscores the long-standing idea that Russia and Europe have been considered incompatible, summarizing the perspective of the late-1800’s leading natural scientist and author of the book Россия и Эвропа, Nikolay Danilevskiy: “Since Russia and Europe are two different cultural-historical types, it is impossible to adapt European models to 1 For an example citing Russia’s right to defend compatriots abroad is during President Putin’s speech addressing Crimea’s vote for separation from Ukraine. See the Washington Post article “Putin says Russia will protect the rights of Russians Abroad” published 18 March 2014. 4 Russian conditions” (1996, 57). The creation and expansion of NATO in 1949 further exacerbated the divide between Russia and Europe by arming Russia’s cultural and historical opponent with a unified military defense apparatus. One researcher, drawing support from Daniel Deudney and John Ikenberry’s article “The Unravelling of the Cold War Settlement”, explains that NATO has increasingly become a greater threat to Russia over the past twenty years because “NATO was perceived by Moscow to have changed its nature from a collective defence organization to a more aggressive and expansionist alliance as it latterly fought wars in the former Yugoslavia and Afghanistan” (Bowker 2011, 205). The border of Russia and Europe remains a particularly contentious meeting point because the lines drawn on maps or the spheres of influence exerted by Europe and Russia over time have not only divided but also overlapped the people caught in between – a people that share culture, traditions and history with Russia but are viewed as Europeans. 1.1 Why Study Russian/Estonian Relations When returning to the question of which country might find itself facing a border dispute with Russia next, it is not surprising that many researchers, journalists and pundits have suggested that Estonia might be a likely candidate since the country borders Russia and is home to the EU’s third largest Russian-speaking population behind Germany and Latvia according to recent statistics compiled by the CIA World Fact Book (2017, 1). A large concentration
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