Islamophobia As Anti-Muslim Racism: Racism Without “Races,” Racism Without Racists Fanny Müller-Uri and Benjamin Opratko 116-129
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2 ISJ 3(2) About the Cover Kyung Chyun is an illustrator working in Oakland, California. She attended California College of the Arts in San Francisco for BFA in Illustration. Kyung was born and raised in Seoul until the age of twelve when she immigrated to the states. She considers illustration and art to be her American dream as much as that sounds corny. Honors include 2015 New York's Society of Illustrators scholarship. Her portfolio can be found on kyungchyun.com. 3 About the ISJ The Islamophobia Studies Journal is a bi-annual publication that focuses on the critical analysis of Islamophobia and its multiple manifestations in our contemporary moment. ISJ is an interdisciplinary and multi-lingual academic journal that encourages submissions that theorizes the historical, political, economic, and cultural phenomenon of Islamophobia in rela- tion to the construction, representation, and articulation of “Otherness.” The ISJ is an open scholarly exchange, exploring new approaches, methodologies, and contemporary issues. The ISJ encourages submissions that closely interrogate the ideological, discursive, and epistemological frameworks employed in processes of “Otherness”—the complex social, political, economic, gender, sexual, and religious forces that are intimately linked in the historical production of the modern world from the dominance of the colonial/imperial north to the post-colonial south. At the heart of ISJ is an intellectual and collaborative project between scholars, researchers, and community agencies to recast the production of knowledge about Islamophobia away from a dehumanizing and subordinating framework to an eman- cipatory and liberatory one for all peoples in this far-reaching and unfolding domestic and global process. 4 ISJ 3(2) Advisory Board Hishaam Aidi Members School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University, Global Fellow at the Open Society Foundation. Zahra Billoo Executive Director, CAIR San Francisco Bay Area Chapter (CAIR-SFBA). Sohail Daulatzai Program in African American Studies and Department in Film & Media Studies, University of California, Irvine. Nadia Fadil Katholieke Universiteit Leuven-Belgium, Sociology Department, Catholic University of Leuven. Sr. Marianne Farina Theology Department, Dominican School of Philosophy and Theology. Jess Ghannam Psychiatry and Global Health Sciences, School of Medicine, University of California, San Francisco. Sandew Hira International Institute of Scientific Studies, Amsterdam, Holland. Suad Joseph Department of Anthropology and Women and Gender Studies, University of California, Davis. Monami Maulik Founder and Executive Director of DRUM (Desis Rising Up & Moving). Mahan Mirza Zaytuna College, Berkeley, California. Tariq Ramadan Oxford University and Director of Research Centre of Islamic Legislation and Ethics, Doha, Qatar. Junaid Rana Program in Asian American Studies and Department of Anthropology, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. S. Sayyid University of Leeds, United Kingdom. Imam Zaid Shakir Islamic Law and Theology, Zaytuna College. 5 Editorial Board Hatem Bazian Members Islamophobia Research and Documentation Project, University of California, Berkeley. Maxwell Leung Grinnell College and California College of the Arts. Munir Jiwa Center for Islamic Studies, Graduate Theological Union. Rabab Abdulhadi Race and Resistance Studies, San Francisco State University. Ramon Grosfoguel Department of Ethnic Studies, University of California, Berkeley. Editorial Staff Paula Thompson Members Copy Editor, University of California, Berkeley. Susette L. Aguilar Copy Editor, University of California, Berkeley. Hajira Qazi Document Formatting, Maymoon Design. 6 ISJ 3(2) Disclaimer: Statements of fact and opinion in the articles, notes, perspectives, etc. in the Islamophobia Studies Journal are those of the respective authors and contributors. They are not the expression of the editorial or advisory board and staff. No representation, either expressed or implied, is made of the accuracy of the material in this journal and ISJ cannot accept any legal responsibility or liability for any errors or omissions that may be made. The reader must make his or her own evaluation of the accuracy and appropriateness of those materials. 7 Table of Contents Editorial Statement: Trump and the Collapse of Neoliberal Economic Order! Hatem Bazian 9-12 Special Volume Editor’s Statement Comparative Approaches to the Study of Islamophobia in Europe and Beyond Farid Hafez 13-15 Comparing Anti-Semitism and Islamophobia: The State of the Field Farid Hafez 16-34 Islamophobia & Anti-Semitism: Comparing the Social Psychological Underpinnings of Anti-Semitic and Anti-Muslim Beliefs in Contemporary Germany Fatih Ünal 35-55 Islamophobia and Anti-Semitism: Etiological Similarities and Differences among Dutch Youth Jolanda van der Noll and Henk Dekker 56-70 Anti-Muslim Racism in Comparison: Potentials for Countering Islamophobia in the Classroom Eva Kalny 71-84 Examining Islamophobia and Racism in the Netherlands: Practices and Beliefs of Academics, Politicians, and the Police Regarding these Concepts and their Social Aspects Ineke Van der Valk 85-99 Islamophobia & Europhobia: Subaltern Discourse & Its Limits Peter O’Brien 100-115 8 ISJ 3(2) Islamophobia as Anti-Muslim Racism: Racism without “Races,” Racism without Racists Fanny Müller-Uri and Benjamin Opratko 116-129 The Multidimensional Nature of Islamophobia: A Mixed Method Approach to Constructing the Attitudes Toward Muslims Scale (ATMS) Wolfgang Aschauer 130-158 The Paradox of Equal Belonging of Muslims Coskun Canan and Naika Foroutan 159-176 Islamophobia and Criticism of Islam: An Empirical Study of Explanations Using Representative Surveys from Germany A. Heyder and M. Eisentraut 177-198 From “Mohammedan Despotism” to “Creeping Sharia:” Cultural (Re)Productions of Islamophobia in the United States Stephanie Wright 199-213 9 Editorial Statement Trump and the Collapse of Neoliberal Economic Order! The string of right-wing political parties gaining the upper hand in elections across Europe and now joined by Donald Trump’s victory in the U.S. election points to a much bigger phe- nomenon: the collapse of the neoliberal economic and political order. Consequently, focusing on each election outcome across Europe and the U.S. misses the overall global picture and the economic, political and social trends that are at work, which are transforming the world as we know it. Debating the massive influx of immigrants from the global south and from war-torn countries, loss of jobs and decline in income levels in the global north and the rapid demographic shifts caused by them masks the real causes behind them. The economic and political instability across the global south was brought about by policies that have been put in place over a long period of time. These policies were supported by liberal and con- servative parties alike in the U.S. and Europe with devastating impacts across the globe. Political elites across the globe bought into a neoliberal economic model that called for privatization, leveraged financing, expanded public debt, de-regulation, free movement of capital and a manufacturing shift to countries that provided the cheapest labor cost and fewest environmental protection guidelines. Overseeing this neoliberal order was the World Bank and the IMF, the structural bouncers for the global financial system. In a short period of time, the neoliberal economic and political models became the effective blueprint for every country seeking to enter into the global market. Entry into the global market meant disruptions to the local industry and economy, as well as increased dependence on multi-national corporations for down- stream assembly jobs and opportunities. More than anything else, the global market was driven by trickle-up economics to the Northern Hemisphere, and a financial pipeline was set up that sucked every possible penny from the Southern Hemisphere. Neoliberal economic and political order translated into massive uprooting of work force which was coupled with the intrusive long arm of Northern Hemisphere agribusiness that laid claim to vast arable lands and the displacement of farmers from ancestral lands. By disrupting industry and agriculture in the Southern Hemisphere, the multi-national corporations from the global north—which were supported by political elites in the North and corrupt elites in the South—created the needed conditions that resulted in civil and regional wars. Even when we think of the 10 ISJ 3(2) ongoing conflicts in the Middle East, the real stimulus for conflicts in the region centers on oil and natural gas first and foremost, which gets masked by a fictitious and fomented religious tension. Furthermore, the U.S. intervention in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya are intertwined with oil interest and the desire to limit China’s access to this most valuable and strategic resource. The economic destruction in the global south translated into an immigration wave to the North. In addition, the neoliberal economic project led to an intensification of political instability that fed existing cleavages in the global south and caused eruption of civil and regional wars centered on existing natural resources. Neoliberal globalization translated into a globalized trail of consequences, including black market arms trade, violence and the emergence of both state-sponsored and in- dependently commissioned terrorism. The competition among the major players in the neoliberal economic order gave birth