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ORAL HISTORY AS A MEANS OF MORAL REPAIR: JIM CROW AND

THE MEXICAN OF ,

by

Rebecca Dominguez-Karimi

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of

The Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

Florida Atlantic University

Boca Raton, FL

May 2018

Copyright by Rebecca Dominguez-Karimi, 2017

ii ORAL HISTORY AS A MEANS OF MORAL REPAIR: JIM CROW RACISM AND

THE OF SAN ANTONIO, TEXAS

by

Rebecca Dominguez-Karimi

This dissertation was prepared under the direction of the candidate's dissertation advisor, Dr. Sandra Norman, Comparative Studies Program, and has been approved by the members of her supervisory committee. It was submitted to the faculty of the Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters and was accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

SUPERVISORY COMMnTEE:

~~o...... :i N1~"" Sandra Norman, Ph.D.

~~Susan Love Brown, Ph. . 'S:"..,;ae~.~~o~ JosephinBeoku-Betts, Ph.D.

Directo , mparative St ilies Pro? MiC11aeliOfSWclD.~-# Dean, Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts andn:ers . 5"", "Zo/g "~~2.~~ '

iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author offers her sincerest thanks and gratitude to members of her committee

(past and present-Dr. Robin Fiore, Dr. Marta Cruz-Janzen, Dr. Sandra Norman, Dr. Susan

Love Brown, and Dr. Josephine Beoku-Betts) for their guidance, input, and support in bringing this manuscript to fruition. She wishes to especially thank her dissertation advisor, Dr. Sandra Norman, for her patience, advice, and inspiration during the composition of this manuscript. The author also desires to express her gratitude to

Atlantic University’s Department of Research for the Dissertation Year Grant Award that assisted in funding this study.

iv ABSTRACT

Author: Rebecca Dominguez-Karimi

Title: Oral History as a Means of Moral Repair: Jim Crow Racism and the Mexican Americans of San Antonio, Texas

Institution: Florida Atlantic University

Dissertation Advisor: Dr. Sandra Norman

Degree: Doctor of Philosophy

Year: 2018

Oral history’s purposes have metamorphosed from a record of lifeways and stories of the elite to a means of healing for minority communities oppressed by trauma.

This dissertation focuses on the power of oral history to catalyze the restorative justice process of moral repair for victims— the Mexican Americans of Texas—who were traumatized by the and practices prior to 1965. I researched the racial, socio- of Texas from its colonial days up to the Jim Crow historical era of 1876-1965 and utilized archival, legal, and historical sources for my study.

Additionally, I explore theories and frameworks of trauma, structural violence, and restorative justice, and analyze twenty-eight oral histories from the Voces Oral History

Collection (University of Texas, Austin). Lastly, I apply oral history methodology to collect seventeen oral histories for my own project, Project Aztlan.

My findings reveal a community suffering from structural violence—a theory that argues unjust laws harm individuals as much as physical violence. The oral histories

v

unearth several issues: first, both groups of narrators were victims of structural violence as a result of traumatic racism. I anticipated finding traumatic racism, but not on such a broad scale. The results reveal it occurred in all four corners of Texas. Second, these Jim

Crow laws and practices targeted members individually and collectively through racially restrictive housing covenants, segregation of schools/public facilities, job , and disfranchisement or poll taxes. Thirdly, the oral histories demonstrate and legitimize the fact that the Mexican American community deserves atonement, apology and from historically guilty institutions. The State of Texas battered them with mass , disfranchisement, racially restrictive housing covenants, school segregation, and discrimination, oppressing them for over 100 years.

My dissertation concludes that the oral history process helps victims attain moral repair because, similar to moral repair, it also allows them the space to voice their stories of injustice. In turn, the oral historian validates their claims and reconciliation occurs when narrators received vindication through this reparatory process. This acknowledgment fuses broken moral bonds by equalizing members of society.

vi

DEDICATION

This manuscript is dedicated to my family for their untiring support and to my dear husband, Rahman, who helped me in fulfilling my dream of attaining a doctorate. I also dedicate this dissertation to mi gente—the familias Mendoza and Dominguez –for instilling within my soul a profound love and appreciation of my wonderful Mexican heritage. This study would not have been possible without the cooperation of the oral history narrators in providing me the honor and privilege of gathering their life stories and I am forever grateful to them. Lastly, I dedicate this work to my mentor and spiritual father, Rev. Oscar F. Garza for his enthusiasm, vision, and belief in the merits of Projecto

Aztlan.

ORAL HISTORY AS A MEANS OF MORAL REPAIR: JIM CROW RACISM AND

THE MEXICAN AMERICANS OF SAN ANTONIO, TEXAS

LIST OF TABLES ...... xv

ABSTRACT ...... V

CHAPTER 1: OVERVIEW ...... 1

Introduction ...... 1

Project Overview ...... 3

Significance of the Study ...... 4

Oral History Methodology ...... 4

Expected Outcome ...... 5

Racist Beginnings ...... 6

Theories of Trauma, Structural Violence, and Moral Repair ...... 11

Trauma ...... 11

Structural Violence ...... 12

Moral Repair ...... 13

Oral History Methodology ...... 14

Voices of the Barrio ...... 15

Transitional and Restorative Justice Measures for the Alamo City ...... 16

Closing Thoughts ...... 17

CHAPTER 2: RACIST BEGINNINGS ...... 22

Introduction ...... 22

viii

A Note on Terminology ...... 23

In the Beginning 1519 ...... 23

Indigenous Societies in Tejas ...... 28

Colonization of Spanish Tejas 1684 ...... 29

The Founding of San Antonio de Bexar 1718 ...... 31

Anglo Colonies and in Tejas 1822 ...... 32

The 1835 ...... 33

Racism in the New Republic 1836 ...... 34

The Slave Republic: Slave Laws of 1836 & 1837 ...... 34

The New Republic: Lost Lands, Lost people 1836-1845 ...... 35

The Texas Rangers as Agents of the State 1835-1848 ...... 37

Texas Statehood (1845) and the US War with (1846-1848) ...... 39

The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo: Citizenships Rights and the Construction of

Whiteness 1848 ...... 41

Ethnic : , , and Banishments 1848-1879 ...... 42

Ante-bellum Period of Texas: 1840-1865 ...... 43

Texas and the Civil War 1861-1865 ...... 45

The Emancipation Proclamation and Black Codes ...... 45

The Reconstruction in Texas: Blacks in Texas Government ...... 46

Voting Rights for Mexican Americans: The Elusive Dream ...... 47

Tensions Between Blacks and Mexican Americans: Mexican Americans

Replace Black Labor ...... 48

The Curiosity of Jim Crow ...... 48

The Mexican of 1910-1930 ...... 49 ix

Vagrancy Laws and the Exploitation of the Mexican American Worker ...... 50

Growth in San Antonio 1900-1941 ...... 50

No or Dogs Allowed: Segregation and Jim Crow ...... 51

World War I, the Great Depression, and 1914-1939 ...... 53

The Nativist Movement: Jim Crow’s Reform ...... 54

Mutual Aid Societies: The Rise of LULAC ...... 55

LULAC Activism in Texas ...... 56

American GI Forum ...... 59

Texas and the Good Neighbor Commission ...... 60

The Mexican Schools ...... 62

San Antonio ...... 64

The Alamo City Grows Up ...... 65

CHAPTER 3: STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE, TRAUMA, AND MORAL REPAIR ...... 90

Introduction ...... 90

The Many Faces of Trauma ...... 91

Emerging Themes of Trauma ...... 92

Dissociation ...... 93

Toxic Rage ...... 95

Recovery ...... 96

Racism, , and Discrimination ...... 97

Discrimination ...... 98

Traumatic Racism and the Mexican American Community ...... 99

Structural Violence ...... 101

Moral Repair ...... 105 x

Voice, Validation, and Vindication ...... 109

Making Amends ...... 109

Conclusion ...... 110

CHAPTER 4: ORAL HISTORY METHODOLOGY ...... 118

Research Question ...... 118

Journey to La Trinidad Iglesia Methodista ...... 118

History of La Trinidad Iglesia Methodista ...... 119

Oral History Methodology ...... 120

Limitations of the Study ...... 125

Research Assumptions ...... 127

Overview of the Research Design ...... 128

Methods Used to Gather Information ...... 129

Interview Day ...... 131

The Transcript Phase ...... 133

Challenges of the Study ...... 133

Background Information: Project Aztlan ...... 138

Geographical Origin ...... 138

Age, Gender, and Marital Status ...... 139

Armed Forces ...... 139

Education ...... 139

Occupational Background ...... 139

Socio-Economic Backgrounds ...... 140

Background Information: University of Texas, Austin-Voces ...... 141

Geographical Origin ...... 141 xi

Age, Gender, and Marital Status ...... 142

Armed Forces ...... 142

Education ...... 142

Occupational Background ...... 143

Socio-Economic Backgrounds ...... 144

Closing Thoughts: Information About the Data Generated ...... 144

CHAPTER 5: VOCES OF THE BARRIO ...... 151

The Trajectory of Racism From 1929 to 1965 ...... 151

The Great Depression: 1929-1939 ...... 158

Jim Crow and Racially Restricted Housing Covenants ...... 158

UT Voces Narrators ...... 158

Project Aztlan Narrators ...... 159

Jim Crow in Education ...... 161

UT Voces Narrators ...... 161

Project Aztlan Narrators ...... 165

Voting ...... 178

UT Voces Narrators ...... 178

Poverty ...... 178

UT Voces Narrators ...... 178

Project Aztlan Narrators ...... 180

World War II (WWII), 1940-1945 ...... 186

Segregation/Discrimination ...... 186

UT Voces Narrators ...... 186

Jim Crow in Education ...... 188 xii

Project Aztlan Narrators ...... 188

WWII, Women, and Jobs ...... 190

UT Voces Narrators ...... 190

Project Aztlan Narrators ...... 191

Post WWII 1946-1953 ...... 192

Jim Crow and Racially Restrictive Housing Covenants ...... 192

UT Voces Narrators ...... 192

Jim Crow in Education ...... 193

UT Voces Narrators ...... 193

Project Aztlan Narrators ...... 194

Voting Rights ...... 196

Project Aztlan Narrators ...... 196

Segregation/Discrimination ...... 197

UT Voces Narrators ...... 197

Project Aztlan Narrators ...... 200

Civil Rights era 1954-1965 ...... 204

Racism in the Changing Landscape of the US ...... 204

Segregation/Discrimination ...... 204

UT Voces Narrators ...... 204

Project Aztlan Narrators ...... 207

Voting Rights ...... 209

UT Voces Narrators ...... 209

Project Aztlan Narrators ...... 210

Closing Thoughts: The Trajectory of Racism ...... 211 xiii

Conclusion ...... 212

Righting Wrongs: Past US Apologies ...... 221

A New Framework for Responsibility, Repair, and Reconciliation ...... 222

Responsibility ...... 223

Moral Repair: Voice, Validation and Vindication ...... 225

Reparations for the Mexican American Community in San Antonio ...... 226

Reconciliation ...... 230

Moral Relationship Neo-Genesis: Apology ...... 235

APPENDICES ...... 247

Appendix A ...... 248

Terminology ...... 248

Appendix B ...... 256

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 263

xiv

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 Project Aztlan Narrators ...... 152

Table 2 University of Texas Austin Voces Project Narrators ...... 153

xv

CHAPTER 1: OVERVIEW

Introduction

Texas is famous for its history. Yet few realize its history as one of the Southern slave states. Like its Confederate fellows, following the end of Reconstruction in 1879 it began redefining its Race Codes as repressive Jim Crow laws. Texas also enforced these laws and practices against its Mexican American and I argue that the vestiges of Jim Crow continue to be practiced on these . My study investigates the racial and socio-cultural noting how the oppressive laws and practices traumatized its Mexican American population. Furthermore, it investigates if oral history can bring about the transitional/restorative justice process of moral repair and atonement for a community, such as the Mexican Americans of Texas, traumatized by the structural violence caused by racist de jure and de facto Jim Crow laws practiced before 1965.

Despite an increasing collection of historical scholarship on racism among the Mexican

Americans of Texas, historians neglect to seriously examine the types of trauma inflicted on this by prejudicial practices.

I delve into the nature of trauma, its destructive effects, and the fractures it invisibly hammers into the social systems, concluding with an investigation into what measures will assist the Mexican Americans of Texas (San Antonio in particular) with potential reparatory processes. The trauma that these discriminatory laws and practices inflicted upon marginalized social groups continues to be overlooked since these practices remain hidden, buried deep within the structures of society.1 Yet some

1

researchers argue hegemonic social structures are difficult to ignore. These controlling systems destroy and mutilate lives “as surely as the bullet and the knife”2 as statistician and peace researcher Tord Hoivik avers in his demographic study of structural violence.

Furthermore, the structures wreak havoc upon the more vulnerable lower classes of a society in a collective, rather than individual manner through factors like decreased life expectancy, accessibility to societal resources and penury. Correspondingly, these inequitable practices permeated the structures of Texas society and robbed Mexican

Americans of agency and voice.

This study explores how Mexican Americans can achieve a lost agency and voice since their history of oppression remains suppressed and forgotten. Substantial historical evidence verifies racist practices against leading up to and during the

Jim Crow historical era of 1876-1965, but I contend that a paucity of information exists regarding racism against the Mexican American community. Historically, a majority of

Texans regarded people of Mexican ancestry as sub-standard human beings and these second-class citizens experienced de jure and de facto segregation similar to Blacks. Skin color and or Afro Mestizo appearance or phenotype served as a means of differentiation and valuation: the darker the hue, the worse the life chances.3 A sign outside the doors of many Texas businesses characterized their status best: “No dogs,

Negroes or Mexicans allowed.”4 Texans rejected the Mexicans’ Caucasian status as several Mexican American historians confirm and White historian T.R. Fehrenbach corroborates those assumptions.5 Fehrenbach notes that Whites considered the Mexican

American population as equivalent to Blacks and almost all forms of discrimination applied to them. Anglos subjected them to segregation and discrimination practices and considered them a “separate depressed .”6 Historians further substantiate White 2

hegemonic social structures victimized Mexican Americans. Most Texas counties segregated towns and public schools; local governments politically disenfranchised

Mexican Americans and many counties forbade this from marrying Whites.

This treatment continued until the Civil Rights Act of 1965; sadly, some continues outside of the legal framework today. Investigating the history of Texas, Mexican

American historian David Montejano notes that the Mexicans of Texas residing there prior to annexation by the in 1845 endured a constant state of terror caused by war, colonization, and occupation by foreign powers.7 I further examine the resulting trauma inflicted by these colonizing social structures.

Project Overview

My study focuses on the Mexican American population and their racial/ethnic history. Selecting San Antonio and the surrounding area for my research, I discovered it represents a microcosm of Texan society. Pockets of varying ethnic communities (Black,

Czech, German, Italian, Japanese, Jewish, Mexican, Polish, Scotch-Irish, Syrian) surround its perimeter. Native San Antonian scholar Roberto Rosales analyzed once common discriminatory practices in his book, The Illusion of Inclusion, that prevailed in

San Antonio: poll taxes, annual voter registrations, school segregation, and of the African American and Mexican American political districts. He argues that because of district splitting, minority groups in San Antonio lacked proportional political representation. Only recently has equal political representation been achieved. Based upon the work of Rosales and others, I explored and analyzed San

Antonio’s documented history of discrimination by utilizing oral history methods to gather life stories from residents who experienced racism firsthand.

3

Significance of the Study

Studies on the Mexican American population of San Antonio and Texas remain sparse. In terms of oral history projects, few study the Mexican Americans of Texas.

Bibliographic searches provided documentation that a scarcity of information exists.

Based upon my personal contacts with the Texas Oral History Association, Baylor

University, the University of Texas at Austin, and the University of Texas at San

Antonio’s Institute of Texan , a limited number of Mexican American oral histories were available. Not usually considered victims of racial and structural violence like African Americans, Mexican Americans suffered the harmful effects of trauma nonetheless. Certainly, the Mexican American community requires assistance as recent medical studies highlight the increase in pathologies correlating to racism. Paucity exists in literature studying the correlation between bigoted practices against Mexican

Americans and structural violence. Likewise, its correlation to trauma and moral repair remain weak.

Oral History Methodology

Oral history enlists several goals: to reveal the lives of everyday people, to empower individuals whose lives are affected by oppressive practices, and to provide psychological benefits. operate as a political act as Nobel Prize winner

Rigoberta Menchu states: “This is my testimony…I’d like to stress that it’s not only my life, it’s also the testimony of my people…the important thing is that what has happened to me has happened to many people too.”8 In conceptualizing the project, the Texas

Oral History Association along with scholars at Baylor University, the University of

Texas, and Our Lady of the Lake University informed me that gaps in Mexican American scholarship prevailed and the news provided an open door. I pursued the topic and 4

geographic area of my choice, selecting San Antonio as the site for my research.

Realizing the importance of obtaining a sizeable number of oral histories, San Antonio contains numerous well-established Mexican American neighborhoods and institutions to survey. My mother’s stories of encounters with racism come to mind and it remains the most pressing issue for me. I remember her telling me how she couldn’t sit at the front of the bus because she was “Mexican.”9 My own flood to the forefront as I my own experience of being sent to the principal’s office for speaking Spanish on the school play ground, re-living the fear and shame I felt for speaking my native tongue. I desire to collect stories of racial bias for several reasons: firstly, selective about racism in the Mexican American community exists since African

American race issues often overshadow it. Secondly, life stories from the Mexican

American community need to be heard and recorded for future generations before they are lost forever, and lastly since these stories epitomize racism on a collective level, others benefit from hearing tales similar to their own.

Expected Outcome

According to trauma scholars, oral history provides trauma victims with valuable psychological assistance in the form of and resolution from past conflicts. By relating their story, they gain their voice; by having their claim acknowledged, they gain validation. Ultimately, reconciliation takes place when they gain vindication by being offered this form of reparation. Lastly, with the entry of the oral history interviews into the public sphere, the tales of trauma will affect the community effort to begin the reparative process.10

I analyzed the oral histories of the Mexican Americans in San Antonio according to philosopher Margaret Walker’s framework of moral repair. Walker asserts that moral 5

repair encompasses the restoration, creation of trust and hope for victims of violations. A form of restorative justice, moral repair mends and restores relationships because it recognizes victims’ trauma and hold those who perpetrated harm against the community as responsible. It calls upon those wronged to tell their stories, to receive apologies for the crimes committed and offers some form of repair. She based her research on victims of human rights violations and the importance of relating their traumatic episodes to others that placed the trauma into a more comprehensible framework within their life history. The Mexican American oral histories, it seems to me, parallel Walker’s theory of moral repair because the process provides victims with

Walker’s three V’s: Voice-because they narrate their story; Validation-because one willingly hears their experiences; and Vindication-because another acknowledges the wrong.11

In like manner, ethicist Linda Radzik’s reconciliation theory of interpersonal atonement affirms institutions and their constituents are ethically bound and responsible to acknowledge past wrongs, make amends, repair the damage and re-establish themselves as trustworthy agents after breaking moral ties.12 Radzik and other scholars who address racism—African American for example—suggest various restorative measures ranging from apology, to oral history collections of victims, to libraries, to museums that house cultural artifacts to engender cultural/racial pride. In my conclusion I suggest forms of amends for the Mexican American community of San Antonio. For this group, the situation differs from the African American, although similar.

Racist Beginnings

In Chapter Two I discuss the history of segregation and discrimination that the

Mexicans of Texas endured over the ages. I explore the initial beginnings of New 6

(Mexico) at the time of the Aztec Conquest in 1519 through the Spanish Colonial period

(1519-1821) to the Mexican and Texan Republics and ending with the US takeover in

1848. The Spanish colonization of Mexico lasted three centuries and unlike the sanitized version that characterizes it as a seamless process, historical records reveal that sacrificed many innocent indigenous lives in the transition. Mexican anthropologist

Miguel Leon-Portilla’s revisionist outlook in Broken Spears: The Aztec Account of the

Conquest of Mexico frames the Aztec conquest from their perspective—one long hidden from view—to reveal Spanish barbarity. Portilla utilized the Florentine Codex written by

Fray Bernadino Sahagun and his students at the College of Santa Cruz and Historia de

Tlaxcala by Diego Munoz Camargo for much of his account. The Florentine Codex manuscript represents a valuable anthropological study of Aztec . Sahagun arrived in Mexico in 1529—a few years after the Spanish Conquest—and started writing the

Florentine Codex or Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva Espana in 1540. Closely following behind, Fray Jeronimo de Mendieta’s Historia Eclesiástica Indiana vividly illustrated the plight of the of the Americas and the they suffered under Spanish colonial rule, including enslavement and death. The Historical

Encyclopedia of World Slavery sheds light on the taking of Indian slaves by Spaniards and the subsequent development of slavery in colonial Mexico. Cristián Andrés Roa-de- la Carrera’s Histories of Infamy: Francisco Lopez De Gomara and the of Spanish

Imperialism translates Spanish historian Francisco Lopez de Gomara’s (1553) and Fray

Bernado Las Casas’s (1550) documented accounts of mistreatment of the natives by the conquistadors. Robert H. Jackson and Edward D. Castillo’s book, Indians, Franciscans, and Spanish Colonization: The Impact of the Mission System on Indians details the tyranny of the priests upon their Indian wards. These historical works 7

document the harsh realities of Spanish colonization and the strict codes they imposed on indigenous peoples to make them “civilized.”13

Spaniards aggressively pursued colonization in the Tejas territory after Spain discovered French intrusion in 1684 based upon Juan Olivan de Rebolledo’s “Letter to

King Phillip V on the French Incursions into Tejas.”14 King Phillip V reacted by ordering the colonization of Tejas. Spanish soldiers, Mestizo soldiers, and priests soon made their mark in Tejas—disrupting the indigenous peoples who inhabited the area. Colonial

Indian policies varied over the next hundred and fifty years to reflect evolving attitudes from the different settlers and eventually the fusion of peoples and cultures emerged into what Jose Vasconcelos called “the cosmic race.”15 Vasconcelos understood the difference between Mexico and the United States. Mexicans valued racial blending and utilized to colonize Tejas as a means to subdue, incorporate, or restructure the fierce tribal peoples that dwelt there. By 1773, small settlements increased in numbers and the San Antonio area flourished. In 1821 Spain opened the territory of Tejas to Anglo immigrants from the US.

With the introduction of US immigrants into Tejas, attitudes towards indigenous peoples changed. Anglos believed staunchly in racial purity, preferred to exterminate tribal people, and considered them a menace. White settlers held the racially mixed

Mexicans in similar regard. In Mexican Americans in Texas History: Selected Essays

Mexican American historian David Montejano argues that the Texan colonizers considered Mexicans intellectually inferior, dirty half-breeds. Whites sought to displace them from their lands and segregated most of them from their social circles, including the elite. The increased in severity after US annexation as laws took effect.16 One only need observe how modern day societies convulse during occupation by another country 8

to realize the hardships—imagine how indigenous and Mexican residents of Texas endured such repression. From 1836-1848 three countries, (Mexico, the Republic of

Texas and the United States) constantly disrupted inhabitants as their armies occupied, re-occupied, colonized, and re-colonized the Tejas territory.17

Historian Gary Anderson documented the history of Texas from its original indigenous inhabitants and the that occupied the various geographical areas to the repressive genocidal policies that the Texas forefathers instituted to gain territory.

Chicana ethnologist Martha Menchaca demonstrated how Anglos treated Mexican

Americans who displayed indigenous (Mestizo) features as tribal peoples and denied them citizenship rights—despite the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo that granted all

Mexicans with Caucasian status and US citizenship. Several Mexican American scholars argue that Anglo usurpers subjected frontier Mexicans and Mexican Americans to a succession of colonization, land displacement, change of rule, and racial/ethnic subordination. Furthermore, they relegated them to second-class citizenship in their homeland, mirroring problems that existed in the Middle East and South Africa.18

As with many colonized territories, early Anglo historians expunged the truth concerning the plight of Mexican Americans from Texas history. Fortunately, the contemporary work of revisionist Mexican American historians like Carolina Crimm and

Arnoldo De Leon partially fills a wide gap in scholarship, especially as concerns the inhabitants of Texas. The Texas Revolution poses a different challenge as historians differ on its multifactorial causes. Bejar (San Antonio’s early name) and its populace underwent military takeovers, regime changes, and colonization four times within a year’s time span. These victims of trauma lived under constant fear and suspicion, suffering the most of any city in Texas.19 9

The next section begins with a discussion on the perspectives of Mexican

American historians. In Aztecas del Norte, historian-anthropologist Jack Forbes corroborated historian Arnoldo De Leon’s assertions about the colonization policies, pogroms, and Mexican Americans’ lack of as compared to Whites. This information led to my research and analysis of the genocidal policies of the Texas

Rangers, the Texas forefathers, and their racist practices from historical documents at the

University of Texas, Austin’s Dolph Briscoe Center for American History. I also explored the racist/discriminatory practices of de jure and de facto segregation from the

1920s-1950s from original documents located in the Benson Latin American Collection at the University of Texas, Austin. Many documents came from the George I. Sanchez papers and from the Court of Civil Appeals of Texas. A report by the Mexican Consulate

General, Miguel Calderon, documents the segregationist policies in effect in the state of

Texas in the 1940s and how racially restrictive housing covenants ensured Mexican

Americans’ confinement to certain geographic areas, (for my purposes) primarily the

West Side of San Antonio.20

Sociologist Everett Clinchy along with Mexican American historians David

Montejano and Neil Foley noted the discrimination in education, civil rights, and equality of pay as a deliberate attempt by the politically powerful agribusiness sector to keep its low paid field-hands ignorant. Statistics from 1940-1950 reflect these educational policies as they show that most school children dropped out after the fourth grade.

More recent scholars identify San Antonio as the locale of inequality for students, blaming it on past laws, school board decisions, and local ordinances. Peace researchers

Johan Galtung and Tord Hoivik discuss the inherent structural violence within racist societies that negatively affect marginalized groups. In closing, one can visualize the 10

problems caused by structural violence in the Mexican American community of San

Antonio and how past traumas resemble the contemporary situations of Latin America, the Middle East, and South Africa. 21

Theories of Trauma, Structural Violence, and Moral Repair

Trauma

Chapter 3 includes the conceptual development of the theories of trauma. I discuss the leading scholars of trauma, their theories, the different types of psychological trauma, and the effects on the individual and the community. Trauma theorists argue that when subjecting human beings to persistent horrific events such as structural violence, they suffer various types of psychological trauma from post-traumatic stress syndrome, to depression and anxiety, to loss and rage. Anthropologist Ernest Becker’s work on survival, Escape from Evil, explains the capacity for oppression the powerful exercise over others, and the ruthless trauma they inflict. Becker argues that the inevitable urges to deny mortality and attain a heroic self-image are the core causes of human evil.

Ironically, by trying to avoid evil, individuals bring greater evil into the world. The evil comes in varied forms causing a breakdown in the moral paradigm that binds humanity.22

Theoretical trajectories travel from scientific arenas into societal and moral spheres when scholars analyze societies fragmented under the pressure of torture, death squads and . Victims of trauma benefit when they speak out against their perpetrators and question the collapse of the ethical model that restrains humanity. The action of voicing one’s trauma encourages a restoration process. Traumas inflicted by racism damage the community similarly as peace researcher Johan Galtung suggests.23

11

Structural Violence

Theories of structural violence concern one of the core concepts in this study.

Structural violence represents a form of social injustice whose effects damage individuals and communities. Originally proposed by the founder of the Norwegian Peace Institute,

Johan Galtung, in his article “Violence, Peace and Peace Research” the author established how this violence permeates institutions and kills members of sub-altern groups as powerfully as warfare, genocide, or famine. I reject the term social injustice instead favoring the term structural violence because as an invisible form of violence, it embeds itself within the social system, causing harm. By denying individuals and groups access to society’s resources like education, employment, food, water, and healthcare, this inequality leads to physical and psychological violence.24

As victims of racial prejudice and segregation, the oppression the Mexican

American community suffered corresponds to what Galtung and his colleague Hoivik define as structural violence. As Hoivik argues, “the term structural violence may be rejected, but its content will reappear under other names: discrimination, exploitation, injustice.”25 The researcher notes that when a society’s resources remain accessible to only the upper classes, the poor experience decreased life chances. Similarly, anthropologist-physician Paul Farmer in Pathologies of Power observed first hand that structural violence occurs through hegemonic means by a particular social class against a marginalized class, traumatizing its poverty-stricken victims.26

Structural violence embodies within its semiotic domain the damage that oppressive social structures inflict upon people’s lives and bodies. Psychosomatic illnesses like anxiety and depression are not measurable like hypertension or malnutrition; as a result, few perceive the alien concept of structural violence. 12

Unfortunately, fewer still comprehend they have lived with this typology of violence and endured its effects over the course of their lifetimes.27

Several theorists recognize structural violence but call it other names. In his landmark work, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Paulo Freire isolated the concept and called it , while philosopher Antonio Gramsci, in his Prison Notebooks, visualized the oppressed as deeply embedded in a complex societal system called hegemony.28 Other theorists sought to assist individuals and the community to repair themselves after such traumatic events. Philosopher Margaret Urban Walker’s framework of moral repair exemplifies one such example.

Moral Repair

This section concerns moral repair. According to Walker’s book, Moral Repair, this concept represents the restoration and creation of trust and hope “in a shared sense of value and responsibility” and involves a form of “restorative justice” that can mend, restore, or even heal relationships by “acknowledging the needs of victims and requiring accountability of those responsible for harm, through truth-telling, apology, and restitution or compensation.”29 Oral historian Roseanne Kennedy framed the goal of oral history as “a plea for special treatment, or as a demand for compensation” to communicate the harm from “misguided policies, to mount moral campaign for apology, to invite empathy, and to legitimate claims for reparation.”30 I reflected upon these words, realizing that the process of obtaining moral repair could be likened to the gathering of a life story. I propose moral repair relates to oral history and theorize that the oral history process can lead to both individual and collective atonement and racial reconciliation caused by segregation and discrimination practices like those that existed in Texas.

Additionally, I look to the precepts of atonement raised by philosopher Linda Radzik in 13

her book Making Amends: Atonement in , Law, and Politics where she visited the historical injustices committed by the of Ireland against the

Magdalen penitents in the name of atonement. Radzik’s reconciliation theory of interpersonal atonement affirms institutions and their constituents as responsible for past wrongs, holding them duty bound to amend, repair and re-establish themselves as moral agents following transgressions.31

Oral History Methodology

Chapter 4 relates to oral history methodology. The research question that was foremost in my mind was: can oral history bring about the transitional/restorative justice process of moral repair and atonement for a community, such as the Mexican Americans of Texas, traumatized by the structural violence caused by racist de jure and de facto Jim

Crow laws practiced before 1965? In order to adequately research this type of problem I looked to various methodologies. I knew I required a qualitative one as a quantitative one would not contain the flexibility and elasticity required for this question. I selected the oral history methodology because it collects autobiographies, biographies and life histories from participants, both elite and non-elite. This methodology allowed me to gather life histories from the Mexican American community to gain more complete understandings and perspectives about life under the oppressive Jim Crow laws and practices. Psychologist Manuel Ramirez, who works with the Latino population, argues the life history method reveals multiple factors that impact and create the Latino/a personality, thus it furthered my preference for this mode of research.32

Several assumptions underpinned my study: Race and ethnicity are social constructs, the ways in which the Jim Crow laws affected this community (school segregation based upon language, racially restrictive housing covenants, poll taxes, 14

segregation/discrimination of public/private facilities, ineligibility for certain job positions), the presence of structural violence in the legal framework and institutions, both de-jure and de-facto.

I conducted my research in the Mexican American community of San Antonio,

Texas with the members of La Trinidad Methodist Church—one of the first Mexican

American Protestant congregations in San Antonio. They had numerous multigenerational families in their congregation, thus allowing me to collect oral histories from several generations. The church is located in the heart of the Westside barrio and all the research participants had their origins in this minority neighborhood, thus they were more likely to experience the effects of racist practices most acutely. I was also curious to see the effect the church had on the study group members as I wondered if this institution provided them with a safe haven from the racist oppression exerted upon them by the dominant power group.

Voices of the Barrio

Chapter 5 contains the data analysis. I studied 28 life stories from the University of Texas, Austin’s Voces collection and focused on this group based upon their experiences of racism. I also requested one oral history that was in the church archives at

La Trinidad Methodist. This addition plus those from my own study, Project Aztlan, increased the total to 17 narratives. As the interpreter of the life histories, I analyzed them for similarities and differences in racist related themes, experiences, and attitudes to visualize the trajectory of racism through several historical time periods ranging from their early childhood in the 1920s and the Great Depression era, to pre-WWII era, WWII era, post WWII era to 1965. I then sorted and placed the results in historical time periods

15

in order to write the comparison and contrasts within the Voces group from the

University of Texas, Austin and my Project Aztlan group.

Transitional and Restorative Justice Measures for the Alamo City

In Chapter 6, I offer a synthesis of Margaret Walker’s framework for moral repair and Linda Radzik’s reconciliation theory of interpersonal atonement to apply to the

Mexican American community of San Antonio. This new model seeks reparation for past historical wrongs. I discuss the findings, how they relate to moral repair, and the reconciliation theory of interpersonal atonement and offer suggestions on how the state of

Texas, the County of Bexar, and the city of San Antonio can atone for past (and present) discriminatory policies.

In Atonement and Forgiveness, reparative justice scholar Roy Brooks advocates

Black history museums, scholarship funds, and other reparations for the long history of enslavement, oppression, and racism that African Americans suffered.33 Linda Radzik proposed similar measures plus apology by the offending institutions. The oral histories I enlist determine whether or not the same measures can be used for Mexican Americans as their situation differs, albeit similar. It is tragic to merely dismiss their situations as being the same. The Mexican American community must have their voices heard so others may benefit from their experiences. I favor opening an oral history institute, library, and museum where one can record one’s life experiences due to structural violence, immigration abuses, or other issues that arise from racist, xenophobic mandates.

Unlike the African Americans who came over as slaves, Mexican Americans represent the original landowners and settlers of the Mexican territory of Tejas—be they indigenous, Spaniards, Afro-Mestizos, or Mestizos. Indigenous tribes occupied the Tejas 16

territory mixing with Mexican soldiers, Afro-Mestizos, Mestizos and Spaniards who immigrated willingly. As landowners they enjoyed certain rights and privileges, unlike slaves. After the Texas Revolution and subsequent annexation of Texas by the United

States of America, Mexicans suffered the trauma of colonization, racism and discrimination—indigenous peoples received the worst fate, being doubly colonized by

Spaniards and the United States of America. Anglos illegally dispossessed these groups of their land, language, culture, and freedom; they suddenly became pariahs— foreigners—in their own country. This group sorely deserves reparation. I determine what the moral repair for this group looks like and in so doing gain a thorough understanding of the racism against Mexican Americans. In effect, oral history serves as an anchor for the authentic stories of the Mexican American people.

Closing Thoughts

I concluded the dissertation with a summary of my key findings on oral history as a means of moral repair in the Mexican American community of San Antonio, Texas referencing my initial expectations and if they were met.34 I revealed my conclusions about the study with an eye towards future research. Recommendations were made related to possible research topics on the Mexican American community and about the oral history process and its importance as a means of restorative justice. This topic should be of great interest to oral historians. I looked at different fields such as Texas history,

Chicano history, oral history, restorative justice, and ethics where my results would be of value and add to the existing body of knowledge. I capped off my project with the hope that Mexican American scholars will increase in numbers and gain access to a higher education once denied them.

17

Endnotes Chapter 1

1 Johan Galtung, "Violence, Peace, and Peace Research," Journal of Peace Research 6, no. 3 (1969), 172.

2 Tord Hoivik, "The Demography of Structural Violence," Journal of Peace Research 14, no. 1 (1977): 59-60.

3 Frank F. Montalvo, and G. Edward Codina, "Skin color and Latinos in the United States" Ethnicities no. 1 (2001), 321-341, doi: 10.1177/146879680100100303. For my purposes, the term phenotyping consists of the act of evaluating an individual’s worth based upon phenotype or one’s skin color and “Mestizo” or “Afro Mestizo” (Native American and Black) features. As Montalvo and Codina assert, the more pronounced one’s physical features, the worse one’s life chances.

4 “NO DOGS, NEGROES, MEXICANS.” Lonestar Restaurant Association, , Texas. Printed “Jim Crow” sign, n.d. Black History Collection, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress (024.00.00). http://www.loc.gov/exhibits/civil-rights- act/segregation-era.html#obj024.

5 Arnoldo De Leon, Mexican Americans in Texas: A Brief History (Arlington Heights: H. Davidson, 1993), 176; Neil Foley, The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture (Berkeley: University of California Press,1997), 326; Ariela Gross, “'The Caucasian Cloak’: Mexican Americans and the Politics of Whiteness in the 20th Century Southwest," Georgetown Law Journal no. 95 (2006), 11, 30; Martha Menchaca, Recovering History Constructing Race: The Indian, Black, and White Roots of Mexican Americans (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2001), 287, 291.

6 T. R. Fehrenbach, Lone Star: A History of Texas and the Texans (New York: Da Capo Press. 2000), 297.

7 De Leon, Mexican Americans, 176; Fehrenbach, Lone Star, 751; Matt S Meier and Feliciano Ribera. Mexican Americans, American Mexicans: from Conquistadors to (New York: Hill and Wang, 1993); David Montejano, "Old Roads, New Horizons," in Mexican Americans in Texas History, eds. Emilio Zamora, Cynthia Orozco and Rodolfo Rocha (Austin: Texas State Historical Society, 2000), 19-29; Suzanna Oboler, Ethnic Labels Latino Lives: Identity and the Politics of (Re)Presentation in the United States, (Minneapolis: University of Press,1995); Texas is famous for having endured 6 flags or countries over them—Spain, Mexico, , the Texan Republic, the Confederacy, and the United States.

8 Rigoberta Menchu, , I Rigoberta Menchu: An Indian Woman in Guatemala, trans. Elisabeth Burgos Debray, (: Verso, 1984), 1.

18

9 De Leon, Mexican Americans; Oboler, Ethnic Labels. The a term “Mexican” is used in pejorative sense by some Whites and as a self-descriptive term of ethnicity by some Mexican Americans. It also represents a person from Mexico, or in some cases one’s Mexican ethnicity.

10 Shoshana Felman, and Dori Laub, Testimony: Crises of Witnessing in Literature, Psychoanalysis, and History (New York: Routledge, 1992); , Trauma and Recovery (New York: Basic Books. 1992); Roseanne Kennedy, "Stolen Generations Testimony: Trauma, Historiography, and the Question of 'Truth,'" in The Oral History Reader, ed. Robert Perks and Alistair Thomson (New York: Routledge, 2007); Alicia Partnoy, The Little School: Tales of Disappearance & Survival in Argentina (Pittsburgh: Cleis Press, 1986); Jonathan Shay, Achilles in Vietnam: Combat Trauma and the Undoing of Character (New York: Atheneum, 1994), 497; Margaret Urban Walker, Moral Repair: Reconstructing Moral Relations after Wrongdoing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 212.

11 Walker, Moral Repair, 15, 18-19, 38.

12 Linda Radzik, Making Amends: Atonement in Morality, Law, and Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 40, 50, 177, 185-190.

13 Miguel Leon-Portilla, Broken Spears: The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico 2nd Edition (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1992), 119-120; Fray Jeronimo de Mendieta, “The Spiritual Conquest” in The Mexico Reader, ed. Gilbert M. Joseph and Timothy J. Henderson (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002), 114-121; Cristián Andrés Roa-de-la Carrera, Histories of Infamy: Francisco Lopez De Gomara and the Ethics of Spanish Imperialism (Boulder, CO: University Press of Colorado, 2005), 192- 200; Robert H. Jackson and Edward D. Castillo, Indians, Franciscans, and Spanish Colonization: The Impact of the Mission System on California Indians (Albuquerque: University of Press, 1996), 82-85; Junius P. Rodriguez, ed., The Historical Encyclopedia of World Slavery, Vol. 1, (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 1997).

14 Juan Olivan de Rebolledo, “Letter to King Phillip V on the French Incursions into Tejas,” December 24, 1717, Bexar Archives, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, The University of Texas at Austin, Box 2S25.

15 Jose Vasconcelos, "The Cosmic Race," in The Mexican Reader, ed. Gilbert Joseph and Timothy Henderson (Chapel Hill: Duke University Press, 2002), 15-19.

16 Montejano, "Old Roads, New Horizons," 19-29.

17 Mooney and Morrison, “” in Directory of the City of San Antonio, 1877-1878 (San Antonio: Texana Genealogy Department, Central San Antonio Library, 1878), 24-26; Rodolfo Acuna, Occupied America: A History of Chicanos (New York: Harper and Row, 1981), 7-10.

19

18 Gary Clayton Anderson, The Conquest of Texas: in the Promised Land, 1820-1875 (Norman: University of Press, 2005); Menchaca, Recovering History; Meier and Ribera, Mexican Americans; De Leon, Mexican Americans; David Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836-1986 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987).

19 Fehrenbach, Lone Star, 1; Mooney and Morrison, “History of San Antonio,” 24-26.

20 Forbes. Aztecas; De Leon, Mexican Americans, 1993; Adams, 1819; Lamar 1838; Clifton George Co. v. Great Southern Life Insurance Co., 234 S.W. 705 Westlaw (1921); Austin v. Richardson et al., 278 S.W. 513 Westlaw (1926); George I. Sanchez Papers, Benson Latin American Collection, General Libraries, University of Texas at Austin.

21 E. S. Bogardus, The Mexican in the United States (San Francisco: R & E Research Publishers),1970; Everett Ross Clinchy, Equality of Opportunity for Latin- Americans in Texas (New York: Arno Press), 1974; Fehrenbach, Lone Star; Galtung, “Peace Research;” Hoivik, “Demography;” Pauline Kibbe, in Texas, 2nd ed. (New York: Arno Press), 1946; Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans; Montejano, “Old Roads. New Horizons.”

22 Ernest Becker, Escape from Evil (New York: Free Press), 1975; Ariel Dorfman, Death and the Maiden (New York: Penguin Books), 1992; Felman, and Laub, Testimony; Herman, Trauma and Recovery; Shay, Achilles in Vietnam.

23 Ariel Dorfman, Death and the Maiden, 1992; Anne P. DePrince, and Jennifer Freyd, "The Harm of Trauma: Pathological Fear, Shattered Assumptions, or Betrayal? " in Loss of the Assumptive World: A Theory of Traumatic Loss, eds. J. Kauffman (New York: Brunner-Routledge), 2002; Partnoy, Little School.

24 Galtung, “Peace Research,” 176-177. 25 Hoivik,”Demography,” 69.

26 Paul Farmer, Pathologies of Power: Health, Human Rights, and the New War on the Poor (Berkeley: University of California Press), 2003, 307; Galtung, “Peace Research,” 176, Hoivik, “Demography.”

27 Saul Alamilla, Bryan S.K. Kim, and N. Alexandra Lam, ", , Perceived Racism, Minority Status Stressors, and Psychological Symptomatology Among Latino/as" Journal of Behavioral Sciences 32 no.1, (2010): doi: 10.1177/0739986309352770; Farmer, Pathologies of Power; Juan -Castanon, and Gordon G. Cappelletty, "A Preliminary Report on Continuous-Traumatic stress in a Northern California Central American Refugee Community," Community and Scholarship, 17th Annual Conference, Community Empowerment and Chicano Scholarship, eds. Mary Romero and Cordelia Candelaria, National Association 20

for Chicano Studies, (1992), 85-99; Ronald C. Kessler, and Harold W. Neighbors, "A New Perspective on the Relationships among Race, Social Class, and Psychological Distress, " Journal of Health and Social Behavior 27, no. 2 (1986).

28 Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (New York: Herder and Herder), 1970; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, trans. Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (London: Lawrence & Wishart), 1971.

29 Walker, Moral Repair, 15,19.

30 Kennedy, "Stolen Generations, 512.

31 Radzik, Making Amends, 40, 50, 177, 185-190.

32 Ramirez, 106.

33 Roy L. Brooks, Atonement and Forgiveness: A New Model for Black Reparations (Berkeley: University of California Press), 2004.

34 R. Karimi, “Oral History as a Means of Moral Repair: Jim Crow Racism in the Mexican American Community of San Antonio,” Texas Oral History Association, First Annual Conference, Cashion Academic Center, Baylor University, Waco, Texas, 2012.

21

CHAPTER 2: RACIST BEGINNINGS

Introduction

Chapter Two reveals the long history of segregation and discrimination in Texas from its initial Spanish colonial beginnings to the Voting Rights Act of 1965. From the first encounter in Mexico in 1519, the Western supremacist viewpoint stereotyped New

World peoples as godless, wicked, dark-skinned cannibals, devoid of souls and created from “an-Other Adam” [hyphen and capitalization mine]. 1 I trace the path of peoples that formed the new colonial Mexican , briefly highlighting the initial footprints of

Spaniards, Mexicans, and Anglos into tribal-occupied lands. One visualizes how fortitude, strength, and hardiness contributed to the survival of these groups under harsh environmental conditions. Enlisting historical documents such as diaries, newspapers, treaties, and church documents, I demonstrate the progression of Texas from its status as a colonial territory (1521-1821) to a state of the Union (1845).

The second half provides a brief historical overview of the 1850s Antebellum period, the Civil War era (1861-1865), the Reconstruction period (1865-1876), the Jim

Crow era (1876-1965) and ends with the Voting Rights Act of 1965. I address the genesis and effects of racial policies towards minorities by White leaders and how they culminated with racist laws and practices against Blacks, Native Americans, and Mexican

Americans. These groups suffered segregation, discrimination, and genocide at the hand of their Anglo counterparts.2 When Texas instituted segregation laws (Jim Crow laws) against Blacks, White society also shunned Mexican Americans because of their tri-racial

22

mixture. Rigid de facto practices affected them for generations and stood firmly in place until the Brown v. Board of Education decision. The Brown case initiated the erosion process of the discriminatory laws and the final death knell struck with the passing of the

Voting Rights Act of 1965 that forbade in voting.

A Note on Terminology

To avoid confusion regarding the terminology I will use throughout the next chapters, I am taking this opportunity to clarify numerous terms for the reader. These terms relate to relevant topics covered in the text and are defined for the reader in order to clarify the distinctions. The definitions represent a compilation of meanings from several authors plus the writer. 3 It should be noted these denotations carry within them a variety of subtexts, some laden with racist overtones. As race and ethnicity represent a social construct, Texas society constituted a racial triumvirate with Whites at the apex, dominating over both (Black and Brown) minorities. One must also bring to mind that slippage often occurs within contextual meanings and these terms are no exception.

Therefore, I must reiterate that I define these terms as they relate to my work and for my purposes alone. Please see Appendix for section entitled Terminology.

In the Beginning 1519

Chicano scholars Meier and Ribera assert that the mind-set of Mexican American immigrants differs from other immigrant groups in a distinct manner; they were twice conquered: once by the Spanish and once by the United States of America.4 From the initial conquest of Mexico in 1519 by Hernan Cortés, Europeans considered natives as an-Other, treating them as sub-humans. These perceptions influenced the Spaniards’ racist, prejudiced cultural paradigms and the dominant discourse framed the Spanish

23

Conquest of the Aztecs for centuries. In a sanitized version of history, Western historians proclaimed the barbarian Motecuhzoma addressed the golden-haired White god Hernan

Cortés, as “Our lord” and welcomed him under the honorific canopy of the kingly throne.5 In the White Supremacist view, the inferior Aztecs recognized the God-given superiority of the White man and they opened their arms not to an-Other, but to a powerful god, deserving of worship. This version also failed to credit the armed indigenous forces that accompanied Cortés to Tenochitlan that led to his victory.6 The entombed the history of the colonized Mexican people. Post-colonial theorist Frantz Fanon avers: “ is not satisfied merely with hiding a people…it turns to the past of the oppressed people, and distorts…and destroys it.”7 Centuries later the subjugated Aztec voices resurfaced.

A new stance occurred when Mexican anthropologist Miguel Leon-Portilla captured the indigenous outlook in Broken Spears: The Aztec Account of the Conquest of

Mexico. Taken primarily from Fray Bernardino Sahagun’s Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva Espana (1577) or The Florentine Codex, this anthropological work highlighted the indigenous cultural perspective that Sahagun valued and respected. In contrast to

Western perspectives, the Aztec narrator calls Motecuhzoma’s address “kingly” whereas he characterizes Cortés’s address as a “strange and savage tongue.” 8 The Aztec narrator distinguishes the Spanish utterances as alien, barbaric and belonging to an-Other, despite

Cortés’s assurances of friendship. Perhaps the subsequent chain of events colored the narrator’s word choice as he describes the conquest:

The Sun [Cortés] commanded that Motecuhzoma and Itzcohuatzin, the military

chief of Tlatelolco, be made prisoners. The Spaniards…murdered the king of

24

Nauhtla…wounding him with arrows and then burning him alive…our warriors

were on guard at the Eagle Gate…The Spaniards attacked the musicians first,

slashing at their hands and faces…The singers-and…spectators-were also

killed…The Sun had treacherously murdered our people…We allowed the

Captain to return to the city in peace. But on the following day we attacked him

with all our might, and that was the beginning of the war.9

One visualizes the full thrust of Spanish barbarity, causing one to question: who actually was the more uncivilized? The domination, exploitation, extermination and racially superior attitudes towards native populations continued, spreading like a cancer in the New World.

Previously on the islands where Spanish conquistadors had overpowered the tribal communities and raped their women, the outcome ended with the extermination of the tribes. Fray Geronimo de Mendieta wrote Historia Eclesiástica Indiana, an account of the indigenous genocide on the islands of Espanola, Cuba, , and Puerto Rico. The priest’s report highlighted Indian enslavement, abuses and deaths at the hands of the

Spanish oppressors: “de manera que todos, chicos y grandes, niños y viejos, cuantos se pudiesen tener sobre las piernas, hombres y mujeres preñadas y paridas trabajaban y servían hasta que echaban el alma.”10 My rough translation follows: “In this manner all of them—big and small, young and old, men and pregnant and nursing women, as long as they could stand on two legs they worked and slaved until they cast off their souls.” 11 No one escaped servitude, which led to desperate measures: some committed suicide, pregnant mothers aborted fetuses—especially the mixed Spanish ones, and Mendieta reported that 7,000 nursing infants died of malnutrition in a three month time period.

25

Whether or not these deaths represented signs of resistance or due to diseases like smallpox, measles or influenza, the result was that within nine years time, nine-tenths of the total island natives perished.12 Spanish historian Francisco Lopez de Gomara and

Fray Bernado Las Casas corroborated the accounts of abuses.13 The Spanish Colonial

Period (1519-1821) in Mexico differed in many respects from the islands, with the exception of the mistreatment of the Indian population.

Aware of the extinction of the Caribbean peoples by the Spanish and unlike the island conquistadors, Hernan Cortés requested the Spanish Crown to deploy Franciscan friars to Mexico to serve as spiritual guides/guardians to prevent indigenous mistreatment and annihilation, but abuses soon followed.14 By the 1520s the population of tribal peoples in the Valley of Mexico dwindled from 25 million to 17 million due in part to diseases introduced by Europeans and slavery. Although passed in 1542, the “New Laws” prohibited Indian slavery, but the system kept them manacled under harsh conditions.15 Fathers de Montesinos and Bartolome de las Casas, who adhered to the humanistic teachings of Erasmus, protested the brutality inflicted upon their wards, and debated the issue at Valladolid in 1550, insisting upon human rights for them. Father

Casas argued for the natives, emphasized their status as civilized individuals who possessed “the faculty of Reason,”16 and averred they should not be conquered or invaded simply because they held different customs and beliefs.17 In the rush to protect Spanish lands from foreign invasions and to Christianize tribal people, in 1684 Jesuit, Franciscan, and Dominican priests avidly formed mission systems in the Southwest and Tejas, but along with the Christianizing, enslavement and brutality reappeared at the hands of their holy protectors. Priests commonly ordered flogging, humiliation, and enslavement of

26

their wards to discourage disobedience and the genocidal cycle repeated itself.18 Tribal peoples made poor slaves.

As previously mentioned, in 1542 the “New Laws” introduced reforms and conquerors became planters of cotton, sugar cane, and wheat, rather than solely miners of gold and silver, thus requiring a steady workforce. Since Black domestic servants originally arrived with the conquistadors, Spaniards originally used them as overseers/guards to oppress the Indians, but soon converted them to laborers. Both Black and White slaves labored during this time from islands in Spain, North Africa, Africa and

Greece. By 1570, five hundred Black slaves already worked in the textile industry in

Zacatecas, and more resided in Vera Cruz. In 1580 the Spanish Crown passed the

"Asiento" or contract to export African slaves into Mexico and by1645 over 80,000 Black slaves resided in .19 Gradually Black slavery decreased due to slaves purchasing their freedom or by . According to Anglo historian Lester

Bugbee’s study “Slavery of Texas I,” New Spain “tolerated and protected” 20 the enslavement of Blacks for awhile and the number in bondage decreased until 1829 when

Mexican President Vicente Guerrero abolished slavery altogether. The Spanish Colonial

Period of Mexico (1519-1821) “tolerated” Black slavery from 1519-1829—more than three hundred years and benefitted immensely from their labors.

The Spanish Colonial period (1519-1821) ushered in a racial, cultural and political blending of three disparate groups—Spaniards, Indigenous, and Black—to form the Mexican people: the Mestizos, a singular culture and society. This new society created within itself a with Spaniards at the apex, Indians at the base, and

Mestizos/AfroMestizos in between. Class boundaries remained semi-permeable for those

27

who exhibited less phenotypical features.21 Ultimately, Mexicans formed what Jose

Vasconcelos called “the cosmic race:” an amalgamation of four distinct peoples and cultures into a “fifth universal race, the fruit of all the previous ones and amelioration of everything past.”22 Vasconcelos understood the difference between Mexico and the US.

Anglos maintained racial purity and chose to exterminate tribal people, considering them a menace, whereas Spaniards and Mexicans realized the practicality of racial blending and utilized Mestizos to colonize Tejas to subdue or restructure the fierce tribal peoples that dwelt there.23 In the words of Mexican poet laureate, Octavio Paz—indigenous

Mexicans personify “hijos de la chingada”24 or the products of rape—violent acts of subjugation, repression and oppression, but I might add—they overcame the odds against them.

Indigenous Societies in Tejas

Similar to Mexico, numerous indigenous groups shared the -Tejas25 landscape and the Hasinai of provided Tejas with its name. They called their confederacy “texas, texias, or techas”26 which means friends. Historians categorized the indigenous tribes into four distinct culture groups: the Coastal, the Plains, the Northeast, and the Jumanos. The Coastal group tribes consisted of two main tribes, the Karankawas and Coahuiltecans. Their vast tribal lands stretched from East Tejas near

Galveston Bay south to the into Mexico’s coastal area. Due to their strategic coastal location, the Karankawa nation made first contact with the Europeans. The

Coahuiltecans held an immense territory from East Tejas down into mountainous central

Mexico. These migratory tribes settled the Spanish missions, intermarried with

Spaniards, and their Mestizo offspring organized the new colony of San Antonio de

28

Bejar. 27 The Spanish fathers founded San Antonio de Bejar as one of the earliest Tejas settlements and several local Coahuiltecan groups, the Payayas, Aranamas, Orejons, and

Pachals eventually married their Mestizo cousins.28 The Plains tribes, most notably the fearsome Comanches and Apaches, dominated the Tejas prairies. The Comanches’ vast territory began in down into south Tejas, while the Apaches, also called the

Pawnees, inhabited western Tejas along the Pecos River into northern Mexico, and from the Tejas Panhandle eastward to the Red River.29

Near the Tejas - border of east Tejas dwelt the Northeast tribes. The

Caddo, Hasinai, and Atakapan enjoyed life in the wooded river valleys.30 The last group, the Jumanos, lived in two distinct areas and led different lifestyles. One settlement colonized the region near the Trans-Pecos area of west Tejas, while the other settled the

Rio Grande Valley area of southwest Tejas and northern Mexico. One tribal confederacy led a sedentary lifestyle in the Rio Grande area whereas another participated in the active role of hunters and traders in West Tejas and New Mexico. Prior to European interaction, the indigenous people of Tejas survived the harshness of their surroundings. After the

Spanish and French arrived, the incoming settlers fragmented and usurped tribal homelands, brought diseases, diminishing survival. Some tribes vanished while others resisted. 31

Colonization of Spanish Tejas 1684

Comanche and Apache hostile resistance initially hampered Spain’s colonization efforts during the mid to late seventeenth century and the Crown stalled migration to

Tejas. Spaniards aggressively pursued colonization after Spain discovered French intrusion into its territory in 1684. King Phillip V quickly modified the colonization

29

policies based upon the reports32 and since Spain boasted several colonizing institutions—the presidios, the missions, the pueblos, and the ranchos—colonial rulers utilized the system to colonize Tejas. In 1703 the Spanish Crown granted the tribal natives legal Spanish citizenship.33 The missionary activity of the Franciscan fathers proved successful in the first half of the eighteenth century, especially when they established a major colonial outpost called San Antonio de Bexar or San Antonio in the heart of tribal lands.34 One should note Fanon’s observations about the distortion and destruction of the history of colonized peoples. Recent accounts of California’s

Franciscan fathers abusing their wards surfaced, calling the missions “death camps” rather than idyllic enclaves that nurtured and cared for natives.35 The Franciscan order also colonized Texas and upon examination of the records, similar abuses existed. In an account of court proceedings for a priest murdered by an Indian at San Xavier de

Candelaria Mission, one account stated: “that the //said captain had told them to come to his house if the fathers wanted to whip them and he would defend them.”36 This account verifies that priests in Tejas whipped their native wards, suggests dissatisfaction with the treatment natives received, and may be a topic for further scholarly investigation as the

Texas State Historical Association’s article “Spanish Missions” barely touches upon the topic, citing soldiers and civilians as culprits.37 As in other parts of Mexico, the fusion of peoples and cultures occurred, frontiers were tamed and Tejas society grew and prospered despite many initial hardships. Numerous Anglo historians failed to acknowledge the accomplishments of the Mexican people along these frontiers, instead asserting that the enterprising immigrants from the United States broke the Tejas wilderness, belittling Mexican fortitude.38

30

The Founding of San Antonio de Bexar 1718

In a letter to King Phillip V in 1717, Juan Olivan de Rebolledo suggested establishing a mission in the Tejas wilderness “at the place where the Spring of San

Antonio is found.”39 The proposed site, an oasis in the midst of a dry arid region, proved well suited for a self-sustaining community. On May 1, 1718, the Franciscan fathers founded Mission San Antonio de Valero, which later became the Alamo. A variety of peoples inhabited the area: Mestizo soldiers and their families, tribal peoples, including the hostile Apaches, as Father Antonio Margil noted in a letter from 1725. Father Margil grumbled the “Apache Indians” of Tejas” persisted in reverting back to “heathenism,” despite the Franciscans’ best efforts to civilize them.40 In 1731 a group of Spaniards from the came to rule the local population, the area expanded and in 1773 San

Antonio became the official capital of Tejas. The 1783 census records, maintained by clerics, documented the different classes, marital statuses, and of its citizens.

Greater than 1, 500 citizens lived in San Antonio and its surrounding missions, the growing population contained 740 “Españoles” or Spaniards, 382 “Indios” or Indians, 91

“Mestizos” or Spanish/Indian mixed, 294 “color quebrado” or Afro-Latinos, and 11

“esclavos” or slaves.41 As the capital and seat of the regional government, San Antonio served as a beacon of Mexican perseverance in realizing the taming of Tejas. Meanwhile, from 1810 onwards, political unrest in Mexico against the Crown spurred US leaders to plot a conquest of Tejas to fulfill the dream of “Manifest Destiny” and numerous takeover attempts occurred. In a letter dated July 20, 1819 to President James Monroe,

Secretary of State John Quincy Adams verified the invasion plans. Quincy Adams corresponded with the President about the Adams-Onis treaty in Florida and alluded to

31

“this new expedition against the Province of Texas,” that eventually failed. 42 In 1820

Spain opened the Tejas territory to Anglo settlers and when Mexico won its independence from Spain in 1821, policies changed swiftly. The inexperienced Mexican leadership failed to foresee the consequences of opening the Tejas territory to US immigrants. Leaders naively allowed a greater influx of Anglos into the vast territory, especially plantation owners. This misguided decision ultimately led to the Texas

Revolution.43

Anglo Colonies and Slavery in Tejas 1822

Mexico ruled Tejas from 1821-1836 and the newly founded government established laws that rewarded settlers and alike. Slavery became an institution early in the colonization process. In 1821, the Mexican government granted

Stephen Austin permission to establish a colony, with slaves. Austin settled his colony in

1822 and Mexico awarded colonists an additional 80 acres of land for each slave brought into Texas. The generous land policies rapidly increased the number of American colonists/slaves in the territory and Mexican officials grew troubled, fearing the loss of

Tejas due to slavery. The Mexican administration reacted by abolishing slavery on

September 15, 1829, and an 1830 decree banned slave trade of any type, freeing slaves the instant they stepped upon Mexican territory. Austin asked the central government for leniency and they released the manumission proclamation in Tejas. Nervous slave owners forced slaves to “voluntarily” agree to contract labor or . Considering the anti-slavery policies as insults to their personal freedoms, incensed plantation owners’ displeasure with Mexico increased, threatening to foment revolution. 44

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The Texas Revolution 1835

On September 19, 1835, the founder of the first Anglo colony in Texas, Stephen

F. Austin, declared war on Mexico. The dominant discourse of Anglo historians and

Texas school curriculum framed the revolt as freedom-loving Texans dissenting against the Mexican tyrant, Santa Anna, but recent Chicano revisionist historiography typifies it as a clash of federalist versus centralist political ideologies. Santa Anna’s centralist policies advocated stronger central administrative authority and clashed with the liberalist policy, especially in far away Tejas. Although Austin branded the dispute as one of a despotic regime, Mexico’s abolition of slavery incensed slave owners who feared the loss of their workforce and Austin exploited this internal struggle to divide and conquer the weakened Tejas, dissolving ties with the mother country forever.45

General Santa Anna arrived in a constantly beleaguered San Antonio on February

22, 1836 to quash the revolt and safeguard Mexican territory. San Antonio suffered a constant barrage of armies from Texan/Mexican sides occupying the town paralleling the different countries that constantly vied for the valuable territory.46 Meanwhile, fifty-nine

Anglo and Tejano federalist delegates met on March 2, 1836 at Washington-on-the-

Brazos to discuss strategy. The Anglo faction blindsided the , dissented against them, advocated secession and US annexation, and voted unanimously for complete independence. Back in San Antonio, the Mexican army assaulted the Alamo on Sunday,

March 6, 1836, slaughtering all the fighting forces, including Tejanos. The dominant discourse disputed that any Mexicans died at the Alamo, but historical sources documented nine died. General Sam struck back at Santa Anna’s defenses on

April 21, 1836, and the Texas Revolution officially ended with the

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when the Mexican Army ceded Tejas to the Anglos.47 Over the next twelve years, occupation and repression occurred, especially in San Antonio as Mexico continued its incursions into Texas to recapture lost territory.48 It could be argued that the heroes of the Alamo died defending slavery, rather than the myth of freedom from tyranny.

Racism in the New Republic 1836

When mercenary troops known as the Texas Rangers and others from the South entered Texas to fight in the Texan Revolution, hatred of Mexicans spiraled out of control. Because of the fierce fighting and enmity with Mexican soldiers, Texans held

San Antonio’s large Mexican population suspect. Lacking an awareness of Mexican culture, mores, and languages, soldiers stereotyped the opposing side based upon racial/ethnic phenotypes. This mind-set spread like wildfire through the Anglo community and as a consequence, they hated and mistrusted all Mexicans, not only dark- skinned ones. 49 Chicano historian Arnoldo De Leon noted Anglo hatred of Mestizos:

“Anglos were not going to regard as equals people whom they considered uncivilized, and whom they connected with filth and its foul implications.”50 The Anglo caste system considered them a class of untouchables, equated them to Blacks, and reviled them because they considered “themselves just as good as white men,” as landscape architect and travel writer Frederic Law Olmstead quoted some “white folks.”51 Racism, oppression and inequality increased throughout Texas for Blacks and Mexicans as

Anglos reformulated the slave laws to suit the new republic.

The Slave Republic: Slave Laws of 1836 & 1837

When the dust from the Revolution had barely settled, politicians in the United

States hotly debated the issue of annexing Texas as another slave state, and flatly denied

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the request. White Texans hastily drafted a constitution similar to the US, including legalizing slavery. The Constitution of the , (1836 and 1837) safeguarded slavery under General Provisions, section 9.52 The Republic’s ironclad constitution allowed immigrants to import their slaves, banned emancipation without congressional consent, and prevented the Texas Congress from slave manumission.53

Essentially the Republic’s slave laws barred free Blacks from Texas, fearing “vagabond free negroes” would incite slave rebellions; thus Texas closed the doors lest any

“dissatisfaction and disobedience” enter “the brain of the honest and contented slave.”54

These codes controlled the activities and lives of all Blacks, free or enslaved, making certain they abided by these guidelines or suffer the consequences. These codes prevented slaves from: owning land or guns, entering into contracts, including marriage—especially with Whites, or working for people other than their masters. Codes restricted their freedom of assembly, (church or meetings) speech, including abusive language towards Whites, learning to read or write or from possessing anti-slavery pamphlets. Fluid in nature, codes could be strengthened when the need arose to suppress hints of uprisings. The codes also proved valuable for White Texans to use against

Mexican Americans after the Mexican American War in 1848. With the slave issue settled, leaders looked to the second most important issue: land.55

The New Republic: Lost Lands, Lost people 1836-1845

Anglos had never exercised control over a culture similar to their own, thus

Mexican subjugation necessitated a coordinated legal response asserting Anglo dominance to confiscate lands previously owned and occupied by Mexicans.56 Texan leaders faced a dilemma within the new Republic since the previous colonizers knew the

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legality of their ancestral homelands, demonstrating proof of their Spanish land grants. In

San Antonio de Bejar, Anglos quickly re-named it San Antonio and co-opted most government positions that Mexicans held.57 President Lamar signed an early act by the

Republic’s legislature granting commissioners the right to “dispose of” any property belonging to “rebellious Mexicans…in accordance with instructions from the Secretary of War.”58 Due to the war, enmity, resentment and greed abounded and the Republic’s leaders instituted various devices such as treason, overdue taxes, non-citizenship or alien status, or ownership laws to confiscate Mexican possessions. In his memoir, Mayor of

San Antonio, Juan Seguin pointed the finger to “straggling American adventurers” who hatched plots against wealthy “native families whose only crime was that they owned large tracts of land and desirable property.”59 Seguin saw the evil machinations of corrupt

Anglo officials who branded him a traitor since they found him an “obstacle to the accomplishment of their villainous plans…to deprive rightful owners of their property.”60

Ultimately banished from Texas, Seguin’s words rang true about Anglo villainy.

Squatters claimed Mexicans’ lands, boasting they would exercise violence to safeguard the property and newly minted laws worked in tandem with corrupt Anglo officials to confiscate property claiming reasons such as disloyalty, rebelliousness, or back taxes.61

The hegemonic circumstances prevailed, etching themselves into the core of society.

Marxist philosopher Antonio Gramsci’s framework of aptly describes Mexican acceptance of Anglo dominance. Despite Anglo oppression, many desperate wealthy Mexican landowners stayed and chose to accept the hegemonic conditions. The Republic’s ruling class imposed their cultural norms and the oppressed realized their interests joined together, thus the ideologies embedded and fossilized

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themselves into the social and institutional structures. In short time, Anglos also superimposed or laws pertaining to Blacks into practices against Mexicans.

With the Spaniards and Mexicans taken care of, the new government turned to its second obstacle: tribal people and their lands.62

The Republic quickly enacted genocidal policies against indigenous peoples.

President Mirabeau Lamar verbalized the mindset of many Anglo Texans:

If the wild cannibals of the woods will not desist from their , if they will

continue to war upon us with the ferocity of tigers and hienas, [sic] it is time that

we should retaliate…which will admit of no compromise and have no termination

except in their total extinction or total expulsion.63

Lamar’s rhetoric echoed that of US politicians and the military, but he was the first chief executive to make expulsion of indigenous peoples a state policy, utilizing his former comrades, the Texas Rangers to implement it.64 The Republic of Texas promised new settlers tracts of land, hence the driving force behind the genocide. Signs floated around cities in the US guaranteeing up to 4,600 acres per family with free passage to

Texas.65 Land tracts, certificates, and scrip abounded with companies in the US actively engaged in selling shares for land and it remained to the Rangers to clear it of natives and

Mexicans.66

The Texas Rangers as Agents of the State 1835-1848

In 1823 Stephen F. Austin first employed “rangers” to fend off tribal raids and officially instituted the Texas Rangers in1835. When ex-Texas Ranger Mirabeau Lamar became President, he re-organized the all-volunteer force—the Rangers— to banish and annihilate unwanted racial/ethnic groups and cleanse Texas of its “vermin.” More

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importantly, Ranger policy/ideology permeated the Republic’s framework——thus and attitudes prevailed.67 Solemn, calculating, fearless lawmen, as romanticized by Ranger historian Walter Prescott Webb, they symbolized the battle between good and evil: Texans, tribal natives and Mexicans. Rangers personified “the fighting qualities of all three races…[they] could ride like a Mexican, trail like an Indian, shoot like a Tennessean, and fight like the devil” with their shock and awe system of attack.68 Notorious for taking no prisoners, these soldiers of fortune earned their wages by the number of scalps, horses and hides they collected and from 1839-1840, these agents of the state perpetrated horrendous pogroms against all indigenous peoples, in the name of the law. 69

In 1846, after the US annexation of Texas, the Mexican American War broke out due to disputed boundaries as I discuss in the next section. Rangers quickly volunteered and Mexicans felt the brunt of their brutality as los Tejanos sangrientes (bloody Texans) or Los Diablos Tejanos (the Texas Devils) pillaged and plundered the Mexican countryside. In a letter written in 1846, Major General George Meade attested that these irresponsible drunkards robbed and corn from the farmers, acted “more like a body of hostile Indians,” ignoring the commands of their own officers.70 Meade’s first-hand observations tarnished the sterling image that Ranger historian Webb provided and uncovered the true motives for volunteering: retribution for the Alamo. As Meade observed: “They come here with the sores and recollections of wrong done [the Alamo], which have been festering in them for ten years, and under the guise of entering the

United States service, they cloak a thirst to gratify personal revenge. 71 Irreverent acts of murder typified the Texas Rangers as they killed and traumatized innocent Mexicans “for

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no other object than their own amusement.”72 General Zachary Taylor lacked the moral or physical fortitude to restrain them, as future president Ulysses S. Grant said in his war diary: “Their own officers have no command or control over them and the General has given up in despair any hope of keeping them in order.”73 These unruly volunteers ultimately served their purpose as commanding officers utilized them for their fear tactics and fighting techniques. After the conflict, many Ranger units disbanded while others stayed intact to guard border areas against Mexican bandits.

Texas Statehood (1845) and the US War with Mexico (1846-1848)

As previously mentioned, when the United States annexed Texas in December

1845, Mexico severed diplomatic relations because of a border dispute. Historically, the

Mexican border stood north at the in Texas, but the US desired the Rio

Grande River, 130 miles south, considering it as valuable as the . The United

States contested the boundaries; US troops crossed the disputed border of the Nueces

River into Mexican territory to the Rio Grande, inciting an attack. Polk's war message of

May 11, 1846 accused the Mexicans as instigators: “But now, after reiterated menaces,

Mexico has passed the boundary of the Untied States, has invaded our territory and shed

American blood upon the American soil.”74 Within a few days Polk ordered a mass invasion. Terror enveloped the Mexican landscape as the US Army and Marines, the

Texas Rangers and regular Texan forces overran the Mexican countryside reaching

Mexico City. They spread bloodshed and destruction, similar to what Santa Anna’s forces inflicted upon Tejano soil ten years earlier. The United States conquered Mexico, but not without great losses on both sides. On February 2, 1848 Mexico and the United States agreed to the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. The US policy of Manifest Destiny planned

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to acquire Mexico’s entire Northern region from the Puget Sound to the Gulf of

California in a clear attempt to enlarge its territory at Mexico’s expense. Mexico relinquished more than half of its land—two million four hundred thousand square kilometers—when it ceded the vast territories of California, New Mexico, ,

Colorado, , and parts of Kansas, Oklahoma and .75 President

Ulysses S. Grant served in the Mexican War and voiced these sentiments about its merits:

For myself, I was bitterly opposed to the measure, [annexation] and to this day

regard the war, which resulted, as one of the most unjust ever waged by a stronger

against a weaker nation. It was an instance of a republic…in not considering

justice in their desire to acquire additional territory.76

On the other hand, many greedier opinions existed in Congress and politicians argued to overtake the whole Mexican nation, but Senator John C. Calhoun discouraged them because of the Pandora’s box it would open. He disagreed based upon White Southern principles, blasting the baseness and inferiority of the Mexicans, insisting if the US would takeover Mexico they would be incorporating a nation of “Indians or half- breeds… of such a people with us.”77 Essentially in Calhoun’s eyes a danger existed in swallowing the whole of Mexico because the US would be placing inferior people of color on an equal footing with superior Whites. Calhoun feared the repercussions of the

Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, whereby the United States government guaranteed former

Mexican citizens—with the exception of tribal people—all the citizenship rights of US citizens.78 It should be noted that borders at this juncture in time remained fluid as

Mexicans traversed them freely as they’d done for generations. Texas Ranger border

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patrols began the process of concretizing the liquidity of the border areas in the of

Mexicans, along with the realization in change of ownership.

The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo: Citizenships Rights and the Construction of

Whiteness 1848

After the Mexican War the difficulty of ascertaining US citizenship began. The promises made by the Treaty included lands and all citizenship rights, including voting rights for the new multi-colored US citizens. Mexicans had already learned the modus operandi of the —that being the White Southern attitudes of superiority and Mexican inferiority. Not surprisingly, US authorities began “racializing” the Mexican population, granting them citizenship rights based on race and color, violating the terms of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo that guaranteed American citizenship for all Mexicans residing in the previous territories that wished to stay on their land and become citizens. Chicana historian Martha Menchaca contends that Mexicans who looked White received full rights whereas Mestizos, tribal natives and Afro-mestizos fit under a different category. Although Mexico granted indigenous peoples and Blacks citizenship, the US considered Blacks, Afro-mestizos, and tribal people ineligible for US citizenship. The Mexican government responded by giving the displaced citizens land in

Mexico. The fate of Mestizos who opted to stay in the US dwelled upon their phenotype and most failed the test for “American-ness,” leaving them open to victimization by vigilante groups and local officials, who viewed them with suspicion. Anglo Texans considered Mexicans in the same category as Blacks, unfit to mix with Whites. As a result, Anglos started to subject them to the Black codes. The Black codes or slave laws existed in the Southern states to keep slaves and free Blacks subjugated. Although the

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codes legally applied to Blacks, the de facto practices—which proved as rigid as laws— began against Mexicans—most especially forms of racial/ethnic oppression.79

Ethnic Oppression: Lynching, Pogroms, and Banishments 1848-1879

When one researches the literature, one discovers a vigorous state banishment policy enacted in the 1840s, targeting indigenous people and Mestizos.80 For the sake of clarity, I utilize the term Mestizo (mixed) or Mexican to discuss this group for the present, unless specified. Ethnic oppression, cleansing and genocide in the form of lynching, rape, pogroms and property theft battered them because they possessed the phenotypical features and negative stereotypes left by the Texas Revolution and Mexican

American war. These negative attitudes condemned Mestizos for generations. Whites relentlessly retaliated against their former enemies through various forms of trauma.

Olmstead’s memoir mentioned how some White Texans believed they should annihilate

Mexicans altogether because “White folks and Mexicans were never made to live together…[and they] had no business here.”81

After the Mexican American War, the practice of lynching Mexicans grew into a commonplace form of extermination, often viewed as a sporting event; for example,

Olmstead witnessed the lynching of a Mexican while in San Antonio, which he attested drew spectators from all around the surrounding areas. Sociologists William Carrigan and

Clive Webb estimated a startling number of lynchings for this group. From 1848-1879

Texans lynched Mexicans at a rate of 473 per 100,000; the rate for African Americans was 52.8 per 100,000.82 As the authors asserted:

The bitter racial enmity of the US Mexican War had an enduring legacy…the

majority white culture…utilize[d] extra-legal violence against Mexicans as a

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means of asserting its sovereignty…The lynching of Mexicans was one of the

mechanisms by which Anglos consolidated their colonial control of the American

West.83

Texans openly practiced the lynch law in the 1850s to deter uprisings, sparing neither age nor sex, such as when area townspeople lynched an aged Mestizo woman for allegedly murdering a White man. Pogroms also victimized Mestizos. Historians Meier and Ribera recounted the San Antonio Cart War of 1857 where Anglo cart men launched a against Mestizo freight carriers, slaying all of them.84

Less deadly but just as toxic were banishment policies. Common accusations included horse thievery, assisting slaves escape, stealing slave girls to marry. The expulsions occurred in Austin (1853,1855), Seguin (1854), Matagorda and Colorado

Counties (1856), and Uvalde (1857). Olmstead relayed several incidents that occurred in

Austin and San Antonio where lawmen wrongly accused longstanding Mexican families of crimes and drove them out, adding he didn’t blame them for being “furious by such wholesale injustice.”85 In 1857, the sheriff of San Antonio assembled a posse to raid

Mexican homes and drive them out, claiming a riot transpired when one tried to steal a horse. Germans in the area refused, insisting Mexicans were neither thieves nor troublemakers.86

Ante-bellum Period of Texas: 1840-1865

In 1846 the US annexed Texas as a slave state, eliminating the restrictive tariffs that barred slave owners from immigrating en masse. Early Texan historian Chas

Ramsdell determined plantation owners and their slaves rushed into the state searching for prime cotton-producing farmland. The natural landscape of Texas served as a

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geographic barrier to cotton production and hence, slavery. Plantations clustered along the river areas in East and demonstrated profitability; Harrison County,

Texas held the seven wealthiest people in the state—all due to slave labor. Slaves compromised fifty nine percent of the population and sixty percent of residents owned slaves.87

Several impediments existed that limited the spread of slavery in Texas: 1.

Wealth, 2.Types of farming, 3.German settlements, 4.The proximity to Mexico,

5.Mexican labor. Wealth factored into the mix as many lacked the financial capital to purchase slaves. The type of farming affected the expansion of slavery because cotton farms less than fifty acres necessitated different forms of labor whereas crops like corn, oats, and beans required different farming methods, garnering less profits than cotton.

German settlements in the 1840s limited the growth of slavery into the Southwestern portion of Texas since they settled lands surrounding San Antonio, stopping slavery one hundred and fifty miles shy of the Rio Grande. Proximity to Mexico proved the greatest detriment due to Mexico’s abolition of slavery in the 1820s as historian Quintard Taylor and others reported from 10,000-200,000 slaves fled south of the border in the antebellum era. Historian Chas Ramsdell asserted that similar to present-day circumstances, South Texas employed Mexicans as the primary work force because of their cheap labor, and thus few Black slaves resided in South Texas.88

Far from being the happy contented slaves mentioned in the Texas Laws of 1836, slave resistance and rebellion represented a common problem for slave owners. Slave revolts filled the pages of local newspapers along with tales of escape.89 In reaction to an increase in slave rebellions across the South that signaled an impending war, many states

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like Texas tightened the slave codes. This attempt meant to keep slaves in check and more importantly, to keep slave owners safe.90

Texas and the Civil War 1861-1865

On March 2, 1861 Texas voted to secede from the Union, two days before

Abraham Lincoln was sworn in as President of the United States. Gov. refused to pledge allegiance to the Confederacy and was removed from office. When the

Civil War broke out on April 12, 1861, Texan volunteers responded in droves and over

90,000 fought in battles inside and outside of the Lone Star state, neighbor against neighbor. Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee surrendered on April 9, 1865 and on June 19th

Union Gen. Gordon Granger issued the Emancipation Proclamation that ended slavery in

Texas. After the Civil War, Texas society remained in a state of flux with hordes of immigrants pouring into the state. Anglos throughout Texas faced resistance from all sides. Angry Blacks, recently freed from slave plantations entered the state ready to exercise their newly acquired freedom; on the other hand, tribal peoples, who were fighting for their very existence, sought shelter in Texas, while Mexican peasants suffering from starvation crossed the Mexican border into the state.91

The Emancipation Proclamation and Black Codes

After the Emancipation Proclamation granted slaves their freedom, planters no longer enjoyed a subservient labor force and Southern society came to a grinding halt.

With freed slaves roaming the countryside no longer under the control of their masters,

Southern lawmakers quickly took action, creating the Black Codes, limiting the rights of former slaves. The Texas Constitution of 1866 delineated the rules and regulations for persons of color: they could make or enforce contracts, wills, and testaments, and had the

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ability to inherit property. They could lease, hold, sell, purchase, and convey real, personal and mixed estate, plus they could sue or be sued and be arrested. Like US citizens, they maintained rights for personal security, liberty, and private property, except the ability to marry Whites, sit on juries, vote or hold office, or testify against Whites.

Vagrancy laws gave sheriffs the right to arrest them for idleness, unemployment, or not seeking employment—leading to fines and forced labor to pay off fines. If they refused— they confined them to jail, providing only bread and water until they consented to work off their fines.92 This treatment also extended to Mestizos. With the re-institution of the

Black codes, Republicans rallied, created the Civil Rights Act of 1866, followed by the

Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, which guaranteed citizenship rights and equal protection of the law and granted Blacks the franchise, respectively. In1867 Congress overturned the Black Codes, imposed military rule to keep ex-slaves safe, enforced the

Civil Rights Act of 1866 and created the Reconstruction Acts of 1867.93

The Reconstruction in Texas: Blacks in Texas Government

The Reconstruction Acts ensured Black Americans of their newly acquired rights and freedoms. Texas (and all rebel states) had to pass this law and abide by it before it could be re-admitted into the Union. Passed in 1870, Texas drafted a new state constitution that guaranteed all races to be able to run for office and vote—regardless of color—except Indians. The Radical Party stood for freedom and equality for African

Americans and detested anti-Black slogans that the Democrats unabashedly proclaimed.

Empowered, constituents elected fourteen African Americans to the Texas Senate from

1860-1870 and maintained a strong presence through the leadership of George T. Ruby of

Galveston and Matthew Gaines of Washington County. Gaines contributed to the future

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of education for all in Texas—voting for the formation of an agricultural and mechanical college—now Texas A & M University. Besides politicians, the state police force began hiring Blacks, eventually their number comprised up to forty percent of all officers.94

Voting Rights for Mexican Americans: The Elusive Dream

Unlike Blacks, the franchise for Mexican Americans swung back and forth like a pendulum, eluding their grasp. Elite Mexican Americans in San Antonio gained

Whiteness and the franchise because the Confederate Democrats cajoled them whereas in some districts, darker-skinned, less fortunate Mexican Americans gained the vote because

Anglo politicians coerced them to vote in a “controlled franchise” or designated manner.

Protests quickly eliminated the franchise for them. At the 1886 Democratic Convention,

Southern Democrats passed a resolution that disfranchised the Mexican delegation because they could not “speak the United States language.”95 Ten years later, in 1896,

Mexican Ricardo Rodriguez applied for US citizenship and the court granted his request, along with the right to vote, establishing a precedent.96 Rodriguez v. Texas applied for all

Mexican American males, but Anglo citizens in Beeville, TX protested, and created the

Terrell Election Law that forced voters to pay a poll tax in order to vote. Thus, the franchise dream eluded Mexican American voters due to these discriminatory laws like poll taxes, English-only laws, and White-only primaries, in concert with threats of violence, and misinformation.97 Mexican Americans may have lost the vote, but Blacks in Texas lost even more: their jobs.

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Tensions Between Blacks and Mexican Americans: Mexican Americans Replace

Black Labor

After the Civil War, plantation owners learned to negotiate the non-slave system advantageously to pocket the profits for themselves. Plantation owners hired contract laborers or tenant farmers to plow and plant the crop, when harvest time came around, they drove their tenants off the land and hired cheap Mexican American laborers to gather the crops. Suddenly, landowners viewed these peasants as valuable commodities.

Former slaves and Mexican Americans worked side by side on plantations, farms, and throughout Texas, but in the eyes of employers, Black labor quickly turned unreliable.98 White employers favored Mexican American sharecroppers because they were obedient to a fault. All laborers complained about them due to the sub-standard wages, housing, and treatment they would accept from employers. The group’s acceptance of lower wages led to enmity between other workers who realized they appropriated their jobs, decreased their living standards and affected their overall ability to earn a living. 99

The Curiosity of Jim Crow

The Civil Rights Act of 1866 in concert with the Reconstruction Acts of 1870 provided a ten-year honeymoon period for Blacks to adapt to their new role in US society.100 Staunch supporters of the Black codes strove to reinstitute them by stealth. At first the updated codes failed to mention persons of color, but the intent remained and

Texan officials leveraged laws to their advantage. In 1866 the first mention of separate railway cars for “freedmen” appeared in the laws of Texas, a pre-cursor to Plessy v.

Ferguson, 1896.101 In 1873 Texans implemented the segregation of schools for white and

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black children. Lawmakers stipulated that Black schools be built from taxes paid by

Black folks—and the law prohibited funding from any other source. In 1871 an agricultural and mechanical college for “colored” youth was approved, in 1879 a Black teacher’s college was created in Prairie View, TX. Texans approved the segregation of

White and Black inmates in 1887 and established a school for “colored” deaf, dumb and blind.102 When the courts upheld Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896, the 21st passed a similar law in 1899 for separating the races in railway cars and the Jim Crow laws successfully entrenched themselves in the legal structures of the state.103 In 1903 the

Terrell Election Laws passed connecting poll taxes to voting, and created several primaries, including the White primary.104

The Mexican Diaspora of 1910-1930

When the of 1910 broke out, political refugees from all social classes in Mexico overflowed into Texas and the diaspora continued until the

1930s. Due to the instability of the Mexican government, Mexican nationals lingered in the US, established homesteads, created communities, and competed fiercely for jobs in migrant labor. The premium wages paid by the cotton economy attracted hosts of immigrant families into South Texas, especially San Antonio, which eventually served as the labor gateway to other regions. Desperate to eke out a living, these political refugees further displaced Black and tenants and sharecroppers creating greater animosity and racial tension. With the daily influx of new residents into the state, the population, industry, and economy swelled; all areas of the state felt the effects and the agricultural industry benefitted most from the new labor force.105

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Vagrancy Laws and the Exploitation of the Mexican American Worker

The Texas agricultural machine manipulated the legal system to the detriment of the unsuspecting field hands and utilized coercive labor practices, similar to slavery, as a means of obtaining free labor. One strong-arm tactic involved arresting Mexicans,

Mexican Americans and Blacks on vagrancy charges. Recruiters lined the streets of San

Antonio promising workers high paying jobs. They transported and dropped them off on different farms, where owners offered them much less pay. Stranded and without a means to return to San Antonio, if a worker refused to work for the low wages offered, sheriffs jailed them on vagrancy charges, placed in them chains, and forced prisoners to work off their “vagrancy fines.” Guarded by police or deputy sheriffs, these chain gangs ended up laboring for the farmer who initially recruited them, free of charge. Multitudes of unsuspecting workers fell victim to these practices, and many laborers suffered from whippings, beatings and even murders.106 Despite these hardships, desperate field hands flocked to Texas, in increasing numbers.

Growth in San Antonio 1900-1941

During the boom years of 1900-1930, inhabitants of San Antonio increased from

53,321 to 231, 542.107 As the population grew so too did industry. Book binderies,

Spanish language newspapers, breweries, ice factories, tanneries, wool scouring plants, and iron foundries came to town while farmers found an open marketplace to sell their products. In the 1930s, cotton production increased, as did the number of tenant farmers.

The military-industrial complex played an instrumental role in the area’s development. In the late nineteenth century the Army opened the arsenal and established Fort Sam

Houston. During WWI (1914-1918) the Air Force determined San Antonio’s value as a

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strategic military site and constructed several bases. By 1941 at the inception of WWII,

Kelly, Brooks, Lackland and Randolph Air Force Bases turned into major flight training centers while Camps Bullis and Travis opened for training and the armed forces in San

Antonio burgeoned. An oil boom occurred when several companies discovered oil in the region with a subsequent boom in the economy.108 The city’s quaint Mexican charm increased its attraction as a tourist center and during the Great Depression (1929-1939) the New Deal programs improved much of San Antonio’s infrastructure, especially along the historic section of the called the Paseo Del Rio. In 1913 Mexican expatriate Ignacio Lozano, began publishing La Prensa, San Antonio’s Spanish-language newspaper. San Antonio’s fame as the political nexus for Mexican intellectual thought attracted politicians, activists, and journalists like Francisco Madero, , and

Clemente and Eduardo Idar to write for the press. La Prensa created a community of discourse among Mexican Americans from all walks of life that served as a pathway to increased political activism in later years, especially against racism.109

No Mexicans or Dogs Allowed: Segregation and Jim Crow

Despite the prosperity, the mass Mexican infiltration escorted a whole new level of racism for the entire group. Signs sprung up at Texas businesses that read “No dogs,

Negroes, or Mexicans.”110 Although the Jim Crow laws did not legally apply to Mexican

Americans, the de facto form, that being the non-legal practices of segregation, did apply.

Segregation of Mexican Americans from White society crept into all sectors: banks, restaurants, parks, government offices, movie theaters, swimming pools, beaches, some areas of cities and schools.111 One of my narrators vividly remembers areas in and around

San Antonio where Mexicans were not allowed:

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[W]e knew of restaurants…locations and places where the Mexican American

population was not welcome, such as Seguin, Texas. The public parks there. New

Braunfels. Landa Park was another example. Mexicans were not allowed…in

Alamo Heights, here in San Antonio and Olmos Park. Those were strictly Anglo

communities and Mexicans were not welcome.112

White Texans (San Antonians) created an inexorable physical barrier between their communities and those of people of color through the use of one particular type of

Jim Crow law: the racially restrictive housing covenants that began as city ordinances as early as 1921. In Clifton v. Great Southern Life Insurance, the racially restrictive housing covenant from the Alamo Heights sub-division of San Antonio stated that owners could not "sell to or lease to negroes” or could not house those afflicted with tuberculosis.113

Mexican Americans suffered from a high rate of TB, so although the covenant did not mention Mexican Americans, it implied them.114 In 1926, the Woods and Paschal sub- divisions of San Antonio instituted a racially restrictive housing covenant (Austin v.

Richardson), specifically restricting Mexicans stating: "That said lot shall never be sold or in any manner transferred or conveyed to Mexicans or negroes."115 Although it stated

Mexicans—meaning those from Mexico—its implications included Mexican Americans.

These two housing covenants and others like them created the racial that divided San Antonio into ethno-racial sectors that exist to this day. In other areas of

Texas, ranchers, developers, municipal ordinances and real estate policies instituted segregation between Mexican Americans and Whites, restricting the areas to the outskirts of town or in older-standing Mexican enclaves.116 The racially restrictive deeds also affected the composition of school districts, schools, education and ultimately, life

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chances, as White Texans segregated Mexican Americans and Blacks into sub-par educational systems. They instituted Mexican schools using the teaching of the as a ruse to segregate Mexican Americans from Whites.117 One can visualize the extent to which the Jim Crow laws of the dominant culture oppressed Mexican

Americans into submission.

World War I, the Great Depression, and Repatriation 1914-1939

When the roll call for World War I came around, Mexican American labor filled the gap for the lost workforce. Mexican Americans volunteered to fight, but officials shuffled them to labor in the war effort. Historians Meier and Ribera asserted that without

Mexican American labor, the US expansion, modernization, and prosperity in , industry and agriculture would have been impossible because the US needed the cheap labor they provided.118 When the soldiers returned they resumed their previous employment and employers laid off scores of Mexican American workers. The Great

Depression hit in 1929 and Anglos blamed Mexicans and Mexican Americans as they vied for “American jobs.” As a result of the pressure exerted by the anti-immigration or

Nativist movement, the US Immigration Service deported thousands of Mexicans and

Mexican Americans or threatened them with into concentration camps. Race played a large role in the repatriation drives as officials expelled Mexican American US citizens with Mexican nationals because they did not look like “Americans.” Civil Rights violations abounded as the US born children of the Mexican immigrants had their civil rights violated, being denied a public hearing. Immigration officers rounded up all

“Mexican-looking” people laboring in the fields, put them on a train to Mexico—no questions asked. Chicano historians Meier and Ribera argued that more than half a

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million Mexican Americans were expelled, asserting the US government failed to inform them of their legal rights as US citizens. Without birth certificates, passports or other documents of proof of citizenship, many lost their US citizenship because of the inability to verify their status when they attempted re-admittance to the US.119 The US Congress boasted its anti-immigration champions as the Nativist movement gained leverage and influence in response to the tremors that shook the nation.

The Nativist Movement: Jim Crow’s Immigration Reform

Nativists believed “” should receive jobs first rather than immigrants, and quickly reacted to the oversupply of cheap labor during the Great

Depression. Due to the Mexican Revolution and the previous labor shortage caused by

WWI, a massive influx of Mexican immigrants helped double the US population from

1900-1940 and they spread across US cities. When jobs dwindled because of the poor economy, the newest immigrants stood out in a crowd due to their Mestizo features and the Nativists quickly reacted, calling for their . The arguments against

Mestizos focused on issues of race, labor, health, and education. In a Congressional hearing on immigration in 1928, Congressman John C. Box, a Nativist advocate, proposed anti-immigration laws and repatriation of Mexicans. Utilizing Darwinian eugenicist logic, Congressman Box played the race card, as he pronounced the Mestizo genetic pool as one of “Mediterranean-blooded Spanish peasants with low-grade Indians” mixed with “much negro slave blood.”120 He rated them on the lowest rung of the evolutionary scale: “low grade Spaniard, peonized Indian and negro slave mixes with negroes, mullatoes, [sic] and other mongrels.”121 For Box and his group, a danger existed of tainting superior Nordic stock with “mongrelization and degradation,”122 and cast the

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unholy trinity of “Negroes, Mexicans, and Indians” as untouchables, and distinguished them as Indians or Blacks, which made them ineligible to vote and marry.123 Calling upon

American patriotism, Box insisted they displaced “great numbers of Americans” in manufacturing and transportation jobs, leaving born and bred White Americans “without employment…unable to maintain families or to help sustain American communities.”124

He complained about Mexican Americans’ “unsanitary habits and living conditions” that left them prone to a multiplicity of diseases like “smallpox, venereal diseases, tuberculosis,” and complained about their illiteracy and criminality.125 Modern day arguments against undocumented workers sound similar and it was no wonder that

Mexican American activists blossomed in the 1930s.

Mutual Aid Societies: The Rise of LULAC

In the midst of the racial hatred, segregation, and strife that battered Mexican

Americans, mutual aids societies responded to community need in the neighborhoods, barrios, of San Antonio, Corpus Christi and Laredo. These grassroots organizations varied in ideology, contested racism, prejudice, and inequality and focused on charity, friendship, and cooperation, assisting members during stressful times.126 In 1929 the

League of Latin American Citizens combined with several other Latino groups to form the League of United Latin American Citizens or LULAC. Committed to protest and litigation in the cause of attaining civil rights for Mexican Americans, LULAC promised: to alter the sordid living conditions, to resist racism, to stipulate Mexican Americans were Caucasians, to protect their civil liberties by abolishing segregation in schools and communities, and to deter political disfranchisement.127 Oftentimes, LULAC supported court cases of Mexican Americans in danger of not receiving a fair trial as in the

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Sanchez-Cox murder case, where the citizens of Hudspeth County threatened to lynch

Sanchez.128 LULAC protested rulings on racial classification, as when the US Census

Bureau declared Mexican Americans as non-white in 1936. LULAC objected, the Bureau recanted its decision, and changed the status to White.129 Similar issues arose with the

Social Security Administration and poll tax receipts, and LULAC forced them to label

Mexican Americans as White.130 The greatest obstacle to surmount stood waiting in the wings: the illegal practice of segregating Mexican American school children into

“Mexican” schools.”

LULAC Activism in Texas

Early LULAC members fought an uphill battle against segregation in the Texas school system. The LULAC Chapter and La Comite de Defensa Escolar assisted parents in the case of Salvatierra v. Del Rio I.S.D. that challenged school segregation. Lower courts agreed in favor of the parents, but the higher courts over-ruled it. According to Del

Rio Independent School District v. Salvatierra 1930, the case legalized segregation of

Mexican American children for the first three grades because according to the school principal and district superintendent “the first three grades of Mexican children” needed segregation “to instruct that group according to their own peculiar needs.”131 The school official explained the segregation wasn’t “by reason of race or color” but rather due to

“the average Spanish speaking children” acquiring “English as a foreign tongue,” hence when placed “with English speaking children” administrators considered them “greatly handicapped.”132 Texan school administrators utilized this fallacy to the detriment of

Mexican American children, insisting they required segregation because they spoke

Spanish. This rationale for segregation proved difficult to overturn, but parents and

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LULAC leaders persisted in Texas and California. In 1945 LULAC, the ACLU, the

NAACP, and the American Jewish Congress assisted in the ground-breaking California case Westminster School District v. Mendez (1947), which ordered school districts to end the language segregation of Mexican American students in California. Judge McCormick ruled “the State of California has denied…the school children of Mexican descent, residing in the school districts…the equal protection of the laws of the State of California and thereby have deprived…them of their liberty and property without due process of law, as guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment.”133 LULAC and other activists began a concerted effort to end segregation of Mexican American students in the Texas schools through letter-writing campaigns citing the Westminster v. Mendez case and through legal battles in Texas schools practicing segregation.134

LULAC’s battle then returned to Texas in Delgado v. Bastrop ISD whereby segregation of Mexican students in separate buildings was ruled a violation of the law

(1948) and could only be used for first grade students if the children did not speak

English.135 This court ruling had repercussions within the state school system as the state superintendent of public instruction mandated that Texas schools abide by the court’s edict. The Texas Board of Education followed suit thereafter. Undaunted by the court rulings, Texas school districts opted for tactics that circumvented the decision. For example, the San Marcos School District refused to succumb to the state superintendent’s mandates on segregation. As early as 1945 Mexican American parents wrote a letter of complaint to district superintendent, Fred Kaderli, about the “Southside School’s” inferior conditions and its status as “a segregated school for ‘Mexican’ children,” to no avail.136 On July 1, 1948 educator, activist, and LULAC leader Dr. George I. Sanchez

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informed Dr. I. A. Woods, State Superintendent of Public Instruction of Superintendent

Kaderli’s blatant disregard for state mandates. Rather than validate the truth of the deplorable conditions that existed at the Mexican school, Kaderli instead touted his plans

“to gerrymander the zone” or jockey student transfers to ensure only Mexican American children would attend the Southside School. Sanchez closed off his correspondence with this rather cryptic statement: “You and I know that if he [Kaderli] persists in this position he is heading for serious trouble, for segregation is illegal no matter how accomplished.”137 The segregation of the Mexican children into “Mexican schools” persisted, but later that year Kaderli changed his mantra for publicity purposes. The

December 17th issue of The Hays County Herald reported Kaderli as saying that “there must not be segregation at Southside” due to a recent Supreme Court ruling on its illegality.138 Sanchez and LULAC waged the battle against school segregation based upon language into the early 1950s, decrying language based segregation as

“pedagogically indefensible…arbitrary, capricious, and discriminatory and therefore a violation of law.”139 Their constant heckling created a paradigm shift in attitudes towards racism and paid off for the NAACP in a case that crushed de jure segregation.

The Mendez case of 1947 represented a joint collaboration between the NAACP and LULAC. This case set a legal precedent that directly affected the outcome of the

Brown v. Board of Education ruling in 1954. The Brown case overturned segregation laws for Black students, but only nominally affected Mexican Americans as districts continued de facto language-based segregation. Nevertheless, Mexican civil rights activists realized the futility in demanding the Caucasian designation, changed course and pursued discrimination based upon ethnic minority status.140 This avenue proved fruitful,

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eroding the once common practices of language segregation, ushering in the era of bilingual education, validating the educational philosophy of educators like Sanchez.

American GI Forum

World War II created a multiplicity of challenges and social changes for Mexican

American veterans. Ex-servicemen discovered they’d fought the toxic racism of the Nazis only to be assaulted by the ugly visage of racism at home. In response, WWII veteran Dr.

Hector P. Garcia established a dynamic, politically active organization called the

American GI forum. Headquartered in Corpus Christi, it began as a mutual aid organization, but in 1949 morphed into a civil rights organization after the Felix Longoria affair transported it to the national and international stage.141

Mexican American soldier Felix Longoria died in combat during WW2 on the

Pacific front. The slain hero’s remains were finally sent home to Three Rivers, TX in

1948, but the town’s White-only mortuary denied him funeral services “because the whites would object to it.”142 Mrs. Longoria contacted Dr. Hector Garcia from the

American G.I. Forum voicing her dilemma. Garcia and a local reporter verified the story with Mr. Kennedy—the funeral director in question. Dr. Garcia sent telegrams to state and national leaders asking for an “investigation and correction of the un-American action of the Rice Funeral Home” in denying this soldier a reburial “solely on his

Mexican ancestry.”143 Senator Lyndon Johnson quickly responded, offering a burial with honors at Arlington National Cemetery. The incident gained national and international as one more example of racial intolerance in the state of Texas. While the Good

Neighbor Commission responded with a public statement of support, the State of Texas sought to discredit the allegations of racism calling it a witch-hunt. The furor skyrocketed

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the G.I. Forum to national attention and rewarded Johnson with an illustrious political career.144

The American GI Forum and LULAC often formed coalitions to bring civil rights abuse cases before the Supreme Court. LULAC attorney Gus Garcia argued and won the

1954 Hernandez v. Texas case. The Court ruled that the conviction was void since an all

White jury judged him rather than one of his of his peers. Some bigoted attorneys swayed jury selection, like those in Menard County, Texas who portrayed Mexicans as brutish illiterates.145

Texas and the Good Neighbor Commission

When the US instituted the “bracero” temporary agricultural worker program in the spring of 1942, workers flocked to the US to assist in the labor shortage. By the fall of

1943, Mexico banned field hands from migrating to Texas because of the harsh treatment they received due to the Jim Crow laws practiced in the state. Governor Coke Stevenson tried to placate Mexican governmental concerns by decreeing the segregationist laws null and void in order to save the cotton crop rotting in the fields.146 Meanwhile, the racially charged climate within the state increased in tempo. One incident at the Blue Moon Café brought the bitterness of racist practices to the forefront as the New Gulf, TX restaurant refused service to Mexican Consul General, Adolpho G. Dominguez. Mexican families in the town protested by disallowing their children to attend the racially segregated

“Mexican” school. In October the Mexican government raised objections and relations stretched to the limits. Texas reacted by forming the Good Neighbor Commission to investigate oppressive conditions, naming Pauline Kibbe Executive Secretary. The

Commission suggested remedies, the Texan government followed by enacting weak

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resolutions and Mexico relented, allowing Mexicans to re-enter Texas. Kibbe noted a plethora of evils that plagued “Latin Americans” living and working in Texas: refusal of service, terrorism by law enforcement officials, unfair labor practices, substandard housing, racially restrictive housing covenants, and school segregation. Wisely, Kibbe suggested remediation for the practices that the Texas Legislature should aim to rectify.147

In her book Latin Americans in Texas, Kibbe boiled the problems down to six major issues that involved the civil rights of Mexican Americans and for that matter,

Mexicans as well. They were: 1. Refusal of admission to or service in public places of business and amusement; 2.Arbitrary segregation of children in the public schools;

3.Refusal to sell or rent real estate to person of Mexican extraction, regardless of social, economic, or cultural status; 4.Discrimination in employment, including inferior wage scales, curtailment of promotional opportunities, and denial of union membership;

5.Refusal to permit citizens of Mexican extraction to vote in the Democratic primaries;

6.Refusal to permit qualified citizens of Mexican descent to participate in the administration of justice through jury service.148 Interestingly enough, in a report delivered to the Good Neighbor Commission by Commission member Dr. George I.

Sanchez, Sanchez elaborated the conclusions of his findings:

The implications to be derived…are exceedingly important ones…it is quite

obvious that we do not need to negotiate with Mexico concerning the rights and

responsibilities, the education or the health and welfare of one million of our

Spanish-name people. The part of the problem that is of official concern to the

Republic of Mexico is a minor part.149

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In essence, the majority of people who struggled against the ugly face of racism were not Mexican Nationals, but rather US citizens. Through his statistical findings, he discovered that greater than eighty percent of the Spanish surname population held US citizenship.

In the 1950s came about as once again the US blamed

Mexican immigrants for its woes. No longer did agribusiness require a large labor force as it did during the height of the , so the fickle mistress booted her cheap labor out of town, similar to the of the post Great Depression era. President

Dwight Eisenhower’s administration implemented the program against Mexican nationals but Mexican Americans with strong Mestizo features that worked as field hands also suffered deportation based upon the fact that they didn’t carry their birth certificates.

Chicana feminist Gloria Anzaldua mentioned in her book Borderlands: The New Mestiza, how her cousin—a fifth generation US citizen that worked as a migrant worker—was deported to Guadalajara, Mexico in a roundup by border patrol agents. Unfortunately many American citizens of Mexican descent had their civil rights violated in a similar manner.150

The Mexican Schools

Sanchez then took the opportunity to reiterate another pressing problem from his bully pulpit, that being, the common practice of segregating “Spanish surname” children in the state of Texas. Similar to Black schools, school administrators built Mexican schools to placate White demands as the idea of Mexican American children socializing with White children bothered them. School boards approved local policies and ordinances to continue school segregation and to limit education. Clearly these practices violated

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Texas laws,151 but state authorities turned a blind eye, as Anglo parents complained: “a dammed greaser” wasn’t “fit to sit side a white girl.”152 Conversely, sociologist E.S.

Bogardus opined upon segregated schools in Texas insisting that once Mexican American parents recognized the value of separate schools and the positive outcomes in learning, they would appreciate their “merits,” fully supporting them. In glowing terms, he described the theoretical approach to segregated schools, yet ignored the sub-standard facilities in relation to the Anglo schools. Had he visited a few school buildings that

Chicano educators like George I. Sanchez visited, he would not view segregation in such a positive light.153 Segregation also affected educational attainment and dropout rates.

According to a report by the Texas Education Agency entitled “Report of Pupils in Texas Public Schools Having Spanish Surnames, 1955-56,” the greatest number of permanent withdrawals occurred in grades, 1, 3, and 7.154 Mexican American children faced hardships in their quest to leap beyond a sixth grade education: reasons included poverty, limited educational resources, ill-equipped teachers, and district policies that limited their education. Various district programs prohibited them from progressing beyond a sixth grade education because of racially restrictive housing covenants that stipulated that they could only attend schools in their area. If perchance an occasional student passed to junior or high school, they attended it in a different county, through special consent of the district. Montejano argued that the agricultural machine sought to keep the Mexican American illiterate and ignorant—in order to maintain their labor force—neither growers nor White society desired educated Mexican Americans. He discovered that once a Mexican American student learned the Anglo version of Texas history and the Battle of the Alamo, many dropped out and never returned to school.155

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While those who worked the fields fought to gain an education, the large Mexican

American population in San Antonio faced similar but also different challenges.

San Antonio

San Antonio remained the nexus of Mexican American culture, acting like a magnet for immigrants to launch their journeys into the United States. Political scientist

Robert Rosales noted that economically, San Antonio suffered from one of the worst levels of poverty in the nation and its Westside constituted the center of the vortex due to its social and economic exclusion by the Anglo sector. Although a major Department of

Defense site, its wage base remained low compared to the national average due to its low- paying industries like agriculture, tourism, and the service industry.156 The Good

Government League or GGL ruled San Antonio after the Second World War from 1955-

1971, preferring to ignore the demands of the of Mexican American and Black sectors.

Governed by the business community, this party operated the city like a corporation rather than a political entity in an effort to “avoid radical social theory.”157 Full political enfranchisement remained elusive. Although numerous political efforts started in San

Antonio, factors such as political machines, poll taxes, short registration periods, and inconvenient polling places affected the Mexican American vote. Many Mexican

American candidates lacked the financial resources to run for political office, limiting many.158 After the enactment of the Civil Rights Act in 1964 the landscape changed for

San Antonio: the act ended segregation and discrimination, although a long and arduous road remained ahead, with many obstacles obstructing its path. From this point forward I shift my focus to events occurring only in San Antonio since the city reflected the state as

I paint a broad stroke of its history from 1964 to the present.

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The Alamo City Grows Up

With the advent of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of

1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson promoted Great Society projects like The War on

Poverty, , and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

These projects served as reparative measures for past inequities against minorities, especially Blacks. Serving as a springboard for political, social and economic action, it gave birth not only to the Movement, but also to the Brown Power/Chicano

Movements and ’s union (UFW). During the 1960s-

1970s San Antonio’s Mexican American community responded with a flourishing of activist groups such as Involvement of Mexican Americans in Gainful Endeavors

(IMAGE), Youth Entrepreneurship Program, Communities Organized for Public Service

(COPS), Viva Kennedy Club, Political Association of Spanish Speaking Organizations

(PASSO), Mexican American Political Association (MAPA) Mexican American Unity

Council (MAUC), the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO) that morphed into Unida Party (LRUP), Southwest Voter Registration Education Project

(SVREP), and a local branch of Saul Alinsky’s Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF). Many of these spontaneous groups fizzled quickly due to internal dissent, ideological differences, weak organization, and FBI infiltration by undercover agents.159 The 1960s-

1970s era also gave birth to political leaders on the local, state and national levels.

San Antonio’s homegrown politicians shared one factor in common—the men all served in World War II/Korea, reaped the benefits of the GI Bill in paying for their educations, and many graduated from St. Mary’s University Law School. In 1953 San

Antonians first elected Henry B. Gonzalez to the posts of city councilman, later to the

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Texas Senate, and the US House of Representatives, where he served a distinguished career as a politician from 1953-1998. State Senator Joe Bernal earned a doctorate in education after returning from the war, won a seat in the Texas House of Representatives in 1964, and the Texas Senate in 1967. He retired from politics to continue as an educator and rose to become a member of the Texas State Board of Education. County commissioner and municipal court judge Albert Pena Jr. entered politics in 1950 and San

Antonians elected/appointed him to the positions from 1950-1992. Pena’s activism against civil rights abuses angered Anglos in the Alamo city and police even jailed the commissioner for demonstrating against social injustice. Ernesto Cortes, Jr. trained at the

Industrial Area Foundation in Chicago (Saul Alinsky’s community organization strategies) and brought its precepts back to San Antonio, organizing the COPS program that advocated voter registration and voting campaigns. The COPS program improved statewide and local reforms for Mexican Americans.160

Other activists worked exclusively within the legal sphere, in the courts. Pete Tijerina struggled for Mexican American civil rights through his active role in LULAC and co-founded the Mexican American Legal Defense Fund (MALDEF) in 1967, serving as executive director. His San Antonio law practice fought against discrimination in hiring practices and unequal jury selections. Judge Carlos Cadena led the fight against racism and discrimination for Mexican Americans, served as Assistant

City Attorney in San Antonio and later in the Texas Fourth of Civil Appeals as a judge and chief justice.161

Several students (Jose Angel Gutierrez, Mario Compean, Juan Patlan, and Willie

Velasquez) at St. Mary’s University decided to take an active role in the Chicano

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Movement and organized the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO) in the

60s. The group disintegrated, but each member remained active in the pursuit of equality for Mexican Americans. Gutierrez and Compean ran unsuccessfully for governor of

Texas. Gutierrez earned PhD’s in Political Science and Law, eventually gaining judgeships in Zavala County and Dallas. Compean ran a futile campaign for mayor of

San Antonio in 1969 and assisted in creating La , later switching his political career for one in higher education. Velasquez formed the Southwest Voter

Registration Education Project (SVREP) and under his directorship encouraged Mexican

American voting as a path to political representation; he received the Presidential Medal of Freedom posthumously by President Clinton. Patlan continued with La Raza Party assisting Mexican Americans in improving their standard of living. In 1981 Good

Government League candidate made history when San Antonians elected him the first Mexican American Mayor of San Antonio since 1841. Cisneros rose to national prominence as Housing and Urban Development Director for the Clinton administration, but he resigned after the first term due to an adulterous affair that tarnished his image. In 1997 Cisneros joined Univision Television as chief operating officer.162

Several women born and raised in San Antonio rose to local, state, and national prominence. Native San Antonian Emma Tenayuca began her career as an activist participating in protests and strikes against the Finck Cigar Company and pecan shellers.

A member of the Communist Party, the House of Un-American Activities Committee blacklisted her so that she couldn’t gain employment in Texas. Vilma Martinez argued racist practices in Texas denied Mexican American women opportunities, so she left to

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pursue her education elsewhere. She graduated from Columbia University’s law school, worked for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), the New York State Division of Human Rights, Equal Employment Opportunity Council, and assisted in creating the Mexican American Legal Defense Council (MALDEF).163

Several women involved with the barrio’s House of Neighborly Services joined the protest movement to confront issues of education and health in San Antonio. Alicia

Martinez, Lupe Ybarra, Elvira Gomea, and JoAnn Gutierrez first began as grassroots activists and later became involved in voter registration drives, the poll tax repeal, precinct politics, and election campaigns. Mexican American politicians’ wives joined the Democratic Women of Bexar County—an organization previously open only to

Anglo women and Sylvia Rodriguez accessed politics as a secretary to a state representative. Rodriguez rose to the ranks of the Democratic National Committee as part of the Chicano Democratic caucus and worked there until 1984.164 Once provided with equal opportunities, these men and women demonstrated their commitment to the

Mexican American community and their determination to help shape the contours of not only San Antonio, but of the state and the nation in their quest for equal rights.

San Antonio Anglo leaders—mainly the powerful business community—aka The

Good Government League—began to lose their political foothold after the flowering of

Chicano consciousness in the mid 1970s. Previously, the GGL appointed the mayor, but in 1975, voters elected the mayor. In 1971 a Texas court ruled to change the multi- member system to single member district in order to rectify unequal Mexican American political representation, but Anglo officials watered this action down by requesting the annexation of nine more areas into the city—all located in affluent Anglo dominated

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areas. The poverty-stricken districts gained a voice in electing their council members, but the business community still called the shots amid vociferous protests over the ensuing decades. Nevertheless, this major ruling empowered and encouraged more Mexican

Americans into politics to finally change the face of city government and ultimately state and national politics.

According to the 2015 San Antonio City Council website, 6 out of 10 council members are Mexican American, the new mayor is a Black woman, finally mirroring the city demographics. The previous mayor was Mexican American and was later appointed to Secretary of HUD and rose to national prominence after delivering the keynote speech at the Democratic National Convention. His twin brother was elected to the US House of

Representatives and both remain in the political limelight. The Texas House of

Representatives and Senate also reflect the previous work of Mexican American activists, as 27 of 150 members of the Texas House are Latinos and 5 of 31 state senators are

Latinos. On the national level a Texas Senator of Cuban descent, was also a presidential candidate, and in the US House of Representatives 5 of 36 members are Latinos.165 While

Mexican Americans advanced in certain arenas, other areas like education struggled to equalize the playing field.

San Antonio public schools continued with their inequality in educating minorities and several class action lawsuits were argued in the courts over the decades:

San Antonio School District v. Rodriguez, (1973), Edgewood v. San Antonio ISD (1973) and Edgewood v. Kirby (1989). The district court ruled the school district disadvantaged children from poor districts and required school districts to remedy the inequality. The

Texas and US Supreme Courts reversed the lower court decision, but Edgewood joined

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with other disadvantaged school districts and re-filed its case in 1986. The Texas

Supreme Court ruled that the school financing system in Texas violated the Texas

Constitution and ordered the situation remedied. In 1991 Jonathan Kozol’s book, Savage

Inequalities reported that the poor districts had not yet received any benefits from the ruling. A recent article in 2013 by the Waco Tribune contends that the school inequalities still exist and conditions in poor districts remain unchanged.166 Despite San Antonio’s public school situation, the institutions of higher education improved in meeting the needs and interests of the local community.

Most of the colleges and universities in San Antonio created and maintained

Mexican American Studies programs. In 2013 Palo Alto College began an Associate of

Arts degree program in Mexican American Studies joining the University of Texas San

Antonio’s granting Bachelor’s degrees in the discipline. Our Lady of the Lake University and Trinity University also offer Bachelor degrees with an emphasis in Mexican

American studies. While interest in Mexican American studies exists, the problem facing most public school graduates remains one of equal access—or what was once called affirmative action—where students would be granted admission based upon factors other than test scores or grades. In his biography, ex-HUD Secretary Julian Cisneros credits

Affirmative Action in helping him gain acceptance into Stanford University. The demise of Affirmative Action programs negatively affects minority students the greatest and requires re-thinking by lawmakers, activists, and legislators for students to benefit equally as their White counterparts.167 In all, circumstances improved for minorities, especially Mexican Americans after the cessation of the Jim Crow laws and with the inception of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and Affirmative

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Action. Unfortunately after several decades, the dominant majority deemed some programs as obsolete and unnecessary because—according to them—the inequality had been reversed and now it signified a case of . Thus the dominant society reversed many of the strides gained by Chicano/a activists over the years bringing them back to ground zero.

Clearly, Anglo Texans still seek to regulate Mexicans in an effort to subdue national culture and reality. In effect, the state still governs and pens the history of Texas, watering down any negative history that tarnishes its image.168 If one views the film about the Alamo at the IMAX Theater in San Antonio, there aren’t any Mexicans killed defending the Alamo. Chicano historian Raul Ramos argues this inaccurate representation reinforces the myth that it is the “heroic last stand”169 of Anglo Texans against the forces of Mexican tyranny. Unfortunately, these facts regarding the Centralist-

Federalist clash between the Mexican parties disappeared from Texas history books and historical sites like the Alamo. The existing revisionist explanations at the Alamo site changed only recently. The placards inside the Alamo highlight the recent scholarly work on the Centralist-Federalist theme, but neglect to mention the disagreement that arose between the factions. Anglo historians eliminated an important milestone about the

Mexican loyalists: they first promoted self-rule as a part of the government of Mexico.

Instead, the Centralist-Federalist argument vanishes to one that reflects the dominant

Anglo discourse, a story line that advocates total independence for freedom-loving

Texans from the tyrannical Santa Anna and ignores the divergence among parties. 170 In sum, the dominant discourse lingers. Anglo Texan history continues to frame the war for

Texas Independence as one of the tyrannical Mexican Napoleon, Santa Anna, who denies

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Texans their freedom. Rather than focus on the actual nexus of the original disagreement,

Alamo visitors are greeted with a child-like tale of a cannon and a town that refuses to return it to Mexican authorities.171 Anglo history fails to comment on how the US invaders fractured and traumatized Mexican society, their towns in ruins, their livelihoods in jeopardy, and their future uncertain. These victims of war suffered many hardships and the constant sieges left an indelible mark upon them. The following chapter discusses this cycle of violence that occurs en masse, traumatizing its victims in unseen ways.

End Notes

1 Stuart Hall, ed., Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices (London: Sage, 1997), 217-229; Stuart Hall, David Held, Don Hubert and Kenneth Thompson, Modernity: An Introduction to Modern Societies (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2005), 3. The concept of “the Other” pertains to any type of stereotyping. Typically a discourse of racial supremacy, “the Other” refers to a cultural representation of peoples and cultures that differ from Western Europeans. Miguel Leon- Portilla, Broken Spears: The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico 2nd Edition (Boston, MA: Beacon Press,1992), 119-120; Fray Jeronimo de Mendieta, “The Spiritual Conquest,” 114-121.

2 Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 383; Everett Ross Clinchy, Equality of Opportunity for Latin Americans in Texas (New York: Arno Press, 1974), 221.

3 Robert A. Calvert and Arnoldo De Leon, The History of Texas (Wheeling, IL: Harlan-Davidson,1996), 69; Arnoldo De Leon, They Called Them Greasers: Anglo Attitudes Towards Mexicans in Texas, 1821-1900 (Austin: TX, The University of Texas Press,1992), 4-5; Oboler, Ethnic Labels, vii; Martha Menchaca, “Chicano Indianism,” American Ethnologist, 20, no. 3 (1993): 583-603.

4 Meier and Ribera, Mexican Americans, 5.

5 Leon-Portilla, 64; Martha Menchaca, Recovering History,115.

6 Matthew Restall, Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest (New York: Oxford University Press), 2003, 47; Richard Buitron, The Quest for Tejano Identity in San Antonio 1918-2000 (New York: Routledge, 2004), 3.

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7 Frantz Fanon, "On National Culture,” in Colonial Discourse and Post-Colonial Theory, ed. Patrick Williams and Laura Chrisman (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), 37, 45.

8 Leon-Portilla, Broken Spears, 64-65.

9 Ibid., 129-131.

10 Fray Jerónimo de Mendieta, Historia Eclesiástica Indiana, ed. by Joaquín García Icazbalceta (Alicante, Spain: Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes, 1870, 1999), Libro Primero, Capitulo XVI, http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/nd/ark:/59851/bmczs2p6. Fray Mendieta wrote the scathing account from 1571-1596, sent it to Spain and was lost. In 1870 Joaquin Icazbalceta published an edited version after he discovered it in a library in Madrid.

11 Ibid., Libro Primero, Capitulo XVI.

12 Ibid., Libro Primero, Capitulo XVII.

13 Cristián Andrés Roa-de-la Carrera, Histories of Infamy: Francisco Lopez De Gomara and the Ethics of Spanish Imperialism (Boulder, CO: University Press of Colorado, 2005), 192-200. Both Gomara and Las Casas verify the abuses suffered by the Indians at the hands of the Spaniards.

14 Mendieta, Spiritual Conquest, 114-120; Mendieta, Historia Eclesiastica, Libro Tercero Capitulo III, Libro Cuatro, Capitulo XXIX. These chapters (in Spanish) of the Historia contain Mendieta’s account of Cortez’s request to send friars to act as guardians for the Indians and the subsequent taking of Indian slaves by the Spanish again and the priests’ protesting on behalf of the Indians to the Crown at Valladolid.

15 Fidel Iglesias, "New Spain," in The Historical Encyclopedia of World Slavery, ed. Junius P. Rodriguez (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC CLIO, 1997) 465-466, https://books.google.com/.

16 Hall, Modernity, 217.

17 Robert Carmack, Janine Gasco, and Gary Gossen, The Legacy of : A History and Culture of a Native American (Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall, 1996), 132.

18 Robert H. Jackson and Edward D. Castillo, Indians, Franciscans, and Spanish Colonization: The Impact of the Mission System on California Indians (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996), 82-85;

73

19. Iglesias, “New Spain,” 465; Nora Reyes Costilla, "New Spain (Mexico) Colonial Experience," in The Historical Encyclopedia of World Slavery, ed. Junius P. Rodriguez (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 1997), 466-467, https://books.google.com/.

20 Lester Bugbee, “Slavery of Texas I,” in Political Science Quarterly 13, no. 3 (1898): 389, http://www.jstor.org. For more on AfroMestizos, see Gonzalo Aguirre Beltran, La Poblacion Negra de Mexico.

21 Jonathan Brown, "The Working People of Mexico," Chap. 9 in Latin America: A Social History of the Colonial Period (Belmont: Thomson Wadsworth, 2005), 286-307.

22 Jose Vasconcelos, "The Cosmic Race," in The Mexican Reader, ed. Gilbert Joseph and Timothy Henderson (Chapel Hill: Duke University Press, 2002), 15-19.

23 Buitron, Tejano Identity, 3; Leon-Portilla, The Aztec Account, 64; Menchaca, “Chicano Indianism,” 115. In 1519, Spaniard Hernan Cortes judged tribal peoples through his racist cultural paradigm, judging the merits of a people by skin color. Motecuhzoma, on the other hand, greeted him as a god, based upon Aztec prophecies. Cortez considered this acknowledgment as a sign of racial superiority of the White man.

24 Octavio Paz, The Labyrinth of Solitude, translated by Yara Milos Lysander Kemp, Rachel Phillips Belash (New York: Grove Press, 1985), 79-80.

25 Coahuila-Tejas covered vast areas of Northern Mexico from the Mexican state of Coahuila to present day Texas to the Louisiana border.

26 Fray Damian Manzanet, "Carta De Don Damian Manzanet a Don Carlos De Siguenza Sobre El Descubrimiento De La Bahia Del Espiritu Santo,"The Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Association 2, no. 4 (1690, 1899): 258. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30242775.

27 Theresa Acosta, Las Tejanas: Three Hundred Years of History (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press 2006), 3-6; Anderson, Conquest, 20-21; Robert Calvert and Arnoldo De Leon, A History of Texas (Wheeling, IL: Harlan-Davidson, 1996), 3-6,69; William Wilmon Newcomb, The Indians of Texas: From Pre-historic to Modern Times (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2002), 280-281, 315, http://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.03714.

28 Acosta, Las Tejanas, 6; Calvert and De Leon, A History of Texas, 20-21; Newcomb, Indians of Texas, 30-31, 59; Walter Prescott Webb, The Texas Ranger: A Century of Frontier Defense (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1965), 6.

29 Calvert and De Leon, A History of Texas, 5; Newcomb, Indians of Texas, 116, 133-136,157; Webb, The Texas Ranger, 6.

74

30 Acosta, Las Tejanas, 4; Calvert and De Leon, A History of Texas, 69; Newcomb, Indians of Texas, 280-281, 315.

31 Anderson, Conquest, 19-20; Calvert and De Leon, A History of Texas, 6; Newcomb, Indians of Texas,193, 226, 248-249.

32 Juan Olivan de Rebolledo, “Letter to King Phillip V on the French Incursions into Tejas,” December 24, 1717, Bexar Archives, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, The University of Texas at Austin, Box 2S25.

33 Menchaca, Recovering History, 100-101. US policies failed to acknowledge tribal people as citizens, an important difference between the two ruling cultures.

34 Richard Buitron, The Quest for Tejano Identity in San Antonio, Texas 1918- 2000 (New York: Routledge, 2004), 1; Calvert and De Leon, A History of Texas, 481; Online, Christopher Long, "Bexar County," http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/BB/hcb7.html; Ramos, Beyond the Alamo, 15; Rebolledo, “King Phillip,” Box 2S25.

35 Terri Morgan, "New Book Attacks Historical Image of California's Missions," in Santa Cruz Sentinel, 05/10/2014. According to Elias Castillo, author of A Cross of Thorns: The Enslavement of California's Indians by the Spanish Missions, the California missions were "death camps" run by the Franciscan fathers to control/coerce the indigenous tribes into submission.

36 Capt. Torivio de Vrrutia, "Translation of Certified Copy of Initial Proceedings Concerning Investigation of Murders of Fray Francisco José Ganzábal and Juan José Záens de Zevallos at San Xavier Mission," May 23, 1752, Bexar Archives Online, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin.

37 Robert E. Wright, OMI. "Spanish Missions." Texas State Historical Society, http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/its02. Accessed November 3, 2015.

38 Rodolfo Acuna, Occupied America: A History of Chicanos (New York: Harper and Row, 1981), 3; Ana Carolina Castillo Crimm, De Leon: A Tejano Family History (Austin, TX: The University of Texas Press, 2005), 51-56;De Leon, Greasers, 64, 69; Raul Ramos, Beyond the Alamo: Forging Mexican Ethnicity in San Antonio, 1821-1861 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2008), 23; Quintard Taylor, “Texas: The South Meets the West, the View Through African American History,” The Journal of the West 44, no. 2 (2005),45.

39 Juan Olivan de Rebolledo, Report on the Founding of Settlements at Bexar, La Bahia, and Among the Asinais and Cadodaches,” 1717, Bexar Archives, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, The University of Texas at Austin, Box 2S25.

75

40 Father Antonio Margil, Report, “Aplicacion del Punto de las Bulas Acerca Comision de Misiones,” 1725, The Eberstadt Collection, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, The University of Texas at Austin, Box 3N179. Margil’s letter doesn’t explain how he kept the bellicose natives in line.

41 “Census report of the Jurisdiction of Bexar,” December 31, 1783, Bexar Archives, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, The University of Texas at Austin, Box 2C50. See Example 2 in End Matter.

42 John Quincy Adams, Letter, July 20,1819, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, The University of Texas at Austin, 3H26.

43 Acuna, Occupied America, 3-5; Fehrenbach, Lone Star, 128-133, Foley, The White Scourge, 21.

44 Acuna, Occupied America, 4-5;Bugbee, “Slavery I,” 389-402, Lester Bugbee, “Slavery in Texas II” Political Science Quarterly, 13, no. 4, (1898): 648-668; Calvert, and De Leon, A History of Texas, 59; De Leon, Mexican Americans, 3; Colin MacLachlan and William Beezley, El Gran Pueblo: A History of Greater Mexico (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: 1999), 12, 22; Transcript of Translation of a Law Passed by the Legislature in the State of , May 1828, in Stephen F. Austin Collection, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, Austin: TX, The Portal to Texas History, University of Libraries, http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth217328, 1-4.

45 Acuna, Occupied America,7-10; Jesus De La Pena, With Santa Anna in Texas: A Personal Narrative of the Revolution, Transl. by Carmen Perry (College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 1836), 1997, 4, 43, 55, 132; Paul D. Lack, "Occupied Texas: 1835-1836" in Mexican Americans in Texas History, ed. Cynthia Orozco, Emilio Zamora, and Rodolfo Rocha (Austin, TX: Texas State Historical Association, 2000), 36- 38; MacLachlan and Beezeley, El Gran Pueblo, 24; Meier and Ribera, Mexican Americans, 58; Mooney and Morrison, “History of San Antonio,” 24-26; Ramos, Beyond the Alamo, 153-158; Texas History Movies (Dallas, TX: Magnolia Petroleum Company, 1956), 75-115.

46 Commander-in-Chief Edward Burleson, Volunteer Army of Texas, "The Fall of Bejar," in Broadside Collection, Vandale Collection, San Felipe de Austin, Texas Mexico: Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin, December 14, 1835. The city suffered from multiple sieges, residents constantly under suspicion by both armies. Once the Texans overthrew Gen. Cos, Santa Anna headed for Tejas. Both the US and France sought to colonize Mexican Tejas, see previous Rebellodo letter.

47 Acuna, Occupied America, 7-10; Fehrenbach, Lone Star, 1; MacLachlan and Beezley, El Gran Pueblo, 24; Meier and Ribera, Mexican Americans, 30, 58; Mooney

76

and Morrison, “History of San Antonio,” 24-26; Ramos, Beyond the Alamo, 157-158, 168. Most of the Alamo rebels were Anglos, but according to historical sources, nine Tejanos also died defending the Alamo. Several historians disputed any Tejano deaths at the Alamo.

48 Mooney and Morrison, “History of San Antonio,” 24-26.

49 Buitron, Tejano Identity,12-13; De Leon, Greasers, 6; Ramos, Beyond the Alamo, 155.

50 De Leon, Greasers, 21.

51 Frederic Law Olmstead, A Journey through Texas: Or a Saddle Trip through the Texas Frontier (Lincoln: University of Press, 2004, 1857), 164.

52 Hans Peter Mareus Neilsen Gammel, "The Constitution of the Republic, 1836 " in The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897, Volume 1, (Austin, TX: 1898), 1078-1079, The Portal to Texas History, University of North Texas Libraries, http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth5872/.

53 Gammel, "The Constitution of the Republic, 1836,” 1078-1080.

54 Hans Peter Mareus Neilsen Gammel, “Slave Codes, 1836,” in The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897 Volume 1, (Austin, Texas: 1898) 720-722, The Portal to Texas History, University of North Texas Libraries, (texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth5872/.

55 Hans Peter Mareus Neilsen Gammel, “Slave Codes, 1837,” in The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897 Volume 1, (Austin, Texas: 1898) 1385-1386, The Portal to Texas History, University of North Texas Libraries, (texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth5872/. The new Republic under Sam Houston passed new slave codes on December 14,1837, maintaining the integrity of the previous codes, adding a few more harsher laws against rebellion, rape, or murder, and to speak in an untoward manner to Whites.

56 Anderson, Conquest, 52; Calvert and De Leon, A History of Texas, 96-97; De Leon, Mexican Americans, 34-35; Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 37-39.

57 Mooney and Morrison, “History of San Antonio,” 87-89. According to records from the 1877 City Directory of San Antonio, from the time of the city’s official incorporation in June of 1837 until 1877, the number of Spanish surnames in positions of power steadily decreased, until they were all Anglos. In 1842 Juan Seguin would be the last mayor of Mexican ancestry to hold the post until 1981, when Henry Cisneros was elected, more than one hundred and forty years later.

77

58 Hans Peter Mareus Neilsen Gammel, “An Act, Sec. 5,” The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897 Volume 2, (Austin, TX: 1898), 374, The Portal to Texas History, University of North Texas Libraries, http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth6726/. This act, “An Act, Sec. 5,” passed by the Republic of Texas on Feb. 5, 1840 was signed by David S. Kaufmann, David G. Burnet and Gov. Mirabeau Lamar. It allowed much room for interpretation, as Mexicans could be considered “rebellious” for many reasons and thus lose their land.

59 Jesus F. de la Teja, A Revolution Remembered: The Memoirs and Selected Correspondence of Juan N. Seguin (Austin, TX: Texas State Historical Association, 2002), 89.

60 De la Teja, Revolution, 101.

61 Crimm, De Leon: A History, 165-183; Calvert and De Leon, A History of Texas, 96-97; De Leon, Greasers, 77; De Leon, Mexican Americans in Texas, 34-35; Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans 27-28, 37-39; Walter Prescott Webb, The Great Plains (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1981), 210.

62 Webb, The Great Plains, 210; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks by Antonio Gramsci, trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffery Nowell Smith (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1971), 506-507.

63 Mirabeau B. Lamar, “Mirabeau B. Lamar to the Texas Congress, December 20, 1838,” House Journal, Third Congress, Archives and Information Services Division, Texas State Library and Archives Commission. See Example 3, End Matter.

64 Anderson, Conquest, 7-8.

65 Free land was advertised as early as April 23 of 1836.

66 “Texas! April 23, 1836,” State of Texas, 1836, Broadside Collection, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, The University of Texas at Austin, Box BC OB; “Texas Forever!” March 2, 1836, Broadside Collection, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, The University of Texas at Austin, Box BC OB; “Texas Association: 8,000 Square Miles on the Trinity River, Grant 1844” 1844, Broadside Collection, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, The University of Texas at Austin, Box Texas Association, Box BC DB. Three posters advertised Texas as “the Garden of America” encouraging immigrants to join the freemen, enticing them with free tracts of land. In 1836, some promised 800 acres, others offered from 360 to 4600, while in 1844 offers stood at 8,000.

67 Anderson, Conquest, 7-8; Mirabeau B. Lamar, “Mirabeau B. Lamar to David G. Burnet and others, June 27, 1839,” Texas Indian Papers, Vol. 1, no. 36, Archives and Information Services Division, Texas State Library and Archives Commission, 1-2.

78

Walter Prescott Webb, The Texas Ranger: A Century of Frontier Defense, (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1965), 20.

68 Webb, The Texas Ranger, xv,15, 96.

69 Anderson, Conquest, 8-9, 184; Arnoldo De Leon, They Called Them Greasers: Anglo Attitudes Towards Mexicans in Texas, 1821-1900 (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1992), 76.

70 George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade: Major General United States Army, vol. 1 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913), 109-110, http://books.google.com/ebooks.

71 Meade, Life and Letters,108-109.

72 Ibid.

73 Ulysses Simpson Grant, Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant (New York: Webster & Co., 1894), 109-110, http://books.google.com/ebooks..

74 S. Mintz and S. McNeil, “The Mexican War,” Digital History (2013), http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtID=3&psid=547.

75 Acuna, Occupied America, 18-19; MacLachlan and Beasley, El Gran Pueblo, 27; Roberto Rosales, The Illusion of Inclusion: The Untold Political Story of San Antonio (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2000), 20; Daniel C. Villegas, Ignacio Bernal, Alejandro M. Toscano, Luis Gonzalez, Eduardo Blanquel, Historia Minima de Mexico (: El Colegio de Mexico, 1981), 101.

76 Grant, Personal Memoirs, 37.

77 John C. Calhoun, “Address to the Thirtieth Congress, January 6, 1848,” National Era, ProQuest American Periodical Series Online, 3.

78 Acuna, Occupied America, 11; Neil Foley, The White Scourge, 21; Montejano, Anglos and Texans, 16; MacLachlan and Beasley, El Gran Pueblo, 27; Ramos, Beyond the Alamo, 200-201; Thomas Sowell, Ethnic America: A History (New York: Basic Books, 1981), 244-267.

79 Bugbee, “Slavery in Early Texas, II,” 648-649; Menchaca, “Chicano Indianism,” 584; Menchaca, Recovering History, 217, 228-232; Olmstead, Journey Through Texas, 163-164, 265, 427; “Treaty of Peace, Friendship, Limits, and Settlement with the Republic of Mexico,” February 2, 1848, in Statutes at Large, 29th-31st sess. (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1851), 922-943, from Library of Congress, A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: US Congressional Documents and Debates,

79

1774-1875, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage. A full discussion of the slave codes and Black codes is discussed in this chapter. See FN 59-73.

80 Calvert and De Leon, A History of Texas, 96; Lamar, "Mirabeau B. Lamar to David G. Burnet, June 27, 1839," 4; MacLachlan and Beasley, El Gran Pueblo, 35; Ramos, Beyond the Alamo,173; Olmstead, Journey Through Texas, 163-164, 265, 427.

81 Anderson, Conquest, 7; Olmstead, Journey Through Texas, 245; Webb, The Texas Rangers,127-130.

82 William D. Carrigan and Clive Webb, “The Lynching of Persons of Mexican Origin or Descent in the United States, 1848-1928,” Journal of Social History, 37, no. 2, (2003): 414. See Example 1, Tables 1 & 2 in End Matter; Olmstead, Journey Through Texas, 159.

83 Carrigan and Webb, “Lynching,” 417-418.

84 De Leon, Greasers, 51, 63, 80-82; Meier and Ribeira, Mexican Americans, 82.

85 Carrigan and Webb, “Lynching,” 417- 418; Olmstead, Journey Through Texas, 163-164.

86 Carrigan and Webb, “Lynching,” 418; Jack Forbes, Aztecas del Norte: The Chicanos of Aztlan (Greenwich, CT: Fawcett Publications,1973), 88-92; Foley, The White Scourge, 24-25; Evelyn Nakano Glenn, Unequal Freedom: How Race and Gender Shaped American Citizenship and Labor (Cambridge, MA: Press, 2002), 145-160; Sean Kelly, “Mexico in His Head: Slavery and the Texas-Mexico Border, 1810-1860,” Journal of Social History 37, no. 3 (2004), 718; Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 28; Olmstead, Journey Through Texas, 164-165.

87 Kenneth Hamilton, “White Wealth and Black Repression in Harrison County, Tx: 1865-1868,” The Journal of Negro History, 84, no. 4 (1999): 340-341; Chas W. Ramsdell, “The Natural Limits of Slavery Expansion,” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 16, no. 2 (1929): 153-155.

88 "Run Away Slaves in Mexico," Anti-Slavery Advocate, London: England, September 1857, 65-72, in Dorothy Porter Wesley Collection, African American Research Library and Cultural Center, Special Collections, Broward County Library; Wendell G. Addington, “Slave Insurrections in Texas 1850,” The Journal of Negro History, 35, no.4 (1950): 432-435; Ramsdell, “The Natural Limits,”154-159; Taylor, “The South Meets the West,” 44-47.

89. De Leon, Mexican Americans, 52; Foley, The White Scourge, 24-25.

80

90 Addington, “Slave Insurrections,” 426, 432-435; De Leon, Mexican Americans in Texas, 47-49; Hans Peter Mareus Neilsen Gammel, “An Act Concerning the Offenses Committed by Negroes, in The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897 Volume 3 (Austin, TX:1898),1298-1301, The Portal to Texas History, University of North Texas Libraries, http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth6728/; See Example 11, End Matter. Ramsdell, “The Limits,”159; Taylor, “The South Meets the West,” 46-47.

91 Acuna, Occupied America, 31-33; De Leon, Greasers, 87-88; Texas Historical Commission, “Texas in the Civil War: Stories of Sacrifice, Valor and Hope,” (2002):1-4, The Portal to Texas History, Government Documents Department, Denton, TX, University of North Texas Libraries, http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth415075/.

92 Hans Peter Mareus Neilsen Gammel, “An Act to Define and Declare the Rights of Persons Lately Known as Slaves and Free Persons of Color,” in The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897 Volume 5 (Austin, TX:1898), 1049-1050, The Portal to Texas History, University of North Texas Libraries, http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth6727/. See Example 12, End Matter. Gammel, “Vagrancy Laws” in Laws, vol. 5, 1020-1022.

93 Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 205; The American Mosaic: The African American Experience, s.v., "Fourteenth Amendment," http://africanamerican2.abc- clio.com/; The American Mosaic: The African American Experience, s.v., "Fifteenth Amendment," http://africanamerican2.abc-clio.com/.

94 De Leon, Greasers, 57; Hans Peter Mareus Neilsen Gammel, “The Reconstruction Acts,” in The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897 Volume 6 (Austin, TX:1898), 1- 12, The Portal to Texas History, University of North Texas Libraries, http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth6734/; Quintard Taylor, “Texas: The South Meets the West, the View Through African American History,” Journal of the West, 44, no. 2 (2005): 48.

95 De Leon, Greasers, 57-59, 176; Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 39.

96 Rodriguez v. State of Texas, in District Court, W.D. Texas, Bexar County: (Westlaw, 1897), campus.westlaw.com.ezproxy.fau.edu/.

97 Theresa Acosta, Las Tejanas: Three Hundred Years of History (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2003), 61;De Leon, Greasers, 58, 82; Hans Peter Mareus Neilsen Gammel, “Elections: Manner of Holding and of Making Returns” in The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897 Volume 12 (Austin, TX:1898), Sequence 163-164, The Portal to Texas History, University of North Texas Libraries, http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth6734/; Rodriguez v. State of Texas, in District Court, W.D. Texas, Bexar County, Westlaw (1897); Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 143.

81

98 De Leon, Mexican Americans, 54, 67; Foley, The White Scourge, 25-26; Kenneth M. Hamilton, “White Wealth and Black Repression in Harrison County, Tx: 1865-1868,” The Journal of Negro History, 84, no. 4 (1999): 351; Law, Journey Through Texas, 361.

99 Foley, The White Scourge, 36-37;De Leon, Greasers, 54; Sowell, Ethnic America, 244-267.

100 Gammel, Hans Peter Mareus Neilsen, “Constitutional Amendments, CII: An Act requiring Railroad companies to Provide Convenient Accommodation for Freedmen,” in The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897 Volume 5 (Austin, TX:1898), The Portal to Texas History, University of North Texas Libraries, http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth6727/.

101 Hans Peter Mareus Neilsen, “Texas Reconstruction Acts of 1870,” in The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897 Volume 6 (Austin, TX:1898), The Portal to Texas History, University of North Texas Libraries, 3-12; http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth6734/; Plessy vs. Ferguson, Judgement, Decided May 18, 1896, Records of the Supreme Court of the United States, Record Group 267; Plessy v. Ferguson, 163, #15248, National Archives, https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=false&doc=52.

102 Hans Peter Mareus Neilsen Gammel, “Schools,” in The Laws of Texas, 1822- 1897 Volume 7 (Austin, TX:1898), 545, 973, 1482, The Portal to Texas History, University of North Texas Libraries, http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth6732/.

103 Hans Peter Mareus Neilsen Gammel, “Railroads-Separate Coaches Required,” The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897 Volume 10, (Austin, TX:1899), The Portal to Texas History, University of North Texas Libraries, 46-47, http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth6733/.

104 Hans Peter Mareus Neilsen Gammel, “Elections,” in The Laws of Texas, 1822- 1897 Volume 12 (Austin, TX:1898), 863, 948-949, The Portal to Texas History, University of North Texas Libraries, http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth6695/.

105 De Leon, Mexican Americans, 67; Foley, The White Scourge, 5, 41-43, 51-52; Fehrenbach, Lone Star, 689; Meier and Ribera, Mexican Americans, 119-123; Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 225-227; Francine Kibbe, Latin Americans in Texas, 2nd ed. (New York: Arno Press 1946), 120-121.

106 Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 203-205; Hans Peter Mareus Neilsen Gammel, "Vagrancy-Defining and Fixing Punishment For," in Gammel's Laws of Texas Volume 14 (Austin, TX, March 17, 1909), http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth9392/.

82

107 US Census Bureau, “Section 31: Twentieth Century Statistics,” in Statistical Abstract of the United States (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1999), 871.

108 Handbook of Texas Online. T. R. Fehrenbach, "San Antonio, TX," Handbook of Texas Online, Texas State Historical Association, http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/hds02. Accessed June 06, 2005.

109 Buitron, Tejano Identity, 21, 135.

110 Texas Lonestar Restaurants Association, “NO DOGS, NEGROS, MEXICANS.” Lonestar Restaurant Association, Dallas, Texas. Printed “Jim Crow” sign, n.d. Black History Collection, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress (024.00.00). http://www.loc.gov/exhibits/civil-rights-act/segregation-era.html#obj024. See End Matter Example 4-5.

111 Meier and Ribeira, Mexican Americans, 214; Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans,114, 262; Sowell, Ethnic America, 249-250.

112 Miguelito Paredes, interview by author, San Antonio, TX, July 19, 2005.

113 Court of Civil Appeals of Texas, San Antonio, Clifton George Co. v. Great Southern Life Insurance Co. (Westlaw: San Antonio, 1921) http://www.campus.westlaw.com.ezproxy.fau.edu/

114 Benjamin Goldberg, "Voices of the Past: Tuberculosis in Racial Types with Special Reference to Mexicans" American Journal of Public Health 101, no. 7 (July 2011): 1209-10, http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3110211/pdf/1209.pdf. Dr. Goldberg’s original article, published in 1929, voiced warnings against immigration of Mexicans to US, considering them “a serious social liability” due to the high rate of TB in the Mexican population (1210).

115 Court of Civil Appeals of Texas, Austin v. Richardson et al., (Westlaw: San Antonio, 1926) http://www.campus.westlaw.com.ezproxy.fau.edu/.

116 Montejano, “Old Roads, New Horizons,” 383; E. S. Bogardus, The Mexican in the United States (San Francisco: R & E Research Publishers, Inc., 1970), 20-22.

117 Hans Peter Mareus Neilsen Gammel, “Spanish May be Taught in Schools in Certain Counties,” in The Laws of Texas, 1927, Volume 25, 1927; The Portal to Texas History, University of North Texas Libraries, http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth16125/.

118 De Leon, Mexican Americans, 86; Meier and Ribiera, Mexican Americans, 130; Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 183.

83

119 Bogardus, Mexican, 73; De Leon, Mexican Americans, 69; Foley, The White Scourge, 8; Forbes, Aztecas del Norte, 111, 123; Madsen, Mexican Americans, 11; Meier and Ribiera, Mexican Americans, 153-155.

120 John C. Box, 69 Congressional Record, H2817-18, (daily ed. February

9,1928).

121 Ibid.

122 Ibid.

123 Gammel, Laws of Texas, vol. 1, 1294-1295; Ibid, vol. 3, “Section 38,” 1510; Ibid, vol. 4, “Title 12, Chapter 1, Unlawful Marriage, Articles 386-395a, 1036-1037; Ibid, vol. 5, 1049.

124 Box, Congressional Record, H2817-18.

125 Ibid.

126 Montejano, “Old Roads, New Horizons,” 89. Another group initiated the Primer Congreso Mexicanista (First Mexican Congress of Texas) in 1911 and gathered delegates in Laredo to discuss the Mexican inequity and discrimination. They condemned the sub-standard schooling, lynchings, illegal land loss, and worker exploitation that Tejanos were subjected to. Organizer activists were Nicasio, Clemente, and Jovita Idar of Laredo, prominent journalists of the day.

127 Amy Waters Yarsinke, All for One and One for All: A Celebration of Seventy Five Years of the League of United Latin American Citizens (Virginia Beach, VA: Walsworth Publishing, 2004), 7-8.

128 Modesto A., “LULAC: Sanchez-Cox Murder Case,” November 20, 1943b, in George I. Sanchez Papers, Benson Latin American Collection, General Libraries, University of Texas at Austin, Box 22, no. 11. See End Matter, Example 18, for a copy of Gomez’s letter citing the citizens of town whispering about lynching the defendant, Serapio Sanchez, because he murdered a white man. Modesto A. Gomez, "LULAC: Letter to George I. Sanchez re: defendant Serapio Sanchez," November 6, 1943a, in George I. Sanchez Papers, Benson Latin American Collection, General Libraries, University of Texas at Austin, Box 22, no. 11.

129 US Census Bureau, “Population: Special Report on Foreign Born White Families By Country of Birth of Head, with an Appendix Giving Statistics For Mexicans, Indians, Chinese, and Japanese Families,” in Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1930), 207; US Census Bureau, “Population: Volume II, Characteristics of the Population, Part 6, Pennsylvania-Texas,”

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in Sixteenth Census of the United States, 1940 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1940), 762. See End Matter, Examples 6-7 for a copy of the Census Bureau reclassification.

130 Buitron, Tejano Identity, 23; De Leon, Mexican Americans,102; Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 231.

131 Del Rio I.S.D. v Salvatierra, 33 S.W.2d 790 (Tex. Civ. App. 1930), https://casetext.com/case/indep-sch-dist-v-salvatierra.

132 Ibid.

133 Westminster School District v. Mendez, 1947, 161 F.2d 774 (9th Cir. 1947), https://casetext.com/case/westminster-sch-d-orange-cty-v-mendez; State of Texas, “Memorandum of Points and Authorities In Support of Plaintiffs Application for Injunction Pendente Lite," in George I. Sanchez Papers, Benson Latin American Collection, General Libraries, University of Texas at Austin, April 14, 1947, Box 22, folder 2. Texas attorneys scurried to quickly note that Texas had no “constitutional or statutory provisions” authorizing the segregation of Mexican American school children after the Mendez ruling.

134 Joe Greenhill, Asst. to Attorney General of Texas, “Opinion no. V-128, Re: Legality of Building for Instruction of Latin American Students,” in George I. Sanchez Papers, Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas at Austin, April 8,1947, Box 22, Folder 2; Dr. George I. Sanchez, "Letter to Governor Beauford Jester," in George I. Sanchez Papers, Austin, TX: Benson Latin American Collection, General Libraries, University of Texas at Austin, May 15, 1947, Box 20, folder 13; Dr. George I. Sanchez, “Segregation Complaint to Joe Greenhill, Asst. to Attorney General of Texas,” George I. Sanchez Papers, Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas at Austin, May, 8,1947, Box 22, Folder 2.

135 Ben H. Rice, “Judgment, Minerva Delgado et al vs. Bastrop Independent School District, 1948,” University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, Houston Metropolitan Research Center at Houston Public Library, texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth248859/m1/1/.

136 Southside School Parents, “Letter of complaint re: Southside School Bus and Mexican students,” 1945, George I. Sanchez Papers, Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas at Austin, April 8,1947, Box 32, Folder 2; Meier and Ribiera, Mexican Americans, 72.

137 Dr. George Sanchez, “Letter to Dr. I. A. Woods, State Superintendent of Public Instruction,” George I. Sanchez Papers, Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas at Austin, July 1, 1948, Box 32, folder 2, 1-2. Ex. 26: George I. Sanchez, photographer, “Mathis Ward School Privies,” photograph, Austin, TX, 1946,

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from George I. Sanchez Papers, Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas at Austin, http://www.lib.utexas.edu/photodraw/sanchez/raw/sanmat09.html.

138 The Hays County Herald, December 17,1948, in the George I. Sanchez Papers, Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas at Austin, December 17, 1948, Box 32, folder 2, 1-2. See End Matter, Example 28. Felipe Reyna, "Mexican American Students Denied Entry to ‘Campus School,’ San Marcos, Tx," in George I. Sanchez Papers, Benson Latin American Collection, General Libraries, University of Texas at Austin, November 6,1948, Box 32, folder 2. Later in November of 1948, the principal denied Mexican American students entrance to “Campus School” and drove them to “Southside school” to register there instead.

139 George I. Sanchez, "Hondo Independent School District Case," in George I. Sanchez Papers, Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas at Austin, 1953, Box 19, folder 11, 4.

140 Jose Cardenas, "Bilingual Education v. Segregation." San Antonio, TX: Intercultural Development Research Association, 1975,1; Gross, "The Caucasian Cloak," 73; Thomas Guglielmo, "Fighting for Caucasian Rights: Mexicans, Mexican Americans, and the Transnational Struggle for Civil Rights in World War II Texas," The Journal of American History 92, no. 4 (2006), 1221-1222,1236; Matt S. Meier and Margo Guiterrez, Encyclopedia of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement, Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2000, 144-145.

141 Patrick James Carroll, Felix Longoria's Wake: Bereavement, Racism, and the Rise of Mexican American Activism, Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2003, 168; De Leon, Mexican Americans,116.

142 Frank C. Oltorf, "Minority Report on the Longoria Investigation," in George I. Sanchez Papers, Austin, TX: Benson Latin American Collection, General Libraries, University of Texas at Austin, 1949, 1-2.

143 Michelle Hall Kells, Hector P. Garcia: Everyday Rhetoric and Mexican American Civil Rights, Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2006, 82.

144 Carroll, Wake, 56-60,66,150-151, 159, 162-163; Kells, Garcia, 78-82.

145 Court of Criminal Appeals of Texas, 1931; Court of Criminal Appeals of Texas, 1936; Court of Criminal Appeals of Texas, 1944; Darrell Garwood, "Court Ruling on Mexican Rights Case 'May Foreshadow' School Bias Decision: Exclusion of Mexicans from Juries Voids Conviction," in Atlanta Daily World: ProQuest Historical Newspapers, May 4,1954, 1:col. 4; Meier and Gutierrez, Encyclopedia, 106-107.

146 "Jim Crow Loses to King Cotton" in The Pittsburgh Courier, ProQuest Historical Newspapers, September 4, 1943, 1, 8: col. 3.

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147 Bogardus, Mexican, 73; Kibbe, Latin Americans, 271-272; Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 268; “Jim Crow Loses”, The Pittsburgh Courier; “Hint 3 Dixie States on Mexico's Blacklist; Jim Crow Laws Blamed,” in The Pittsburgh Courier, ProQuest Historical Newspapers, May 29, 1948, 1; “Texas Jim Crow Hits Mexicans,” in The Pittsburgh Courier, ProQuest Historical Newspapers, October 23, 1943, 1; Walter C. Hornaday, "Texans Give Heed to Mexican Raps: Bias Against People from South of the Border is Charged in Complaints" in , ProQuest Historical Newspapers, February 13,1944, 1.

148 Kibbe, Latin Americans, 234.

149 Sanchez, “Address to the Texas Good Neighbor Commission,” 2.

150 Meier and Gutierrez, Encyclopedia, 171, 200-201; Gloria Anzaldua, Borderlands: The New Mestiza (San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books, 1999), 26.

151 Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 191-195;Fehrenbach, Lone Star, 696; Gary Greenfield, and Don B. Kates Jr, "Mexican Americans, Racial Discrimination, and the Civil Rights Act of 1866," California Law Review 63, no. 3 (1975).

152 Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 191-195.

153 Bogardus, Mexican, 70.

154 Texas Education Agency, "Report of Pupils in Texas Public Schools Having Spanish Surnames, 1955-56," (Austin, TX: Texas Education Agency, Division of Research, 1957) 1-8.

155 Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 192, 230; John Rosenfield, Jr. Texas History Movies, (Southwest Press, 1928). This book, illustrated by Jack Patton compiled comic strips from the Dallas News. Topics came from Texas History and the Texas schools utilized it for decades to teach children the history of Texas, most especially the Alamo. Racist in nature, the older cartoons exhibit more overt racism compared to newer editions. Rev. Jose Ramirez, personal interview, July 20, 2005. Ramirez related that his father took him to school district superintendent to receive special consent for him to attend Anglo high school.

156 Buitron, Tejano Identity, 59; Rosales, Illusion of Inclusion,1-5.

157 Rosales, Illusion of Inclusion, 47, 67, 94-96.

158 Rosales, Illusion of Inclusion, 13, 28, 83-84; Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 280-282.

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159 Meier and Gutierrez, Encyclopedia, 3-4,27,29-30, 40-41, 52-57,64-65, 78-79, 119, 148-150, 156-157,163-164,172-175, 184-187, 198-200, 214, 218-223, 237-238,247- 249, 264-269.

160 Meier and Gutierrez, Encyclopedia, 179-180, 22-23, 64-65; Oral history interview with Joe Bernal, personal interview, by Jose Angel Gutierrez, CMA169, UT Arlington Library,University of Texas at Arlington (Arlington, TX), 2003.

161 Meier and Gutierrez, Encyclopedia, 179-180, 34-35, 233-234

162 Ibid., 50-51, 61, 100-101, 178-179, 244-245.

163 Ibid., 226-227, 141-142.

164 Rosales, Illusion of Inclusion, 110-112.

165 “,” Wikipedia, last modified November 3, 2015, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Julian_Castro; "City of San Antonio Mayor and City Council," City of San Antonio, accessed November 3, 2015, https://www.sanantonio.gov/council; "Texas House of Representatives House Members, 84th Legislature," Texas House of Representatives, accessed November 3, 2015, http://www.house.state.tx.us/members/; "Texas Senators of the 84th Legislature." The Senate of Texas, accessed November 3, 2015, http://www.senate.state.tx.us/75r/Senate/Members.htm.; "Directory of Representatives of the 114th Congress, Texas," United States House of Representatives, accessed November 3, 2015, http://www.house.gov/representatives/#state_tn.; "Senators of the 114th Congress," United States Senate, accessed November 3, 2015, http://www.senate.gov/senators/contact/.

166 San Antonio School District v. Rodriguez, (1973); Edgewood School District v. Kirby, (1988); Edgewood School District v. Kirby, (1991); Jonathan Kozol, Savage Inequalities: Children in America's Schools (New York, NY: Crown Publishers, 1991), 206-299; Bill Whitaker, "Fight for Equal Funding of Public Schools: Q&A with Texas Civil Rights Attorney David G. Hinojosa," Waco Tribune, October 6, 2013, http://www.wacotrib.com/opinion/interviews/fight-for-equal-funding-of-public-schools- q-a-with/article_5accf052-70bf-5cf5-b887-4857c1583904.html.

167 Zev Chafets, "The Post-Hispanic Hispanic Politician," New York Times Magazine, May 6, 2010, accessed November 3, 2015, http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/09/magazine/09Mayor-t.html?pagewanted=all&_r=1; Elaine Ayala, "Palo Alto Launches Mexican American Studies Center," San Antonio Express-News, September 26, 2013, accessed November 3, 2015, http://www.mysanantonio.com/news/local/article/Palo-Alto-launches-Mexican- American-Studies-center-4847443.php; "Department of Bicultural-Bilingual Studies: Bachelor of Arts Degree in Mexican American Studies." University of Texas, San

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Antonio, accessed November 3, 2015, http://catalog.utsa.edu/undergraduate/educationhumandevelopment/biculturalbilingualstu dies/#degreestext; Hernan Rozemberg, "Back from the Dead: OLLU Relaunches Mexican American Studies Program," San Antonio Express-News, May 8, 2015, accessed November 3, 2015, http://www.sacurrent.com/Blogs/archives/2015/05/08/back-from-the- dead-ollu-relaunches-mexican-american-studies-program; Trinity University, "International Studies Program: Latin American and ," Trinity University, accessed November 3, 2015, http://web.trinity.edu/international-studies/courses/latin- american-and-latino-studies. Tara J, Yosso, and Daniel G. Solorzano, "Leaks in the Chicana and Chicano Educational Pipeline," in Latino Policy and Issues Brief, edited by UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center, Los Angeles: University of California, Los Angeles, 2006; Lindsay Perez Huber, Ofelia Huidor, Maria Malagon, Gloria Sanchez, and Daniel Solorzano, "Falling through the Cracks: Critical Transitions in the Latina/O Educational Pipeline" in CSRC Research Report, edited by Chicano Studies Reseach Center, Los Angeles: University of California, Los Angeles, 2006; According to a report by the Chicano Studies Research Center at UCLA, Latinos lag well behind the rest of the nation not only in educational attainment, but in higher education. Most stop at the community college level and very few reach the doctorate level. Leonard A. Valverde, "Still Marginalized after All These Years," Journal of Hispanic Higher Education 3, no. 3 (2004). Valverde’s observations recount the marginalized status of Latinos in higher education/administration, the disparities that follow them, along with the inability to break the .

168 MacLachlan and Beezeley, Gran Pueblo, 1999, 35; Ramos, Beyond the Alamo, 2008,169.

169 Ibid.,157-158.

170 Orozco, Zamora, and Rocha, Mexican Americans, 4-18. The Alamo observations are mine from a research trip in 2009.

171 Refers to the Battle of Gonzales when the town refused to hand over a small cannon to Mexican forces, instigating the war. Ramos, Beyond the Alamo, 2008,169.

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CHAPTER 3: STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE, TRAUMA, AND MORAL REPAIR

Introduction

This section addresses trauma, structural violence and moral repair. Several types of trauma exist: psychic or psychological, emotional and physical. I deal with primarily psychological and emotional. Psychoanalyst described psychic trauma as an initially reactive experience that when recalled creates an untoward response in an individual.1 The trauma of racism meets the criteria for psychological trauma since its initial reactive experience wounds its victims, affecting them in silent, often hidden ways.

Further examination of the definitions of trauma and racism suggest multiple components lie inherently within them with various root causes. In effect, a detailed analysis of the trauma of racism understood as structural violence will be undertaken in this chapter.

Structural violence, as peace researcher Johan Galtung theorized, constitutes an invisible form of violence caused by social injustices that denies the less powerful an equal measure of society’s resources.2 Theories of structural violence draw a parallel to my research on the Mexican Americans of Texas on various planes. Galtung posits that structural violence traumatizes sub-altern groups and delves deeply into social structures enabling the oppressive powers to disenfranchise less powerful groups—in this case, the

Mexican Americans of Texas. It deprives minority groups of equivalent distributions of societal resources and political capital, encourages inequality, elicits vulnerability to state/local police action, and sanctions state-mandated violence. As a result, they fall prey to poverty and poverty-related diseases.3 Structural violence fractures the social bonds of

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trust within a society, especially among its victims. I assert that for the Mexican

Americans of Texas, the long broken bonds necessitate reworking, and more importantly acknowledgement by those in political power. These broken societal relationships require an ethical framework for a neogenesis and regeneration of trust and hope between injured parties. According to Margaret Urban Walker’s book, Moral Repair, in order to re-confer this trust, both parties must share similar values and accountability, and the underlying social structure should institute moral principles to galvanize the corrective process by

“acknowledging the needs of victims.”4 Moral repair holds perpetrators accountable

“through truth-telling, apology, and restitution or compensation”5 and bestows victims with “voice, validation, and vindication”6 to restore their sense of trust and hope in their fragmented society. By admitting and accepting the requisites of victims, the ethical system of restorative justice or moral repair seeks to remedy the trauma of structural violence, and in this manner, society can achieve homeostasis. In her book, Making

Amends, Atonement in Morality, Law, and Politics, ethicist Linda Radzik argues that institutions should be held accountable as perpetrators for historical wrongdoings.

Radzik’s reconciliation theory of interpersonal atonement makes the bold assertion that institutions are ethically bound and responsible to acknowledge past wrongs, make amends, repair the damage and re-establish themselves as trustworthy agents after breaking moral ties.7

The Many Faces of Trauma

Pioneering psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud described psychic trauma as an initially reactive experience that when recalled creates an untoward response “of fright, anxiety, shame or physical pain.”8 Contemporary trauma psychiatrist Judith Herman builds upon

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Freud’s definition, adding that horrifying events also cause intense “psychological harm” to the afflicted individual, exhibiting themselves as “traumatic disorders.”9 Army psychiatrist Jonathan Shay, who observed trauma in combat veterans from Vietnam, identified an emotional state called toxic rage that arose from a “social betrayal.”10 Toxic rage destroys an individual’s self-respect, violating their ethical sense of right and wrong.

More recent studies by trauma psychologist Robert T. Carter expanded the definition of trauma. Carter distinguishes trauma as PTSD or hyperstress, discrete from the ordinary type due to the severity of “the stressor(s) and the type of reaction.”11 He posits that stressors serve as undesirable “environmental events” requiring adjustment or adaptation and finds that “racism has been found in research to be a form of stress and, as such, has affected the mental and physical health of its targets.”12 Carter furthers his premise by making stress a primary component of his “race-based traumatic stress injury model” and by holding the stress caused by racism as responsible for “emotional trauma.”13 A full discussion of trauma, it nature, phases, and causes plus the effects on its victims will be explored.

Emerging Themes of Trauma

Trauma displays several phases or states according to the work of psychiatrists

Sigmund Freud, Judith Herman, Henry Krystal, and Jonathan Shay. The researchers discovered that the dominant themes associated with trauma were dissociation

(alexithymia), toxic rage, and recovery. In dissociation, the individual suffers a fragmentation of consciousness resulting in traumatic neuroses; toxic rage occurs when the sense of both moral and physical violation destroys the capacity to thrive, resulting in post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The victim’s recovery process requires

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establishing a sense of safety, reconstructing the traumatic story, gaining empowerment and lastly, restoring the connection between survivors and their communities.14

Dissociation

When a victim seeks to escape from an intensely traumatic experience— particularly an atrocity caused by another individual, a “splitting of consciousness,”

“double consciousness” or “dissociation” 15 occurs after the initial trauma.16 Freud noted dissociation’s primary symptom: amnesia or repression. Dissociation triggers and reintroduces the initial traumatic memories into consciousness, which in turn plagues the victim.17 Psychologist Henry Krystal, whose work focused on victims of , identified a “regression in the expression of affect” or paralysis exhibited by trauma victims that he called alexithymia and likened it to Freud’s dissociation.18 Trauma psychiatrist Judith Herman constructed her trauma framework upon Freud’s theories of dissociation in her monograph Trauma and Recovery, delineated the variant roles in trauma, and studied the importance of the roles of witness, victim, and perpetrator.

Herman theorized an opposition existed between harboring and divulging terrifying incidents caused by inhuman acts, dubbed it “the dialectic of psychological trauma” and differentiated the main characteristics of trauma or post traumatic disorder (PTSD) into four phases.19

The first phase of PTSD marks the initial trauma state that produces terror, paralysis or helplessness. In the second phase or hyper-arousal state, victims startle easily, suffer from irritability, and lack of sleep. Flashbacks or traumatic nightmares are a hallmark of the third or intrusion phase and these subconscious memories activate the traumatic event. The fourth phase, called the constriction state, rekindles the victim’s

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dissociation from the body into a trance state and involves an altered sense of reality that prevents traumatic memories from entering the consciousness. The victim vacillates between the intrusion and constriction phases and the dialectic of trauma develops. As a consequence, the dialectic of trauma activates dissociation. In order to achieve recovery, victims must recognize and verbalize truth to hasten the cathartic process.20 Trauma psychiatrist Bessel van der Kolk studied the dissociative process occurring on the brain imaging level with PET scans and MRI’s. He speculated traumatic memories occur in the amygdala of the brain hyper-stimulating it, forcing memories to slip into an iconic rather than narrative form. Because the linguistic portion or the hippocampal area of the brain fails to fully activate, scattered images making little sense beset the victim. The act of vocalization gives shape to the dissociation’s iconic form, transforming it into a narrative.21 Herman’s research also considered different facets of dissociation and trauma, especially on a community-wide level. She determined that similarities between individual and societal traumas corresponded and theorized that a society haunted by trauma mirrored a person suffering the untoward effects of trauma. Herman postulated that societal denial alienated parties from their history similar to repression and dissociation, insisting that victims must understand the past to reclaim the present and the future.22 Trauma psychiatrists Dori Laub and Steven Luel suggest the trauma also assaults succeeding generations. They propose that the children of trauma victims

“experience traumatization by passively witnessing it in others” and inherit a feeling of loss and futility. 23

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Toxic Rage

Like other physicians who treated combat veterans in the past, psychiatrist scholar

Dr. Jonathan Shay observed high rates of psychological disorder among Vietnam veterans, and called the syndrome toxic rage or posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). An intentional violation of one’s human rights by another precipitated PTSD and its resulting character damage. Like the famous Achilles—bodies tormented, psyches fragmented, limits violated—victims reacted with fear and rage, undergoing a distinctive type of deep learning that assaulted and dissolved the personality. Moral and physical violation destroyed their capacity to thrive. Left with the haunting symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), victims feared that the horror they endured would rematerialize.24

Working in separate spheres, psychiatrist Jonathan Shay and anthropologist Renato

Rosaldo uncovered a “berserk state” of toxic rage that overcame combatants in battle, causing them to lose control. For Rosaldo, the human sciences must survey the cultural force of emotions with an examination of the passions that stir certain forms of human conduct: in this instance, the rage engendered from devastating loss. Rosaldo asserted the rage compelled the murders, confined the anger to a set space, and allowed a venting and discharging of the anger associated with bereavement. This form of toxic rage led to a dissociative state among victims and Rosaldo claimed overwhelming grief caused the rage that traumatized the psyche, and led to the “berserk state.” Shay verified this analysis.25 Trauma researchers convey the importance of a multi-pronged approach to recover from symptoms of toxic rage.

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Recovery

Trauma specialist Judith Herman postulated that recovery involves several conditions: firstly, gaining empowerment; secondly, establishing a sense of safety; thirdly, reconstructing the traumatic story and lastly, restoring the connection between survivors and their communities. Psychiatrist Dori Laub’s theories concur with

Herman’s. Laub considers the blossoming of the narrative process as the point of genesis for trauma testimony as it creates its initial shape and further deduces that the construction of the traumatic memory requires a listener to facilitate with recovery.26

Herman recognizes the importance of individual and societal recovery. Arguing similarities exist in individual and societal traumas, her theory on trauma takes this important factor into account. Researchers Marcelo Suarez-Orosco and Henry Krystal believe restorative measures are as important for society as they are for the individual.

They claim survivors of state-mandated violence lose their basic trust in people and society and suffer from survivor guilt, thus the recovery process requires the support of friends, family, and society.27 In like manner, Herman supports the idea of political movements for fragmented societies seeking restoration such as groups that afford a

“voice” to the powerless.28 I propose that oral history can also assist individuals and societies in the process of recovering from trauma by offering voice. Oral historian

Carolyn Mears posits that validating stories “of trauma and recovery” contains a two- pronged effect: it helps “bear witness to the trauma” by allowing others to view how traumatic events impinge upon their victims and how victims “reconstruct order out of chaos.”29 This method allows victims to narrate their stories while providing a listener who will validate—as philosopher Margaret Walker states—“the truth of what they have

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endured.”30 Verbalizing one’s physical traumas offers restoration, but the issue arises concerning the unseen traumas that damage as much as physical ones.

Racism, Prejudice, and Discrimination

Trauma arises in multiple contexts specifically war, genocide, or torture. But non- physical expressions also exact trauma. Racism, prejudice and discrimination inflict trauma on individuals and society—all as devastating as the physical injury.31 Racism comprises an unscientific, ideological social construct that ranks groups of people as superior to others. The dominant group recognizes, classifies, and judges other groups according to skin color, language, geographic origin, or physical features. Sociologist

Richard Schaefer defined racism as a conviction held by some individuals that their own identifiable segment of the population is inherently better than other groups.32 On the other hand, social scientist Gordon Allport established that prejudice displays a negative mind-set or hostile feeling towards another whose membership lies within a specific group (ethnic or racial).33 Carter and Schaefer define discrimination as putting one’s negative mind-set into action; in other words, it consists of acts that deny targeted groups from certain advantages, entitlements or privileges. On a larger scale, institutional discrimination builds such denial into the very structure of basic social arrangements such as law, education, and social policies.34

In his landmark work, The Nature of Prejudice, Gordon Allport investigated and identified the major features of prejudice. According to the study, prejudiced individuals exhibit certain personality traits: those being, a suspicious personality, an ethnocentric personality, and a personality that evinces dominant group superiority.35 Allport noted a toxic form of prejudice manifested itself when frustrated dominant groups persecuted

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subaltern groups with horrific acts of violent expressions such as lynching, massacres, genocide or ethnic cleansing. These atrocities concretized when discrimination and segregation entrenched themselves within unstable societies that experienced rapid change, insecurity and fear.36 The trauma of prejudice left its victims with neuroticism, a condition of dissociation as Allport’s findings suggested—in line with the assumptions about harsh protracted psychological trauma that theorists Freud, Shay, and Herman discussed.37 Sociologist Judith Kramer studied the minority community and discovered its relevance to minority members by offering refuge from the trauma of prejudice.

Kramer’s study noted how most minority communities depended upon the dominant community for economic resources, forcing them into a subordinate position. She deduced that more self-reliant minority communities contained greater institutional completeness, sheltering members from the harshness of racism and discrimination while also allowing them access to roles denied them in the dominant community. Churches within the minority communities assisted with institutional completeness because they created formal structures of social networks that increased ethnic cohesiveness.38 Kramer ascertained that the formal structure of “the religious institution” effectively kept “the immigrant’s personal associations within the ethnic community,” and offered them a means of survival.39 Those minority communities with the highest degree of institutional completeness contained the most individuals with personal relations within the minority community.

Discrimination

Psychologist David Carter argued that the dominant racial group establishes what racial or ethnic groups to consider inferior and steers these beliefs into practice through

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racialized institutional policies called institutional discrimination, a term coined by activist and political scientist Charles Hamilton. This discrimination includes the denial of opportunities and equal rights to individuals and groups based upon race and ethnicity during the normal operations of a society since these concealed acts of societal discrimination embody racism. Because the dominant society discriminates against an entire group, this form of racism symbolizes .40

Traumatic Racism and the Mexican American Community

Numerous psychologists established that as a group, Mexican Americans suffer from an elevated amount of race-based stress. Carter theorized that racism functions as a traumatic event similar to abuse, war, or rape in the minds of its victims.41 Psychologist

Vetta Thompson posited that forms of racism demonstrating “ridicule, scorn, contempt, and degrading treatment by others” evince feelings of resentment and rage while also destroying self-respect.42 Researchers also demonstrated that the daily stress of living under prejudice, discrimination, and racism negatively affect the psychological and physical health of members—keeping them in states of hyperarousal— similar to victims of physical trauma and PTSD. Numerous multi-modalities of measurement exist such as the Daily Stress Inventory, the Hispanic Stress Inventory, the

Hispanic Women’s Social Stressor Scale, Psychiatric Epidemiology Research Interview

(PERI), and the Latino/a Values Scale. Ultimately, these instruments ascertained and verified evidence-based proof that race-based stress initiates physiological and psychological pathologies.43 These stressors generate negative outcomes in the individual such as anxiety, depression and hypertension or high blood pressure and affect health behaviors like sleep patterns, physical activity, alcohol and drug abuse, and poor diet

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resulting in organ system vulnerability and increased mortality. These stressors correlated to a decreased quality of life for Mexican Americans, especially when contrasted against that of Anglos. Levels of acculturation played an insignificant role since many individuals experienced hyper-stress from the trauma of racism, prejudice, and discrimination due to racial/ethnic phenotyping.44

In “Skin Colors and Latinos in the US,” researchers discovered that phenotype adversely affects those Mexican Americans with more pronounced Indian features; darker hued individuals experience a higher incidence of racist confrontations, stress, and negative outcomes, including one’s health. Psychologists Edward Codina and Frank

Montalvo demonstrated that greater levels of stress and racial incidents directly correlated to appearance. Pole, Gone and Kulkani ascertained that issues such as life chances, health/educational outcomes and socioeconomic opportunities hinged upon an individual’s phenotype along with levels of anxiety, depression, and hypertension.

Psychologist David Carter posited that racial abuse inflicts the same ill effects as rape or domestic violence and advocated a new model of PTSD, called “Race-based Traumatic

Stress Injury” or RISI. He also noted that racism exhibits the potentiality of being life threatening or physically violent, recurs over time, and manifests the same uncontrollable, emotionally agonizing, instantaneous symptoms of PTSD. The investigator discovered these events affect the mental health of both Mexican Americans and African Americans, and other researchers concurred. Traumatic racial abuse causes much more than RISI and some researchers study its role on physical health.45

A strong correlation exists between race-based traumatic stress (caused by racism and discrimination) and poor physical health according to sociological/psychological

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researchers Finch, Hummer, Kolody, and Vega and Flores, et al. Scholars previously linked discrimination to psychological issues and depression, but the Finch and Flores studies revealed it corresponded to poor health overall. Both research teams isolated the effects of historical racist practices as forms of institutional discrimination and racism, verified them as continual stressors leading to trauma, and proved the “Race-based traumatic stress” syndrome impinged upon the overall health outcomes and quality of life of Mexican Americans. Sociologist and peace researcher, Johan Galtung, identified similar traumatic outcomes and attributed them to institutional racism and discrimination and called it structural violence.46

Structural Violence

Structural violence denotes a form of that locates violence beyond its standard usage exceeding the definitional boundaries to include injury to the self-worth and autonomy of individuals. Peace researcher Johan Galtung included within the realms of structural violence four major constructs of racism embedded in society’s structure: , a limited welfare state, institutional racism, and a lack of access to the social goods or resources. Seeking to understand the social phenomenon of poverty, Galtung contended the conceptual terrain of structural violence incorporated a hierarchical, hegemonic construct excluding or limiting people at lower levels from ascending and reaching what should be their full potential or even human right. He argued that if people are starving and it is avoidable, then violence is committed.47

Contextually the term “structural,” embodies violence within society’s norms, roles, and practices as well as political violence. He proposed the political elite manipulated lower level actors with rewards and punishments to defend the structure and confine others to

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their class/social boundaries. Galtung observed that “police, army, [and] thugs” followed through with their systemic roles as oppressors by exerting physical and mental violence to the lowest levels of society to maintain violence’s place within the structure.48 Lastly, a central theme within Galtung’s concept of structural violence argued that a person need not physically injure another in the structure, but the trauma inflicted harmed another the same as physical or somatic violence.49

Galtung’s theory exhibits qualities of Marxist-inspired Antonio Gramsci’s theory of hegemony. Gramsci observed that an inextricable bond existed between and political science and that dominant powers retained civil order through the active consent of their citizens by the mechanism known as political hegemony. The force of the law controlled the behavior of its citizenry and every state indoctrinated a certain type of civilization and citizen in concert with the school system, institutions, organizations and activities. Citizens reacted and responded to outside stimuli because of the training and programming supplied by the State, thus explaining how structural violence permeated the contours of society, that being, through the manipulation of the politico-legal system.50

Peace researcher Tord Hoivik’s work analyzed the correlation between income and mortality, measuring the overall effects of structural violence, its relationship to unequal distributions of income and increased death rates. Hoivik examined the distribution of social capital and how inequalities of allocation impacted the standard of living and chances for survival. “Social structures,” the researcher declared, “kill and maim as surely as the bullet and the knife.”51 This research correlates to my study as it statistically examines the effects of structural violence in terms of human lives.

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Physician-anthropologist Paul Farmer—who subsumed his research on the concepts of Galtung and Hoivik—viewed firsthand the untoward health effects caused by structural violence. Detecting and blaming the dominant society’s hegemonic structures that deny its weaker members an equal measure of wealth, he strongly asserted what other researchers had only hinted at: that structural violence caused the adverse events in the lives of poverty-stricken people exploited by racism or gender inequality. Adverse events, in this case, take the form of diseases, epidemics, human rights violations, and genocide. Farmer further explored the injustices associated with structural violence such as economic domination and the commodification of healthcare. Arising as a symptom of deeper pathologies of power, Farmer correlated the deaths caused by tuberculosis, AIDS, or starvation as acts of structural violence since poverty, race, and social status predicates who suffers.52 In “Structural Violence and Clinical Medicine” Farmer chides his audience by saying, “…we also have to recognize that there is an enormous flaw in the dominant model of medical care: as long as medical services are sold as commodities, they will remain available only to those who can purchase them.”53 In like manner, researchers in several studies linked the effects of structural violence in the daily lives of poor Mexican

American agricultural workers to the onset of diabetes. These researchers verified the ability of structural violence to kill its victims as peace researcher Hoivik observed.54 One need only drive around the poverty stricken neighborhoods of San Antonio and other cities across the nation to note the high number of renal dialysis centers or go inside a mall or grocery store and observe the high number of residents with amputations of fingers, toes, feet, or legs as I did on my research trips. Nobel Prize winning economist

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Amartya Sen concurred with the preceding observations regarding the disparities caused by structural violence.

In Development as Freedom Sen analyzed structural violence from the perspective of economic theory and affirmed poverty, illiteracy, lack of economic opportunity, systematic oppression, and a paucity of public facilities deprived people of their freedoms. These “unfreedoms,” restrict and oppress people’s right to choose making them “helpless prey” to early death rates and illiteracy.55 Sen contended the ability to be a responsible individual rested upon personal, social, and environmental freedoms; without these freedoms, an individual’s capacity for personal responsibility diminishes. Thus, Sen postulated in order to achieve a state of unfreedom— the deux ex machina needs to remove the repressive societal structures that promote poverty, tyranny, lack of economic opportunities, and the lack of public services. Opportunities should be created for victims of unfreedoms through state, social, economic, and political institutions in order to increase an individual’s ability to practice personal responsibility.56

Brazilian philosopher Paulo Freire formulated the concepts of critical consciousness and dehumanization. Both solidify assumptions about the effects of structural violence on the lives of the oppressed. He pointed out that when violent oppressors traumatize fellow humans, victims suffer the process of dehumanization, which robs them of a “critical consciousness.”57 Like structural violence, dehumanization embeds itself deeply within the structures of society. Freire noted oppressors considered victims of oppression “the pathology of the healthy society” that required assimilation

“by changing their mentality” rather than altering the inequitable structures of society.58

A paradigm shift in the dominant group’s mentality towards victims of trauma promises

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hope for a restoration of social bonds fractured by structural violence. Inequitable societies require a reparative framework that re-confers the restoration and creation of trust and hope. Margaret Urban Walker’s framework of moral repair offers several solutions to mend, restore, and heal societies rent by trauma.

Moral Repair

Moral repair, as philosopher Margaret Walker describes it in her book by the same name, “is the process of moving from the situation of loss and damage to a situation where some degree of stability in moral relations is regained.”59 Moral repair refers to the re-establishing, securing and constructing of the fundamental groundwork supporting human beings in a moral relationship.60 The roots of moral repair lie within the confines of feminist care ethics, primarily its investigation into the disproportionate balance of

“power and privilege.”61 In her monograph Moral Understandings: A Feminist Study in

Ethics, Walker defined the theoretical-juridical model (TJM) of ethics as an impersonal set of morals or codes that steer individuals towards correct behavior.62 But she disputed its value as it failed to account for one’s social strata or lifeways. Instead she offered a new prototype to replace the TJM. Based upon philosopher Carol Gilligan’s care and responsibility ethics, Walker called her hybrid framework “an expressive-collaborative model” (ECM) since it took into account the needs of society’s most vulnerable— women, children and the subaltern.63

Walker’s ECM explores morality as a mutually beneficial type of cooperation that occurs between members of society, analyzing their moral accountability to issues relating to “human care and response.”64 But Walker further refined the expressive collaborative model into a highly workable framework. She considered the major tenets

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of retributive, compensatory, transitional and restorative justice, assessing the benefits of each. Currently, retributive justice focuses on offenders and payback, often ignoring victims’ needs, whereas the locus of compensatory justice rests upon victim reimbursement.65 Transitional justice operates in societies following periods of , civil unrest or war, attempting to reestablish philosophical, legal and political homeostasis through the use of tribunals, truth commissions and lustration policies.66 Restorative justice blends principles from all three models, taking into account material amends or restitution, investigative/truth commissions, mediation, legal recourse, public apology, and symbolic gestures of wrongdoing by offenders or societies.67

Walker synthesized the ECM with features of restorative justice coalescing it into the framework of moral repair, stating: “restorative justice makes moral repair the dominant aim.”68 Primarily victim-centered, moral repair’s ethical practices confer victims with the prospect for retributive, compensatory or reparative actions, and this moral bond stands on a discrete set of connections that places limitations on others and compels them to be responsible for their actions. When failure to act in a commensurate manner occurs, intervention quickly follows. This corrective action by society reveals the strength of moral repair’s shared values at work.69

Furthermore, moral repair’s framework enables survivors to transition from a state of harm and injury to “moral equilibrium.” Moral equilibrium entails an assurance that others will honor the standards of victims—thus freeing them from the constant threat of injustice.70 Restorative justice’s practices meet Walker’s criteria for moral repair since it allows injured persons to receive three key markers that Walker identifies as

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necessary to attain reparation: “voice, validation and vindication.”71 Its truth-telling measures allow the injured parties to tell their stories, or have another relate the truthful experience of what they endured. As discussed earlier, oftentimes, the traumatic event lacks a narrative cohesiveness as Freud and others noted and the process of telling another one’s trauma proves indispensable for victims. In turn, once victims voice their experiences, the listener acknowledges the harm, suffering, and wrongfulness caused, imbuing victims with validation. Guilty parties, others, or the community must acknowledge responsibility and recognize that wronged parties have a legitimate claim in order for trauma victims to receive vindication.72 Moral repair provides this reparative act of making amends to victims and catalyzes a neo-genesis of social bonds or norms within a hegemonic social structure. This re-fabrication shifts the social paradigm that judged the lowest members of a hierarchical society in “normative contempt” to one laced with dignity and respect.73

Conversely, philosopher Linda Radzik’s reconciliation theory of interpersonal atonement focuses on perpetrators’ voluntary responses towards acting in a “morally appropriate way to wrongful actions” and affirms morally respectful communication between wrongdoers, victims, and their communities.74 Furthermore, the reconciliation theory of interpersonal atonement makes the bold assertion that institutions are ethically bound and responsible to acknowledge past wrongs, make amends, repair the damage and re-establish themselves as trustworthy agents after breaking moral ties by wrongdoing.75

Analyzing issues from past collective historical injustices, the philosopher propounds several goals: a re-institution of victim-centered respect, plus an obligation by institutions or guilty parties to eliminate the conditions that initially caused the wrong.76

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Radzik speculated possible objections regarding the culpability of historical injustice, especially from non-perpetrating members of guilty societies or institutions.

She conjectured that non-offenders would protest their innocence, but her framework underscored the importance of the group’s dynamics: if members joined the group voluntarily, then the non-guilty members should fulfill the institutional responsibility.

New members inherited the burden to speak for the guilty institution. If they balked at being held liable for historical transgressions, the fact that they willingly joined and agreed with the group’s tenets forced them to shoulder the moral obligation. Radzik conceded to the severity of requesting feelings of guilt, remorse, or repentance from innocent parties, instead suggesting feelings of regret, shame or grief as atoning responses as they expressed warmhearted concern. Additionally, she advocated that a prominent group member should offer formal apology along with acknowledgment of past wrongs, as a reminder that apology represents the initial step in the atonement process.77

Radzik affirmed the locus of her moral theory dwelled on the perpetrator. She advocated wrongdoers actively pursue collective apologies, demonstrations of regret, shame, grief, or empathy as they met the criteria for atonement or reparation. In Radzik’s estimation, the act of truth telling—whereby victims voice their violation—remains imperative to reconciliation.78 Essentially, Radzik’s principles of the reconciliation theory of interpersonal atonement parallel Walker’s framework of moral repair: both propound the importance of victim requisites, victim respect, the establishment of communication between the parties, voicing their trauma stories, reconciliation, and reparation.

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Voice, Validation, and Vindication

Truth telling or oral history provides the ideal method to uncover the truth about racial and ethnic oppression and assures victims receive voice, validation and vindication.79 As discussed in Chapter two’s historical section, oppressive practices, language barriers, and fear silenced scores of Mexican Americans during the Jim Crow era. Resultingly, a paucity of Mexican American life stories or oral histories exists to document the traumas they experienced and to fill the historical gaps of their societal role in Texas history. This group deserves public confirmation that their stories will be heard in a fair manner as they reveal the trauma of discriminatory practices and racism that they encountered in Texas society. Racially restrictive housing covenants, illegal voting practices, , discrimination, and segregation all existed. By voicing their life stories, oral historians validate their traumatic experiences, and they receive vindication, fully justified that their stories are true, no longer feeling the insult of normative abandonment.80 Thus, the oral history process grants all three necessary requirements upon its narrators to confirm the moral repair that restorative justice offers.

Making Amends

A brief summary of theoretical considerations follows but will be addressed in greater detail in subsequent chapters. For Mexican Americans who lived in San Antonio during the Jim Crow era, the emotions of resentment and indignation created by traumatic racism were rarely voiced, and never validated or vindicated because the Anglo bureaucracy never acknowledged the trauma. As addressed in Chapter Two’s historical section, three forms of social injustice impacted Mexican Americans the most: poverty, racially restrictive housing covenants and school segregation. Since the State of Texas,

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Bexar County and the city of San Antonio failed to treat Mexican Americans as equal moral agents, structural violence affected the group tremendously. These agencies must acknowledge and address past injustices, accept responsibility, and restore themselves as upright partners of the moral community. Institutions must eliminate, suppress or remedy the conditions of structural violence that initially caused the wrongs and in this way exhibit trustworthiness, humility and willingness to repair . Major stakeholders must recreate a sense of trust and hope for reuniting severed moral relationships by adhering to these measures. Expressing respect and concern for victims and the community reassures vindication as it demolishes the barriers of normative contempt, clearing the path for a long overdue apology.

Conclusion

This chapter demonstrated how theories of trauma, structural violence and ethical frameworks like moral repair assist in understanding the effects of racism, prejudice, and discrimination. One can visualize how societies bombarded by trauma act and how they follow the same stages of the dialectic of trauma on a collective level. If war conquers a society, it traumatizes victims and witnesses by the genuine threat of bodily harm or loss of life. This act or threat of force remains one of the hallmarks of trauma. Afterwards, the flashbacks or nightmares of the trauma occur followed by an intense and overwhelming sense of helplessness, paralysis, or despair. If the proper steps towards reintegration fall short, then like the victim’s body, the social body revolves into the self-perpetuating spiral of the dialectic of trauma and sways between the constrictive and dissociative states. The act of truth telling shares numerous similarities to oral history. I propose moral repair relates to oral history through vocalization performance or the act of telling

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one’s story. Oral history method creates the needed space for victims to voice their traumatic life story, receive validation from an objective observer, and feel a sense of vindication since they know their story has been acknowledged by another. Overall, the oral history process leads to atonement and racial reconciliation.

Endnotes Chapter 3

1 Sigmund Freud and Joseph Breuer, "On the Psychical Mechanism of Hysterical Phenomena: Preliminary Communication (1893)," in Studies on Hysteria, edited by James Strachey (New York: Basic Books, 1957), 5-6; http://www.archive.org/details/studiesonhysteri037649mbp.

2 Galtung, "Peace Research,"167-170. Johan. Galtung, "Cultural Violence," Journal of Peace Research 27 (1990): 291-305.

3 Paul Farmer, "An of Structural Violence," Current Anthropology 45, no. 3 (2004): 305-17;Paul Farmer, Pathologies of Power: Health, Human Rights, and the New War on the Poor (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 4-8; Galtung, “Peace Research,” 171-179; Amartya Kumar Sen, Development as Freedom (New York: Knopf, 1999), 284.

4 Walker, Moral Repair, 15.

5 Ibid.

6 Ibid., 19.

7 Radzik, Making Amends, 40, 50, 177, 185-190.

8 Freud and Breuer, 6-7.

9 Herman, Trauma and Recovery, 1-3.

10 Shay, Achilles in Vietnam, 21.

11 Robert T. Carter, "Racism and Psychological and Emotional Injury: Recognizing and Assessing Race-Based Traumatic Stress," The Counseling Psychologist 35, no. 1 (2007), 19.

12 Carter, 18-19, 25.

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13 Ibid., 25.

14 Freud and Breuer, 4-5, 12; Herman, Trauma and Recovery, 33-47; Shay, Achilles in Vietnam, 246.

15 Freud and Breuer, 4-5, 12.

16 Herman, Trauma and Recovery, 34.

17 Freud and Breuer, 12.

18 Henry Krystal, "Integration and Self-Healing in Posttraumatic States," in Psychoanalytic Reflections on the Holocaust: Selected Essays, ed. Steven A. Luel and Paul Marcus (New York: Holocaust Awareness Institute Center for Judaic Studies, University of Denver and KTAV Publishing House, 1984), 116.

19 Herman, Trauma and Recovery, 33-50.

20Freud and Breuer, 1, 4-6, 12, 27-29,37, 207-09;Herman, Trauma and Recovery, 25,33-47, 176-181.

21 Bessel van der Kolk, "Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and the Nature of Trauma" in Dialogues Clinical 2, no. 1 (2000 ): 17; Herman, Trauma and Recovery, 37-40.

22 Herman, Trauma and Recovery, 237-244; Krystal, 126.

23 Dori Laub, and Nannette Auerhahn. "Reverbations of Genocide: Its Expression in the Conscious and Unconscious of Post-Holocaust Generations," in Psychoanalytic Reflections on the Holocaust:Selected Essays, edited by Steven A. Luel and Paul Marcus (New York: Holocaust Awareness Institute Center for Judaic Studies University of Denver and KTAV Publishing House), 1984, 152-153; Steven A Luel, "Living with the Holocaust: Thoughts on Revitalization." In Psychoanalytic Reflections on the Holocaust : Selected Essays, edited by Steven A. Luel and Paul Marcus (New York: Holocaust Awareness Institute, Center for Judaic Studies, University of Denver and KTAV Publishing House), 1984, 169, 174-176.

24 Jonathan Shay, Achilles in Vietnam, 208-09, 246; Herman, Trauma and Recovery, 22-25.

25 Renato Rosaldo, "Grief and a Headhunter's Rage," 174-76. Shay, Achilles in Vietnam, 208-209, 246.

26 Herman, Trauma and Recovery, 133-134, 155-174, 175-195, 196-213; Felman and Laub, Testimony, 57-74; Shay, Achilles in Vietnam, 208.

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27 Marcelo M. Suarez-Orozco, "Speaking of the Unspeakable: Toward a Psychosocial Understanding of Responses to Terror " Ethos 18, no. 3 (1990): 375; Krystal, 114.

28 Herman, Trauma and Recovery, 214-236.

29 Carolyn Lunsford Mears, "A Columbine Study: Giving Voice, Hearing Meaning," The Oral History Review 35, no. 2 (2008): 163-65.

30 Walker, Moral Repair, 59.

31 Saul Alamilla, Bryan S.K. Kim, and N. Alexandra Lam, "Acculturation, Enculturation, Perceived Racism, Minority Status Stressors, and Psychological Symptomatology among Latino/As" in Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 32, no. 1 (2010), 69-70; Jacqueline M. Golding, Marilyn K. Potts, and Carol S. Aneshensel, " Stress Exposure among Mexican Americans and Non-Hispanic Whites," in Journal of Community Psychology 19, no. 1 (January 1991), 56-57; Jessica R. Goodkind, Melissa Gonzales, Lorraine H. Malcoe, and Judith Espinosa, "The Hispanic Women's Social Stressor Scale: Understanding the Multiple Social Stressors of US- and Mexico-Born Hispanic Women" in Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 1, no. 4 (2008), 202, 224; David R. Williams, Risa Lavizzo-Mourey, and Rueben C. Warren, "The Concept of Race and Health Status in America " in Public Health Reports 109, no. 1 (1994), 30, 35,201; David H. Zippin, and Richard L. Hough, "Perceived Self-Other Differences in Life Events and Mental Health among Mexicans and Americans," in Journal of Psychology 119, no. 2 (March 1985),153.

32 Carter 18; Williams, Lavizzo-Mourey and Warren, 26; Richard T. Schaefer, Race and Ethnicity in the United States, 4th ed. (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice Hall, 2007), 49,218.

33 Gordon W. Allport, The Nature of Prejudice (Cambridge, MA: Addison Wesley Publishing, 1954), 9.

34 Carter, 18; Schaefer 49, 218.

35 Allport, 7, 72-73.

36 Ibid., 14-15, 60-61, 209-216.

37 Allport, 142-159; Freud and Breuer, 4; Herman, Trauma and Recovery, 120- 121, Rosaldo, 174-176; Shay, Achilles in Vietnam, 40, 54.

38 Judith Kramer. The American Minority Community (New York, NY: Thomas Y. Crowel Company, 1970), 50-59.

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39 Kramer, 59-61.

40 Carter, 19; Schaefer, 6, 92, 217.

41 Carter, 14-17.

42 Vetta L Sanders Thompson, "Racism: Perceptions of Distress among African Americans," in Community Mental Health Journal 38, no. 2 (2002), 112.

43 Richard C. Cervantes, Amado M. Padilla, and Nelly Salgado de Snyder, "Reliability and Validity of the Hispanic Stress Inventory," Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 12, no. 1 (1990): 77. The Hispanic Stress Inventory proves relevant to issues Latinos face because instrument questions are gleaned from actual types of stress events minority members encounter. Alamilla, 61-64; Carter, 58-62; Goodkind, Gonzales, Malcoe, & Espinosa, 201-204; Thompson, 114; Williams, Lavizzo-Mourey, and Warren, 34; David H. Zippin and Richard L. Hough, "Perceived Self-Other Differences in Life Events and Mental Health among Mexicans and Americans," in Journal of Psychology 119, no. 2 (March 1985), 147-148.

44 Alamilla, Kim, & Lam, 69-70; Goodkind, Gonzales, Malcoe, & Espinosa, 202; Williams, Lavizzo-Mourey, and Warren, 30, 35; David H. Zippin and Richard L. Hough, 153.

45 G. Edward Codina and Frank F. Montalvo, "Chicano Phenotype and Depression," in Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 16, no. 3 (1994), 303; Frank F. Montalvo and G. Edward Codina, "Skin Color and Latinos in the United States" in Ethnicities 1, (2001): 321-323, doi:10.1177/146879680100100303; Frank F. Montalvo, "Phenotyping, Acculturation, and Biracial Assimilation of Mexican Americans," in Empowering Hispanic Families, Marta Sotomayor, ed., (Milwaukee, WI: Family Service America, 1991), 97-99; Nnamdl Pole, Joseph P. Gone, and Madhur Kulkani, "Posttraumatic Stress Disorder among Ethnoracial Minorities in the United States," in Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice 15, no. 1 (2008), 40-43.

46 Carter, 86,90; Codina and Montalvo, “Chicano Phenotype,” 303; Brian Karl Finch, Robert A. Hummer, Bohdan Kolody, and William A. Vega, "The Role of Discrimination and Acculturative Stress in the Physical Health of Mexican-Origin Adults" in Hispanic Journal of Behaviorial Sciences 23, no. 4 (November 2001), 422- 423; Elena Flores, Jeanne Tschann, Juanita Dimas, Elizabeth Bachen, Lauri Pasch, and Cynthia de Groat, "Perceived Discrimination, Perceived Stress, and Mental and Physical Health among Mexican-Origin Adults," in Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 30, no. 4 (2008): 402-403, 416; Galtung, “Peace Research,” 168-72; Pole, 40-43.

47 Galtung, “Peace Research,” 169.

48 Ibid., 179-180.

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49 Ibid., 168-179.

50 Perry Anderson, "The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci" in New Left Review 1, no. 100 (1976), 21-49.

51 Tord Hoivik, "The Demography of Structural Violence" in Journal of Peace Research Vol. 14, No. 1 (1977), 59.

52 Paul Farmer, Bruce Nizeye, Sara Stulac, Salmaan Keshavjee, "Structural Violence and Clinical Medicine" in PLoS Medicine 3, no. 10 (2006), 1689; Farmer 2003, 402; Farmer 2004, 305-17.

53 Farmer, Nizeye, Stulac & Keshavjee, 1689.

54 Elizabeth Cartwright, "Using Participatory Research to Build an Effective Type 2 Diabetes Intervention: The Process of Advocacy among Female Hispanic Farmworkers and Their Families in Southeast Idaho," Women & Health 43, no. 4 (2006): 89-109; Rosalba Ruiz, Rita Diaz-Kenney, Gloria Beckles, Agustin Lara, Rodolfo Valdez, Beatriz Apodaca, and Daniel Gutierrez, "The U.S.-Mexico Border Diabetes Prevention and Control Project: First Report of Results," US- Mexico Border Diabetes Prevention and Control Project, US Department of Health and Human Services, El Paso: Pan American Health Organization, 2005; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, "2003 National Diabetes Fact Sheet: General Information and National Estimates on Diabetes in the United States," Atlanta: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2007; Texas Diabetes Council, "Texas Diabetes Fact Sheet," Austin, 2009.

55 Sen, 3-8.

56 Sen, 284.

57 Freire, 44-49.

58 Freire,74-75.

59 Walker, Moral Repair, 6.

60 Ibid., 18-19.

61 Margaret Urban Walker, Moral Contexts (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2003), 207-208.

62 Margaret Urban Walker, Moral Understandings: A Feminist Study in Ethics, (New York: Routledge, 1998), 21,42-43.

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63 Carol Gilligan, In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women's Development (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982), 149; Walker, Moral Understandings, 24, 66.

64 Ibid., 9, 67-68.

65 Walker, Moral Repair, 210.

66 Nir Eisikovits, "Transitional Justice," The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2014/entries/justice-transitional/, para. 2, Sec. 4.1 para. 1. Eisikovits defines lustration as the overturning of prior governmental, political and public official in an effort to cleanse the system of its old guard with stakeholders of the new regime. Roy L. Brooks, Atonement and Forgiveness: A New Model for Black Reparations (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004) 143; Ariel Dorfman, Death and the Maiden (New York: Penguin Books, 1992) 7-11, 67,72-73; Partnoy, Little School, 11-18; Dorothy Shea, The South African Truth Commission: The Politics of Reconciliation, Perspective Series (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 2000) 5.

67 Walker, Moral Repair, 15, 210-211.

68 Ibid., 192.

69 Ibid., 23.

70 Ibid., 19.

71 Ibid.

72 Walker, Moral Repair, 17-19; Freud and Breuer, 6-7.

73 Walker, Moral Repair, 23-28, 226. Normative contempt expresses disrespect, hostility, or complacency towards groups that are judged unworthy of attention, 226. (Usually minorities). Eisikovits, 3.2.2 Justice, para. 3, the author offers an example of South African Whites transforming their normative contempt of blacks after the TRC.

74 Radzik, Making Amends, 28, 49.

75 Ibid., 40, 50, 177, 185-190.

76 Ibid., 185-190.

77 Ibid., 183-195 .

78 Ibid., 186-189.

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79 Walker, Moral Repair, 19.

80 Ibid., 20. Normative abandonment is a failure of the community to validate the victim’s claims. Claims made by an injured party may be ignored, or refuted and perpetrators are sheltered instead. In the worst case, blame will rest upon the individual, re-injuring the traumatized victim.

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CHAPTER 4: ORAL HISTORY METHODOLOGY

Research Question

Can oral history bring about the transitional/restorative justice process of moral repair and atonement for a community, such as the Mexican Americans of Texas, traumatized by the structural violence caused by racist de jure and de facto Jim Crow laws practiced before 1965?

Journey to La Trinidad Iglesia Methodista

When I returned home to the Southside of San Antonio for the purposes of my research study, far too many years had passed since I’d driven the familiar streets of my old neighborhood barrio. Potholes lined the streets like landmines. I tried to avoid them, swerving from side to side on the narrow streets wondering which lane I was traveling in, my car splashing into gigantic puddles filled with rainwater that had nowhere else to go.

My memories came flooding back like the rainwater, as I recalled the streets in the

Mexican sectors of the Southside and Westside of town were notorious for having poor drainage systems. Taking in the local landscape along the way, I noticed far too many renal dialysis centers, Payday check cashing stores, pawnshops, cantinas, and laundromats. Many familiar sites remained such as Medina Beauty Shop, Jane’s

Pharmacy—which was now Farmacia Martinez, and of course carnicerias and panaderias

(butcher shops and bakeries). As I meandered the side street of S. Flores on my way to La

Trinidad Iglesia Methodista, I passed through one side of the downtown tourist area near

El Mercado and Mi Tierra Café. The change in the condition of the streets improved:

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wide lanes, newly asphalted, the bright yellow lines of demarcation visible, newly constructed drainage systems lining the sides that drained the remnants of the rainfall. As

I reached La Trinidad, located in the heart of the Westside, I passed the beautiful downtown campus of the University of Texas at San Antonio and marveled at the changes made after the most recent Mexican American activism of the 80s and 90s. One change in particular that struck me was the street name change: what had once been

Durango Boulevard was now Cesar Chavez Boulevard.

I arrived just in time for my appointment with Reverend Oscar Garza, the retired associate pastor. At the inception of my oral history project, I called several churches in the area, and chose La Trinidad Methodist because Rev. Garza exhibited the greatest interest and had parishioners whose family membership went back five generations or more. He proudly told me about La Trinidad’s fame as being the oldest Spanish-speaking

Methodist church in San Antonio with a current membership of six hundred. Rev. Garza, whose membership at La Trinidad spanned seventy years, served in various capacities in the Rio Grande Conference of the United Methodist Church and enjoyed a long and distinguished career. He provided some background history of La Trinidad.

History of La Trinidad Iglesia Methodista

Located on San Antonio’s West Side, it remains in the heart of the Mexican neighborhood. Originally a Methodist mission founded in 1876 in the area now known

Mi Tierra Café, the church moved a few blocks over to its present location on the corner of San Fernando and Pecos Streets and constructed its first building in 1886 with a membership surpassing 100 souls. According to church records, La Trinidad holds the honor of ministering to the oldest Protestant Spanish-speaking congregation in the city.

Thanks to Mexico’s Revolution of 1916 and the subsequent influx of refugees, La 119

Trinidad’s membership escalated and the church boasts it harbored the largest Latin

American Methodist congregation in North America during the period from 1921-WW2.

The membership and its leaders undertook three major renovations over the years, the last guided under the auspices of Rev. Garza. The church continues to be an ethnic enclave for Mexican immigrant families as in the early years of its history. In its early decades, the church conducted all its services and Sunday schools in Spanish. The church hymnal and bulletins contributed to a high rate of literacy among its members, thus assisting with fluency in written and spoken Spanish. Present day church services and Sunday school practice bilingualism.1 After discussing the parameters of my study with Pastor Garza, he willingly agreed to participate and provide assistance to secure respondents, with the help of his staff.

Oral History Methodology

I communicated my research question to Pastor Garza. Can oral history bring about the transitional/restorative justice process of moral repair and atonement for a community, such as the Mexican Americans of Texas, traumatized by the structural violence caused by racist de jure and de facto Jim Crow laws practiced before 1965?

Reverend Garza found merit in my study, especially the gathering of oral histories. I had done my homework and knew I wanted conduct an oral history project, so I had the study parameters prepared prior to this phase of the research process. My initial preparation involved several steps such as familiarizing myself with oral history guidebooks that defined reasonable standards of practice.2 Numerous guides such as Envelopes of Sound, by Ronald Grele, Oral History: An Introduction, by James Hoopes, Donald Ritchie’s

Doing Oral History, or Valerie Yow’s Recording Oral History acquainted me with oral

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history as a recorded and preserved oral document.3 The next phase involved the interview process.

Oral history’s research orientations require qualitative, interpretive procedures and techniques that allow freedom of expression during the interview, rather than quantitative techniques that ask closed questions. I constructed the survey instrument by evaluating Sommer and Quinlan’s The Oral History Manual and Hoopes’ Oral History:

An Introduction for Students guidelines.4 Additionally, I looked to my notes from my oral history classes to assist me in designing an instrument that would jog long-term memories of childhood. My survey instrument would end with the participant’s current day status in order to gain a broad stroke of a life history.

I selected oral history methodology for several reasons: 1. because oral history collects autobiographies, biographies and life histories from participants, elite and non- elite; 2. because I could gather life histories from non-elite members of the Mexican

American community in order to gain more complete understandings and perspectives that historical reconstructions thus far have failed to document, that being, the history of the Mexican Americans living under the oppression caused by the Jim Crow laws and practices; 3. and finally because oral history considers historical veracity important, and its best practices insist upon researching and retrieving varied forms of documentation.

Oral history’s scope extends from lifeways to autobiographies of the elite to empowerment and activism to collective and individual healing from traumatic, oppressive practices. Social scientist and pioneering oral historian Paul Thompson’s essay “Pioneering the Life Story Method” noted that when he first began “doing oral history, or life story research…it was not actually called ‘oral history.’” 5 Thompson used the terms life story and oral history interchangeably and so will I. In dealing with the 121

minority community, I required direction from specialists in the fields of minority studies, racism, trauma and oppression. I discovered numerous theorists and drew upon their work to undergird my study.

John Stanfield’s work with minorities illustrated how oral histories from minority members and the culture interfaced with the dominant society for survival. As Stanfield argued: “Oral history is an invaluable though underutilized life history analysis method…Done correctly as an unstructured interviewing experience about a subject’s life or major event, an oral history can generate valuable information about a person’s impressions on society and social issues.”6 Feminist oral historians Kathryn Anderson and Dana C. Jack substantiated the importance of listening and engulfing ourselves in the narrator’s perspective to “understand the person’s story from her vantage point.”7

According to Anderson and Jack, narrators—rather than interviewers—should structure the interview process and researchers must enhance and encourage this independence because it “allows each woman to express her uniqueness in its full class, racial, and ethnic richness.” 8 In like manner, my goal was to allow narrators the liberty to take charge of their interviews so we could become co-equal participants. Native American anthropologist Susan Brill de Ramirez discusses the “conversive” circle where all parties function as co-equal participants rather than privileged researchers who may distort meanings, much like the early colonizing powers of the academy.9

I remained committed to the notion that oral history could collectively advance the process of restorative justice for the oppressed members of the community and looked to the work of trauma theorists Shoshana Felman and psychiatrist Dori Laub. Felman and

Laub’s book Testimony, accentuated the interviewer’s role as a companion in the re- experiencing and recounting of a traumatic memory. Similar to Freud’s work, the authors 122

asserted the act of vocalizing the trauma, in bringing it from a state of chaos and fragmentation in one’s memory to one of order through the process of telling a story, assisted victims of trauma.10 My interviewer/companion role stressed the importance of the task I would be undertaking. Their observations furthered my argument linking oral history and moral repair, as did Martha Minow’s article on The South African Truth and

Reconciliation Commission (TRC).11 Although it followed an inflexible juridical model, nevertheless, the Commission’s truth telling allowed victims to verbalize their life stories about the abuses they suffered under the regime in order to hold perpetrators accountable, make amends, and jump start social change. Disapproving of the TRC’s model, Patricia Lundy and Mark McGovern advocated a grassroots transitional justice model that transforms members into greater stakeholders and agents for change. Others argue the TRC’s model re-injures victims as it forces them to abide by the master discourse instead of their own voice.12 I took these opinions under consideration and continued my research, seeking out feminist views.

Feminist oral historian Sherna Berger Gluck’s work verified my assumptions about utilizing oral history to empower victims of trauma to voice their stories and receive validation and vindication. She framed one of the positive outcomes of oral history as the unique ability to catalyze empowerment and social change.13 As a researcher I believed the interviews I gathered could serve this purpose. However, when I researched further into social empowerment, I discovered the power of liberation theology’s “testimonios,” and visualized numerous similarities to my work with the minority community. Developed by Latin American grass roots activists during the 1970s in Nicaragua, Guatemala, and El Salvador, “testimonios” arose from minority communities living under oppression and assisted the collective body in giving voice to 123

its trauma and suffering.14 Folklore and folklife specialist William Westerman defined

Liberation Theology as one that “focuses on the active role of the community and the individual in ending the sinful state of oppression and violence perpetrated by the state.15

The goal encompassed establishing a morally just system—a heaven on earth model— and called for social change and action. Pastor Garza intimated he was politically active during the Cesar Chavez era of the 60s and 70s, often encouraging his congregations to support the plight of the United Farmworkers Union and illuminating the injustices they endured. To this day, La Trinidad remains committed to injustices against the Latino community, especially the undocumented.16

I persisted in the goal of giving voice to the voiceless and thus knew the focus of my study would be qualitative. I knew that quantitative methodologies were too rigid, asking “Yes/No” or multiple choice questions that left no room for narrators to open up about their life experiences. I decided to create a research instrument that consisted of a series of open-ended questions that allowed narrators the freedom to express their thoughts and opinions. I looked to the work of Latino psychologist Manuel Ramirez who insisted that qualitative methodologies such as oral history are best suited for minorities because they use open-ended questions, allowing narrators the freedom to express themselves on multiple topics and to tell their stories.17 For Ramirez, the life history method remains unsurpassed in studying Mexican Americans because it focuses on social, educational, environmental, religious, economic and cultural forces that influence and create their unique personality and generates cultural perspectives that are features of the culture.18

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Limitations of the Study

Thompson noted one of the basic issues confronting oral historians: the trustworthiness of interviewing past events, or credibility, and how memory functions in remembering them.19 I was prepared for this occurrence and conducted extensive historical research prior to this phase to be aware of historical inaccuracies. I sought other theorists for guidance based upon their relevance to my work. I knew that time warps could occur, and sociologist YvonneWalker recounted about the nonlinear recollection of stories and the telescoping of historical time. This happens when events that occur at different times are narrated as occurring at the same time. The narrative contains gaps or lapses in time since narrators fail to mention events that intervened between times— causing historical distortion. Once again I knew the way to overcome this limitation was to utilize historical and archival resources to confirm events and to look for patterns as different narrators discussed similar occurrences, creating patterns.20 Walker also discussed the danger of selective memory, a phenomenon that occurs when a researcher discovers variations in the same story among multiple interviewees. Archival resources like diaries, newspapers, marriage/baptismal certificates, and immigration papers can offset selective memory. Another method to lessen selective memory should employ focus groups—where participants from the same family recount different perspectives of the same event. This type of interview increases accuracy.21

Memories may not always be accurate—fact-checking helps, but one must remember also, it is the narrator’s story as she/he perceived it. In in Popular

Memory Luisa Passerini discovered inconsistencies in the stories of her narrators and noted a prevalence of dissociation, possibly related to post traumatic stress disorder. As victims of war and the Fascist state, dissociation occurred as a protective mechanism to 125

the trauma of war and conflict they experienced.22 Dissociation remains quite important, especially with victims of trauma, such as structural violence caused by racism. Victims of trauma run the real risk of the accusation of lying and care must be taken to protect them. Feminist researcher Leigh Gilmore discussed how Human Rights activist and

Nobel Prize winner Rigoberta Menchu was accused of lying by several critics. Her narrative contained stories about not only her personal experiences, but also those of her people and her community as she related them in Spanish—a language she’d only spoken for several years—to Venezuelan anthropologist, Elizabeth Burgos. Menchu’s native language is Quiche, a Mayan language, not Spanish. Through her testimonio, Menchu shed light upon the collective human rights abuses and the oppression she and her community suffered under a corrupt political regime in Guatemala.23 Gilmore noted the gendered construction of credibility and truth. When a woman provides a first person account of trauma her version runs the risk of disbelief because her account conflicts with the type of account a man would provide.24 For victims of trauma in need of moral repair, a real problem exists of being discredited back into silence.

Other limitations surfaced as Stanfield contended that the interviewer’s intervention poses a major limitation. Researchers must take care with the oral history interview structure so that it will not overshadow the life history.25 Open-ended questions for interviewees circumvent this pitfall as it allows interviewees the freedom to tell their story with minimum interruptions from the interviewer. Brill de Ramirez suggested utilizing large chunks of verbatim texts to offset the issue of an invasive interviewer. This method allows the narrator’s perspective to shine.26

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Research Assumptions

Several assumptions underpin my study: Race/ethnicity as a social construct, Jim

Crow racism operating in the Mexican American community, the traumatic effects of structural violence, and the minority group’s need for moral repair and atonement.

Anthropologist Franz Boas observed “antipathies” towards racial or ethnic social groups, noting these perceived differences were based upon social constructions rather than biological reasoning. Boas asserted this racial hierarchy would “always lead to racial discrimination.”27 As mentioned in Chapter 2, the State of Texas sanctioned de facto discrimination against Mexican Americans—as it applied Jim Crow laws against the group—despite the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which granted them Caucasian status and American citizenship.28 My study took into account the trauma and oppression the group suffered from prejudicial laws and practices. Instances of school segregation based upon ethnicity, language or surname abounded across Texas, racially restrictive housing covenants carved up cities and towns into distinct neighborhoods disallowing minorities within their boundaries, and de jure and de facto segregation of numerous public/private facilities prevented them from gaining entrance. Racially restrictive housing covenants effectively modeled San Antonio’s racial/ethnic geography along racial, ethnic, and socio-economic boundaries with detrimental effects for the minority communities.

Although San Antonio did not segregate Mexican American school children into

Mexican schools as in other parts of Texas, racially restrictive housing covenants effectively contained these school children to schools on the city’s West and South sides, avoiding any contact with White school children.29 Traumatized from the effects of structural violence, this concept functioned through social exclusion, a limited welfare state, institutional racism and limited access to social goods and resources.30 Within the 127

legal framework of the Jim Crow laws, these laws effectively manacled the group into their barrios, through racially restrictive housing covenants. Poll taxes diluted voting districts and political representation, further robbing the group of political capital. If one looks at the racial/ethnic geography of present day San Antonio, these ethnic enclaves exist even today and the inequality among Mexican Americans remains highly visible.31

The trauma caused by structural violence requires acknowledgement, apology, and atonement such as offered by the restorative justice construct of moral repair. 32

To recap ethicist Margaret Urban Walker’s framework for moral repair, victims require the liberty to voice their trauma. The act of vocalizing imparts validation from the interviewer, and victims feel a sense of vindication. Vindication begets moral repair, atonement, and empowerment as the paths to racial reconciliation and social change are opened.33 This restoration re-configures societies into an entirely new model whereby both parties enjoy equal political capital.34

Overview of the Research Design

I considered San Antonio, Texas as a microcosm of the larger Texan society because the city contains/ed a collection of ethnic communities (Black, Czech, German,

Italian, Japanese, Jewish, Mexican, Polish, Scotch-Irish, Syrian) around its perimeter.

Rev. Garza approved the study instrument and I advanced to the next phase of recruiting willing participants from La Trinidad Methodist Church. I also contacted the University of Texas Austin’s Voces archive collection, perused their files and selected thirty oral histories. Those chosen lived across South Texas.

Pastor Garza provided me with several names of members whose families had been members since the early 1900s and invited me to attend church services on Sunday for introductions. He would announce my study, allow me to also pass out flyers, and 128

meet and greet potential respondents. After the meet and greet, six members he introduced me to expressed interest and signed up for the study. They were happy someone was interested in hearing their story. Thanks to the snowball method, several more interviewees signed up. Within the week, twelve bilingual (English/Spanish) narrators and two Spanish-speaking participants volunteered. Several study group members represented a large multi-generational family whose membership and attendance spanned almost one hundred years. They considered it important to tell the story of their ancestors’ migration to Texas during the Mexican Revolution.

I called each of the study group members prior to the interviews and spoke to them at length to gain background information, inquired about any incidents of racist encounters, and advised them that the recordings would be donated to Florida Atlantic

University or possibly Baylor University in Waco, Texas. I followed up by sending consent forms, sample questions, and a flyer reminding them of our appointment time, along with my contact information. I carefully considered the space for the interviews and decided narrators would be most comfortable in their homes. All of the narrators agreed with the exception of one. He preferred his business location—because it contained records of his past achievements that he wanted to share with me. The day before each interview I gave them a reminder call. I also called Rev. Garza several times to provide feedback about how the interviews went.

Methods Used to Gather Information

Adhering to a qualitative format, my study instrument contained a set of open- ended questions to allow narrators the freedom to express their thoughts and opinions.

Initial questions dealt with basic information such as name, date/place of birth, length of time living in San Antonio, permission to record them, and self-identification. Topics 129

such as early life, neighborhood, growing up in a Hispanic family, and La Trinidad experiences were among the questions asked. Other topics covered were language spoken, school experiences, first interaction with person of another racial/ethnic group, jobs, socio-economic changes in adult life, memories of racism, political climate, attitudes towards Latinos, the impact of La Trinidad Methodist Church on your life, and societal changes observed. As previously mentioned, I considered the space for the interviews carefully and most interviews took place in the homes of study participants to put them at ease and keep them in familiar surroundings rather than cold, sterile office space. The church was considered as a location, but many respondents were dependent upon others to drive them. I foresaw this ahead of time and rented a vehicle for this purpose.

In the age of evolving technology, I wanted to use the latest technology to capture the best sound quality possible, with as little interference in the recordings along with a good record of longevity. Interviews were recorded with cassette tape, mini disc and

MP3digital recorders. I had a wired microphone for the mini disc player, a small clip-on microphone for the cassette recorder and I used the internal microphone from the MP3 recorder. As I knew the fickleness of recording instruments, I utilized three types of recording devices at once. I knew from previous experience that I needed at least one backup. Each session lasted from 2-4 hours. To insure the interviews were not lost or misplaced, they were pre-labeled with names and dates. I used one or two dedicated cassette tapes, minidiscs, and mini-memory cards for each interview. Afterwards, I stored them in a labeled box.

When I returned home, I downloaded the interviews and digitized them into my desktop computer, using Adobe Audition software. Audition converted them into WAV 130

files and I manually “cleaned them up” for minor background interference so voices would maintain a crisp sound for transcription purposes. Each interview was burned/downloaded onto a CD/flash drive using Adobe Audition recording software. I stored CD’s in diamond cases, original minidiscs and cassette tapes in their respective cases, and placed them into a tight fitting photo box to protect them from sunlight and dust to prolong longevity. All formats were labeled with names of participants.

Interview Day

Upon my arrival at the home, respondents and their families greeted me with a warm welcome. Several family members had gathered for the “show” and were there to cheer grandma or grandpa along. I should mention that as I set up everything, I would talk to family members and ended up gaining three more narrators as a consequence. Two daughters and one husband expressed interest in being interviewed and I always traveled with extra consent forms and recording paraphernalia. In total, I interviewed seventeen people. After completing the necessary consent forms, we found a comfortable place in the home—living rooms, dining rooms, or family rooms—and set up the recording equipment. I thoughtfully considered the space for the interviews to achieve optimum results and liked spaces that provided memory prompts like family albums, photos, and mementoes to facilitate the process. Several of the narrators were related, so two or three family members participated simultaneously in the interview endowing it with a less threatening atmosphere, well suited for unimpeded life stories. Although the presence of the microphones and recording devices caused nervousness in some narrators, the familiar space of being at home provided a less formal feel, and allayed initial nervousness.

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I began the sessions by asking names, dates of birth, birthplace and followed with some leading open-ended questions to warm up the narrators and lessen any anxiety. I knew that open-ended questions served as memory springboards and the technique proved effective. Several questions touched upon early childhood experiences, school and church experiences, and earliest memories of interaction with those of another race. I did ask what language was spoken at home as many grew up with Spanish as their first language. Since these narrators enjoyed close family ties, I inquired how it felt to be a part of this large multi-generational family and what it was like to have generational ties to La Trinidad Methodist Church. After their confidence increased, I stepped back and listened, allowing them to express their sentiments, occasionally asking them questions related to the experiences they relayed. In this way I attempted to be a co-creator with them rather than a power figure that controlled their life story. Although I had questions at the ready, many I did not need to ask as narrators glided into these topics during their narratives.

Numerous narrators delved into what is called “story,” creating a beginning, middle, and end with denouement. Many of these life stories contained painful experiences with racism they encountered at school, the workplace, or in public. Thick description abounded as they described neighborhoods, public facilities, people, and businesses. Respondents interacted with one another in lively conversation during interviews or in between stories. Coffee breaks were taken to transfer cassette tapes or check on recording equipment so tiredness did not set in. Several families invited me to have lunch with them afterwards and I found their company enjoyable. The day ended with scanning photos and other documents relating to the participants. Each participant

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had a folder that contained all the material related to them and the folders were stored in binders.

The Transcript Phase

The last phase entailed listening closely to each narrative and transcribing it into a verbatim transcript. This process took the longest as sometimes words or phrases appeared unintelligible or garbled. This usually occurred if voiced softly almost as an afterthought or thinking aloud. I listened for long pauses, interrupted thoughts, quick changes of subjects or omissions, and altered vocalizations such as softness, loudness, or a quivering voice, quickened speech, anger or sadness. I usually noted these in the transcript through em-dashes, bold or italicized fonts, comments within brackets, or three dots to indicate a long pause or subject shift. Each transcript contained an ongoing time notation to the side of narrators/interviewer names and at the top of each page. I transcribed all of the interviews into verbatim transcripts and brief summaries.

Participants looked over the transcripts over email and verbally approved.

Oral history transcripts were color coded by topic and historical eras discussed and sorted to compare similarities and differences and historical time periods. I re-read the transcripts, made notes of the transcripts on index cards and categorized them into different stacks. I then noted the similarities and differences based upon historical time periods and began the writing process. The corpus contains a word count of 63, 320 for a total of 294 pages, including bibliography, endnotes and an Appendix.

Challenges of the Study

Several challenges faced me in the study: stereotyping, essentialism, and generational differences. A real danger of stereotyping the community existed if not considered beforehand. As I am Mexican American and once lived within the community 133

of study, as an insider, I thought I was more in tune with the issue of stereotyping, since

I’ve suffered the effects of being stereotyped my entire life. However, I have to acknowledge that prior researchers before me studied Latinos and the group suffered long-lasting detrimental effects. Many critics of anthropologist Oscar Lewis’ culture of poverty theory blamed the researcher for stereotyping Latinos and those living in poverty.

Lewis conducted life histories on poverty-stricken families in Mexico, Puerto Rico, and

New York. He concluded that the process of transitioning from an agrarian economy to a capitalistic one created a self-perpetuating set of negative family traits, an adaptation to the circumstances of life, and called this adaptation the culture of poverty.

Lewis defined the culture of poverty as a distinct conceptual model with seventy traits that captured the characteristics and norms of a Western of poverty. He argued it: 1. crossed national/urban/rural barriers, 2. was generational, 3. enabled members to function within the limitations of poverty. He observed how its members exhibited similarities “in the structure of their families, in interpersonal relations, in spending habits, in their value systems and in their orientation in time.”35 The culture of poverty quickly gained publicity and fame, garnering fans and critics simultaneously.

Numerous critiques surfaced of the culture of poverty and how it stereotyped minority members of different ethnic/racial groups with harmful, negative results, suggesting that all members of the poverty group shared in these behaviors. Sociologists

Irelan, Moles, and O’Shea disputed Lewis’ results on the basis that significant differences between poor African Americans, Anglos and Latinos existed.36 Sociologist Berry

Bergum’s analysis maintained that Lewis generalized and looked at two very different economic systems (Mexico/Puerto Rico) treating them equally, whereas they were not.

He also criticized La Vida for its highly sexualized content.37 Anthropologist Marvin 134

Opler condemned Lewis for harmful stereotyping, poor sampling, encouraging establishment-oriented whitewash to vilify the minority poor, distorting Puerto Rican poverty with erroneous figures about Puerto Rican families.38

Coward, Feagin and Williams refuted Lewis’ results and their findings opposed his predictions. They warned against using the culture of poverty for public policy decisions that affected the poor because of questionable results.39 Sociologists Roach and

Gursslin thought Lewis lacked empirical evidence to support the culture of poverty theory due to circular arguments, no demonstrated causal relationships, and no specified variables.40 Fellow anthropologist Robert Manners offered a laundry list of criticisms on the works of Oscar Lewis (La Vida, Children of Sanchez). He objected to the small sample size, inadequacy, distortion of facts, sensationalism, overemphasis of sex, poor example of an anthropological study, lack of a clean statistical approach and exactitude, veracity of children’s narratives, distortions, overgeneralization of data, falsification, and slander.41 Anthropologist Charles Valentine was one of Lewis’ more vocal critics and attempted to thwart his research at every turn. He thought Lewis guilty of: disengagement of the poor, a lack of fit with the facts, missing empirical results, calling a sub-culture a culture, inaccurate representations of the whole, omissions and distortions. Valentine chided Lewis because he gave bureaucrats a reason to implement “pernicious policies” against the poor based on his work/concepts and negatively affected the poor for decades.42

Indeed overly harsh government policies and attitudes towards the poor resulted after Lewis’ fame of the culture of poverty. Several other authors like Michael Harrington and Daniel Patrick Moynihan escalated the popular use of the catch phrase “culture of poverty” in their books and governmental reports about the poor in the US.43 The culture 135

of poverty theory validated what governmental officials desired to hear about the less

fortunate and gave them the freedom to blame victims for their poverty. Stereotyping of

the poor concretized in officials minds and the negative results lasted decades. The

dominant White powers of the US system found a means of rationalizing funding cuts for

government welfare programs.

As mentioned earlier, I am acutely aware of racial/ethnic stereotyping primarily because I am a Mexican American woman working within the Mexican American community. As a woman of color, I share similarities with my study group’s background culture and mores. Sociologist France Winddance Twine looked at the positions of interviewers in the social sciences. She noted that when interviewers and interviewees came from similar racial or ethnic backgrounds, they shared many features of the culture.

Calling her concept “racial matching,” she noted that an ease of conversation existed affecting the study outcomes in a positive way, causing little concern about stereotyping.44

Numerous other ways existed for me to prevent stereotyping—avoid generalizations, essentialism, and blanket statements. Due to the qualitative and interpretive methods utilized in my study, these methods prove ideal for race-related research since they uncover subtleties lurking below the surface, allowing the researcher to observe people’s uniqueness, which helps to offset stereotyping.45

The danger of essentialism also stood out as one of the challenges I faced.

Because my study was qualitative and contained thick data on the issues of racism,

discrimination, and segregation in San Antonio and the surrounding area, I must

acknowledge that results may vary by regions or locales within Texas. Care must be

taken in extrapolating data from one area into another, as essentialism would rob a region

or locale of its uniqueness. I gathered interviews primarily from participants in the San 136

Antonio, but I did have four narrators who came from Hebbronville/Pearsall, Castroville,

and Mission, TX plus one from Monclova, near Saltillo, Mexico. Their experiences

substantiate their value as they benefit others suffering from the trauma of racism.

However, their experiences may differ vastly from Mexican Americans living in different

parts of Texas. A larger and broader study of racism against Mexican Americans in

different regions of Texas is warranted.

Another challenge I faced dealt with narrators’ memory. Since most of my narrators were above the age of 70, two or three appeared to be in the early stages of dementia. They had more difficulty recalling words or phrases and their stories were less structured, fragmented, or had numerous gaps or omissions. Those narratives tended to be short and lacked the richness of details that other life stories contained. I found that although one of the narrators was lucid on the phone the previous morning and had no discernable deficiencies or lapses of memory, her mental status deteriorated when I visited the following late afternoon and I did not use the interview.

Language terminology or slang terms represented a challenge for several participants. I encountered several narrators who bristled when I used the term “Chicano” when asking how they self-identified. One respondent was so angered by my using the term that she cut short her interview. She explained that during her youth the term was a derogatory one that demeaned Mexican Americans, mentioning the zoot suits riots, and another term: . I acknowledged this peccadillo and apologized. Unfortunately she was also the one whose mental status deteriorated during the brief late afternoon interview and her narrative had already become highly fragmented and unintelligible. Her daughters apologized and provided me with some excellent documents to scan for my study. The items included their great-grandfather’s green card, some real estate documents showing 137

that he had amassed over 600 acres of land since his arrival in 1916, and an interesting letter requesting permission to travel to Mexico on business—written in English by a

Notary Public—to show to immigration officials. In all, the interviews numbered seventeen, sixteen that were useable. In order to gain a more accurate understanding of the respondents, a brief description follows about some of the narrators from Project Aztlan and the University of Texas Voces Project.

Background Information: Project Aztlan

The seventeen oral history interviews came from the second and third generation

descendants of Teodosio and Agustina Martinez, a Mexican family that migrated to

Texas during the Mexican Revolution of 1910. Teodosio’s mother came from a tribe of

indigenous Mexicans and his father was a Mestizo of mixed Spanish and native origins.

Teodosio and many of his descendants exhibited the Mestizo features and dark eyes, skin,

and hair color. The phenotypical looks passed onto succeeding generations and

predisposed the participants to suffering the traumatic effects of racism and social

injustice more acutely. Unfortunately, these phenotypical characteristics made them

vulnerable to racist encounters with Whites in power such as teachers, employers, and the

legal system. They spoke Spanish as a primary language, and enjoyed close family,

religious, and cultural ties.

Geographical Origin

Most of the narrators were born in South or around San Antonio.

All came from within the boundaries of the Latino barrio on the Westside or Southside.

One narrator came from Monclova, Coahuila, Mexico and two from South Texas. They

grew up in small towns in deep South Texas, near the Texas/Mexico border.

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Age, Gender, and Marital Status

Of the seventeen respondents, many included two generations of Martinez descendants, their spouses, and children. Several pastors (including one spouse) from La

Trinidad Methodist Church joined the study group. Seven male and ten female narrators participated; ages ranged from 46 years of age to 88 years. Fifteen respondents were married, one was single, the other a widower.

Armed Forces

Four of the male respondents served in the Armed Forces, two during WWII and two in the Korean conflict. One served in India while the other served on the European front. World War II (Armed Forces) provided women with opportunities previously unattainable and one narrator benefitted. She took the civil service exam, scored exceptionally high, and worked as an inspector for aircraft engine parts at Kelly Air

Force Base. These positions soon closed to females after the war’s end and like most young women, she returned to a job in the private sector.

Education

Educationally speaking, fourteen participants graduated from high school, six male, eight female. Of these fourteen, nine earned college degrees, (five men and four women), and three graduated with advanced degrees (two females, one male). Three servicemen earned their bachelor’s degrees through the GI Bill. Two men earned their degrees in the Ministry—one a Doctor of Ministry. Of the seventeen narrators, only three dropped out of school, one male and two females.

Occupational Background

Occupations for the males included one career military (Army), one school district administration, one small business owner-aircraft electrical repair, three entered 139

the civil service as life-long careers—one attained a GS-15 rank and was the second

Mexican American in US to reach this level, others worked in Logistics and nuclear weaponry. Two interviewees pastored Spanish-speaking Methodist churches throughout

Texas in the Rio Grande Conference. Women in the group varied in their occupations.

Two remained “housewives,” but one assisted with the family painting business by doing bookkeeping or in another case, by helping to run the family ice house—a predecessor of the convenience store. Two other narrators worked as secretaries at Kelly Air Force Base while another worked at as a seamstress fitting uniforms for the

WAFs (Women in the Air Force). One respondent managed the family farm while raising seven children. The one respondent who moved out of Texas received golden opportunities and worked as a buyer for a prestigious women’s boutique in Northern

California’s Bay area that catered to the elite. The two youngest members that represented a different generation both earned Masters degrees, one in education, the other in social work. One moved to the Dallas-Ft. Worth metroplex and is employed by the Watauga School District while the other practices as a school social worker in the

Austin School District. Last but not least, the Mexican born narrator married a pastor and ministered to the congregation with her husband.

Socio-Economic Backgrounds

At the time of the interviews, only five of the seventeen respondents moved from the ethnic enclave, but the remainder still lived within its boundaries. Almost all of the narrators continued their membership with La Trinidad Methodist, as did many of their children, making it a total of five generations that attended. While they were all born into working class families, at the time of the interviews their social classes ranged from working class to upper middle class. Genders were equally represented. All respondents 140

classified themselves as either Mexican American or Hispanic. All names were changed to protect their identity.

Background Information: University of Texas, Austin-Voces

The Voces Project from the University of Texas, Austin originally started as the

Latino/Latina WWII Oral History Project. Its mission: “to foster a greater awareness of the contributions of Latinos & Latinas of the WWII generation.”46 Essentially, it was discovered that Mexican Americans were grossly under-represented as having participated in WWII, despite having projected numbers from 250,000-750,000 who participated in the armed services. An area of great need existed and an effort was made to try and fill the gap. The project has compiled over 500 interviews on videotape and digital copies of photographs and other ephemera. The Voces project now collects oral histories from those who served in the Armed Forces from WWII and beyond. The project printed a newspaper from 1999-2004 and many of these write ups are available on their website. The oral histories are available in the archives at the Nettie Lee Benson

Latin American Collection and the Center for American History at the University of

Texas, Austin. The areas of inquiry are: 1. Citizenship, 2. Civil rights, 3. Civil service, 4.

Education, 5. Racism/discrimination, 6. Language, 7. Great Depression, 8. WWII service.

Geographical Origin

The twenty-eight Voces narrators represented a wide geographic area of Texas.

The most narrators came from the San Antonio-Austin metroplex (14), the lower Rio

Grande Valley/Mexican border area had six (6) narrators, the surrounding greater El Paso area had five (5), and three (3) came from the Houston-Galveston metro area. Many came from small towns with populations under 1,300 people, such as Melvin, Flatonia and

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Grand Falls, Texas while tiny Valentine, Texas still has less than 135 people. Recent records indicate that one town—Carlota—no longer exists.

Age, Gender, and Marital Status

Narrators’ ages ranged from 70 to 90 years of age. Twenty-three males and five females participated, and these were their ages at the time of their interviews (1999-

2004). Most of the respondents were married. One male narrator was recently widowed.

Armed Forces

All of the men served in the Armed Forces during WWII. Some soldiers battled in the Pacific arena, while others fought on the European front. Most narrators joined the

Army. All of the veterans enlisted, some lied about their age in order to join the Armed

Forces, and only two served as officers. None of these narrators made a career of the military, but a few also fought in the Korean War. The women narrators all married soldiers and shared their own life stories.

Education

Educational attainment for the narrators varied. Nine male narrators graduated from high school, of these, five received a university degree—two entered the Armed

Forces with a bachelor’s degree in hand. The other three used the GI Bill for their schooling. All three pursued advanced degrees, one in pharmacy, one in education, and one in law. Nineteen male narrators dropped out of school, while thirteen dropped out due to economic hardships. Ten dropped out in high school, six dropped out to join the service, one dropped out in middle school and two dropped out before the 4th grade.

Unfortunately, numerous social and economic constraints affected the five women’s educational attainment. One narrator graduated high school and attended college for one

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year, one dropped out after the 9th grade in high school, while the other three dropped out in grade school, two before the 4th grade.

Occupational Background

Occupations varied for the Voces group. Since this group consisted of numerous veterans of WWII, many experienced active combat. Resultingly, this trauma affected several. One narrator suffered from PTSD and was troubled by it all his life, unable to keep a steady position due to health issues. Another was not affected as severely, but it did impede his ability to succeed. Some benefitted from the GI bill earning Bachelor’s degrees in pharmacy, economics, education and law. One of these men was elected to the

Texas State Senate and the other garnered a post in the legal department of an international oil company, moving up the corporate ladder. Friendships with political officials assisted several narrators. Two narrators entered government positions in

Washington, DC; a civil rights activist was appointed to the Johnson cabinet as part of the

Equal Employment Opportunity department and member of Mexican American affairs and another entered the Department of Labor’s Hispanic Worker’s Rights group.

Many narrators opened businesses such as an import/export business, a Red Wing

Shoe store franchise, vehicle repair shops, barbershops, and printing shops. One pursued the entertainment industry and became a band leader/musician. Several worked for the railroad all of their lives, one became a union representative in the agricultural industry, and another began as a mineworker, advancing to the position of a chemist in the mining industry. Another respondent took the civil service exam and joined the US Postal service, remaining there 33 years. Factories in Michigan and Illinois employed other narrators and they never returned to Texas. One joined the Houston Police Department

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eventually reaching the position of Chief of Police. Four women narrators married and raised families, but one stayed on at Kelly Air Force Base after the war ended.

Socio-Economic Backgrounds

Most narrators, with the exception of one, grew up in working class families.

Socioeconomic statuses at the time of the interviews ranged from working class to upper class, and in one case, millionaire status. Males in the Voces study outnumbered females as the study interviewed primarily servicemen. Many servicemen returned to their hometowns, while others spread their wings. Their careers took them to South America,

Washington, DC, and Mexico City. Respondents identified themselves as Latinos,

Chicanos, , Mexicans and Mexican Americans. The Voces study did not change the narrators’ names.

In sum, both the Project Aztlan and Voces groups shared numerous similarities: almost all were born and grew up in Texas, almost all married and raised their families within the ethnic enclave, most of the males served in the military, and all attended schools in the Texas state educational system. Occupational data varied, as did socio- economic status. Several rose to positions of local, state, national and international prominence, while several prospered financially. It should be noted that the beginning of

Chapter 5 contains an extensive table containing pertinent data on both groups of narrators.

Closing Thoughts: Information About the Data Generated

In sum, I interviewed seventeen interviewees and utilized twenty-eight interviews from the University of Texas, Austin’s Voces project. Four research trips were taken for a total of eight weeks in the areas of San Antonio, Austin, Waco, San Marcos, and Thelma,

Texas. Each trip lasted two weeks. At the University of Texas, Austin, I spent three 144

weeks combing through the archives of the Nettie Benson Latin American Library

(George I. Sanchez collection, LULAC), the Dolph Briscoe Center for American History and Mexican American and collection. My trip to Baylor University in

Waco surveyed its Institute for Oral History where I met with Directors Thomas

Charlton, Rebecca Sharpless, and Lois Meyers. I also conducted research at the Texas

Ranger Museum in Waco.

Four weeks were spent in San Antonio gathering interviews and documents. I gathered material from the archives/library at: The University of Texas, San Antonio, The

Institute of Texan Cultures, and the San Antonio Public Library and genealogy archives.

The library’s collection of historical newspapers, photographs, and maps proved fruitful.

Additionally, I traveled to three Spanish missions: Mission San Jose, Mission

Concepcion, and Mission Espada and to , the site of the area’s original springs where the indigenous population once lived plus the Alamo. Many notable sights in San Antonio stood out such as Army base, , the Arneson

River Theater, San Antonio’s Riverwalk, the Smithsonian Museum, the Mexican marketplace, El Mercado, and the famous restaurant, Mi Tierra. One hidden treasure, the

Guadalupe Cultural Arts Center lies within the heart of the barrio, its artwork of the

Virgin of Guadalupe gracing its exterior. Many of the buildings surrounding it contain large photographs of noteworthy local Mexican American citizens. Murals on the sides of various buildings captured my attention as the art displayed pride in the indigenous heritage of the Mexican people. My final goal of the research trip was to stay at the historic —a hotel that once denied entrance to Mexican Americans. For me as a Mexican American woman, this act signified a long awaited change that my predecessors waited for, but were denied. 145

End Notes Chapter 4

1 Rev. Oscar Garza interview by Rebecca Karimi, July 20, 2005.

2 James Hoopes, Oral history: An Introduction for Students (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press), 1979; Sidney Mintz, “The Anthropological Interview and the Life History” in Oral History: An Interdisciplinary Anthology, eds. David King Dunaway and Willa K. Baum (New York: Alta Mira Press), 1996; Kathryn L. Nasstrom, "Beginnings and Endings: Life Stories and the Periodization of the Civil Rights Movement," The Journal of American History 86 no. 2: (1999): 700-711; Donald A. Ritchie, Doing Oral History: A Practical Guide (Oxford: Oxford University Press), 2003; William McKinley Runyan, Life Histories and Psychobiography: Explorations in Theory and Method (New York: Oxford University Press), 1982.

3 Ronald J. Grele, Envelopes of Sound: Six Practitioners Discuss the Method, Theory and Practice of Oral History and Oral Testimony (Chicago: Precedent Pub., 1975); Hoopes, Oral History; Donald A. Ritchie, Doing Oral History: A Practical Guide (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003); Valerie Yow, Recording Oral History: A Guide for the Humanities and Social Sciences (Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 2005).

4 Hoopes, Oral History, 96-109; Barbara W. Sommer and Mary Kay Quinlan, The Oral History Manual, (Lanham, MD: Alta Mira Press, 2009).

5 Paul Thompson, “Pioneering the Life Story Method,” in International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 7, no. 1 (2004), 82.

6 John H. Stanfield, "Life History Analysis and Racial Stratification Research," The American Behavioral Scientist (1986-1994) 30, no. 4 (Mar, 1987): 432, accessed July 30, 2017, ProQuest.

7 Kathyrn Anderson and Dana C. Jack, “Learning to Listen Interview Techniques and Analyses” in Oral History Reader, eds. Robert Perks and Alistair Thomson (New York, NY: Routledge, 2006), 137-138.

8 Ibid.

9 Susan Berry Brill de Ramirez, Native American Life-History Narratives: Colonial and Postcolonial Navajo (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2007), v-viii.

10 Shoshana Felman and Dori Laub, Testimony: Crises of Witnessing in Literature, Psychoanalysis, and History (New York: Routledge, 1992) 75-76.

11 Martha Minow, "Between Vengeance and Forgiveness: South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission," Negotiation Journal 14, no. 4 (1998): 319-55; Clint van der 146

Walt, Vije Franchi, and Garth Stevens, "The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission: 'Race', Historical Compromise and Transitional Democracy," International Journal of 27, no. 2 (2003): 252, 263.

12 Martha Minow, "Between Vengeance and Forgiveness: South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission," Negotiation Journal 14, no. 4 (1998): 319-55; Clint van der Walt, Vije Franchi, and Garth Stevens, "The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission: 'Race', Historical Compromise and Transitional Democracy," International Journal of Intercultural Relations 27, no. 2 (2003): 252, 263; Patricia Lundy and Mark McGovern, "Whose Justice? Rethinking Transitional Justice from the Bottom Up," Journal of Law and Society 2, no. 35 (2008): 265–92.

13 Susan H. Armitage and Sherna Berger Gluck, “Reflections on Women’s Oral History: An Exchange,” in The Oral History Reader, eds. Robert Perks and Alistair Thomson (New York, NY: Routledge, 2006), 75.

14 Brigittine M. French, "Technologies of Telling: Discourse, Transparency, and Erasure in Guatemalan Truth Commission Testimony," Journal of Human Rights 8, no. 1 (2009): 92 – 109.

15 William Westerman, “Central American Refugee Testimonies and Performed Life Histories in the Sanctuary Movement,” in The Oral History Reader, eds. Robert Perks and Alistair Thomson (New York, NY: Routledge, 2006), 499.

16 John P. Feagin, “La Trinidad UMC Opens Its Doors to Refugees,” New World Outlook Magazine, (Sept./October 2016): accessed September 25, 2017, http://www.umcmission.org/find-resources/new-world-outlook- magazine/2016/sept/october/0927latrinidadumc.

17 Manuel Ramírez, Multicultural/Multiracial Psychology: Mestizo Perspectives in Personality and Mental Health. Northvale, N.J.: Jason Aronson, 1998, 106. 109.

18 Ibid., 109.

19 Thompson, “Pioneering,” 81-83.

20 Yvonne Walker, “Small Scale Quantitative And Qualitative Historical Studies On African American Communities” in Rethinking Race and Ethnicity in Research Methods, ed. John Stanfield (Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press) 202-203.

21 Walker, 202. 22 Luisa Passerini, Fascism in Popular Memory: The Cultural Experience of the Turin Working Class. trans. Robert Lumley and Jude Bloomfield, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 35-39.

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23 Leigh Gilmore, The Limits of Autobiography: Trauma and Testimony (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001), 4, 163. The blemishing of Guatemalan activist and Nobel Peace Prize winner Rigoberta Menchu’s reputation by David Stoll’s book Rigoberta Menchu and the Story of All Poor Guatemalans characterizes what can occur if inaccuracies exist in a narrative. Menchu wasn’t silenced but continues in her activism. See Larry Rohter, “Tarnished Laureate: Nobel Winner Accused of Stretching the Truth,” New York Times, December 15, 1998, http://www.nytimes.com/library/books/121598- cambodian-memoir.html. 24 Gilmore, 4, 23.

25 Stanfield, “Life History Analysis,” 433.

26 Ibid, xiii-xiv.

27 Franz Boas, Race, Language and Culture, (New York, NY: Macmillan, 1940), 16, Accessed August 24, 2017, https://monoskop.org/images/8/8f/Boas_Franz_Race_Language_and_Culture_1940.pdf

28 Gammel, “An Act: To Provide for the Punishment of Crimes and Misdemeanors Committed by Slaves and Free Persons of Color,” The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897 Volume 1, (Austin, Texas: 1837), 1385-86; Gammel, “An Act to Define and Declare the Rights of Persons Lately Known as Slaves and Free Persons of Color,” in The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897 Volume 5 (Austin, TX:1898), 1049-1050; Garwood, "Court Ruling" Atlanta Daily World; Gross, 15-16; "Jim Crow Laws Blamed," The Pittsburgh Courier, 1; In re Rodriguez, 81 F. 337 Westlaw (1897); Terrell Wells Swimming Pool v. Rodriguez, 182 S.W. 2d 824 LexisNexis (1944).

29 It should be noted that San Antonio’s East side sheltered its African American population and continues into the present.

30 Johan Galtung, "Violence, Peace, and Peace Research," Journal of Peace Research 6, no. 35 (1969).

31 Calderon, "Report of the Consul General of Mexico in San Antonio, Texas to the Good Neighbor Commission; Clack, "What Side Are You From?” Sec. A, 1B; Foy, "Detached,"1A; Russell, "Integration Difficult,” sec. 1B, SA Express-News; Russell, "Resegregation Trend," SA Express-News; Tobar, " Diamond in the Rough;” Gambitta, Milne, and Davis, “Politics," 134-56, 232-37; Austin v. Richardson et al., 278 S.W. 513 Westlaw (1926); Clifton George Co. v. Great Southern Life Insurance Co., 234 S.W. 705 Westlaw (1921); Court of Civil Appeals of Texas (1948).

32 Radzik, Making Amends, 189; Walker, Moral Repair, 15-18.

33 Walker, Moral Repair, 15-18.

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34 Ibid.

35 Oscar Lewis, "The Culture of Poverty," Scientific American 215, no. 4 (1966): 19, accessed July 27, 2017, JSTOR.

36 Lola M. Irelan, Oliver C. Moles and Robert M. O'Shea, “ Ethnicity, Poverty, and Selected Attitudes: A Test of the ‘Culture of Poverty’ Hypothesis,” Social Forces, 47, no. 4 (June, 1969): 405-413, accessed: July 27, 2017 , JSTOR.

37Berry Burgum, “The Sociology of Oscar Lewis as a Critique of Imperialism,” Science & Society, 31, no. 3 (Summer, 1967): 323-337, accessed: July 27, 2017, JSTOR.

38 Marvin K. Opler, review of “On Lewis' ‘Culture of Poverty,’” Current Anthropology, 9, no. 5 (December 1968): 451-452 , accessed July17, 2017, JSTOR.

39 Barbara E. Coward, Joe R. Feagin and J. Allen Williams Jr., “The Culture of Poverty Debate: Some Additional Data,” Social Problems 21 (April 7, 1973): 633, accessed July 27, 2017, http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/sociologyfacpub/4.

40 Jack L. Roach, and Orville R. Gursslin, “An Evaluation of the Concept ‘Culture of Poverty,’” Social Forces, 45, no. 3 (March 1967): 383-392, accessed: August 8, 2017, JSTOR.

41 Robert A. Manners, review of La Vida: A Puerto Rican Family in the Culture of Poverty - San Juan and New York by Oscar Lewis , American Anthropologist, New Series, 70, no. 2 (Apr., 1968): 371-373, accessed August 8, 2017, JSTOR.

42 Charles A. Valentine, review of “Culture and Poverty: Critique and Counter- Proposals,” Current Anthropology, 10, no. 2/3 (April-June 1969):181-201, accessed: July 17, 2017. JSTOR.

43 Barbara Ehrenreich, "Rediscovering Poverty." Nation 294, no. 14 (April 2, 2012): 4-6. The Nation Archive, accessed July 17, 2017, EBSCOhost.

44 France Winddance Twine, “Racial Ideologies and Racial Methodologies,” in Racing Research, Researching Race: Methodological Dilemmas in Critical Race Studies, ed. France Winddance Twine and Jonathan W. Warren (New York, NY: New York University Press, 2000), 7-8.

45 Dawn Brotherton, “Rehumanizing Race-Related Research in Qualitative Study of Faith-Based Organizations: Case Studies, Focus, Groups, and Long Interviews, in Rethinking Race and Ethnicity in Research Methods, ed. John Stanfield (Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press) 235-252.

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46 VOCES Oral History Project, Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas at Austin, accessed March 20, 2013, http://www.lib.utexas.edu/voces/about-project-bg.html.

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CHAPTER 5: VOCES OF THE BARRIO

The Trajectory of Racism From 1929 to 1965

The overarching theme in this chapter concerned the importance of oral history in activating the transitional or restorative justice process of moral repair for this subset of the Mexican American community. The life stories voiced how racist de jure and de facto

Jim Crow laws traumatized group members. After decades of living with the torment, for many participants the memories of trauma remained as fresh as if the structural violence occurred yesterday. The looming question remained: can oral history catalyze moral repair? A comparison and contrast data analysis of the narratives follows the trajectory of racism over four historical time periods: The Great Depression 1929-1939, World War II

1940-1945, Post WWII 1946-1953, and The Civil Rights era 1954-1965.

The analysis covered my study, Project Atzlan and the University of Texas at

Austin’s Voces oral history collection. The Project Aztlan investigation consisted of 17 full transcripts, whereas the Voces analysis examined 28 summary transcripts. Both studies highlighted the racism associated with the Jim Crow laws and practices and the effect on narrators. As mentioned in Chapter 3, trauma colored the narrators’ life worlds.

This trauma can be traced to racism for according to trauma psychologist Robert T.

Carter, racism acts as a type of hyperstress that damages mental and physical health. He diagnoses it a “race-based traumatic stress injury” 1 responsible for emotional trauma. 2

These narrators suffered the injurious effects of race-based traumatic stress similar to

Carter’s subjects. Lastly, several themes related to the racism of the Jim Crow laws

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emerged in the narratives and will be covered: Racially restrictive housing covenants— these laws banned both African Americans and Mexican Americans from purchasing real estate in certain areas; educational, segregation/discrimination of public and private facilities, poverty, military service, job opportunities, and voting rights. Not every time period will cover all topics.

A brief overview of the social milieu that the narrators struggled under demonstrates the difficulties they faced in daily life. Racially restrictive housing covenants stood as the only legally enforceable Jim Crow laws that applied to Mexican

Americans. These laws corralled minorities into distinct neighborhoods. San Antonio’s elite Anglos incorporated their own small towns within San Antonio such as Olmos Park and Alamo Heights, banning minorities from entering. In many towns across Texas these laws restrained minorities, only allowing them to enter White sections on certain days and hours. For San Antonio, racially restricted housing covenants also delineated Anglo school districts with little to no mixing with minorities.

All of the narrators participated in the public school system experiencing the brunt of racist policies firsthand. Narrators described the racism, intolerance, , and ill treatment they endured at the hands of Anglo teachers, students, and parents. Segregated

“Mexican” schools failed students in many respects from equipping classrooms with the essentials necessary for learning to shuffling them into vocational programs to preventing them from progressing beyond a certain grade. In agricultural areas, Mexican American school children rarely progressed beyond the third grade due to poverty and racist policies that faced them on all sides.

Not only did narrators endure the sting of racist policies in school, but they also suffered them in public facilities. Several mention being denied entry into dances, movie 152

theaters, swimming pools, or hotels. Some remembered signs that said, “No dogs or

Mexicans served”3 at restaurants or Whites only parks, restrooms, barbershops, or towns.

All too many churches shunned Mexican American parishioners or relegated them to separate buildings or services in the basement. The narratives illuminate lives beset by hardships and penury, but despite the insurmountable obstacles, narrators drew strength from their communities of faith, friends and family.

Poverty permeated different facets of life for Mexican Americans. Business owners hired them for their cheap labor as farm workers or laborers to maximize their own profits. Poverty dwelled alongside almost all of the narrators and remained an overarching theme as they recounted their tales of starvation, low wages, forced child labor, or being orphaned at a young age. Primary wage earners fed families of nine or ten and often forced young children to start working to help support the family. Interestingly, narrators mentioned how they lived in poverty, but didn’t realize it at the time since they enjoyed a happy life surrounded by family, friends, and/or the church.

When WWII erupted, Mexican Americans eagerly volunteered for the armed services to fight for their country. They experienced a new world and returned as changed men. Returning soldiers expected equal treatment for employment, but soon discovered nothing had changed. Several ex-GIs, with a new degree under their belt, discovered discrimination still existed in the workplace, despite a college degree. Activism increased as mutual aid organizations rose up to aid newly politically empowered agents of change.

The Civil Rights Movement blossomed, ending with the abolition of the Jim Crow laws, and beginning with the new Voting Rights Act where every American was guaranteed the right to vote.

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The following charts represent the names, ages, dates of birth, levels of education and professions of the University of Texas Voces narrators and the Project Aztlan narrators to avoid confusion between the two groups. Many of the narrators from the

Project Aztlan group are now deceased but as to the Voces group, I am uncertain. I consider myself quite fortunate and honored that the Project Aztlan group shared their life histories so willingly with me.

Table 1

Project Aztlan Narrators

Name DOB M/F Birthplace Education Occupation 1. Cantu, Alma 02/12/59 F San Antonio HS, 1977 Teacher BA, MS Ft. Worth ISD 2. Delgado, Marisela 07/17/25 F San Antonio HS 1942 Self-employed Painting 3. Del Valle, Maria 1918 F Thelma, TX Dropout Farming 4. Espino, David Dr. 07/05/32 M Alice, TX HS 1950 Church pastor MS, D.D. Rio Grande Conference 5. Gonsalves, Bella 12/28/18 F San Antonio HS 1935 Self-employed Ice House 6. Huizar, Sarita 05/30/56 F San Antonio HS1974 Social work BA, MS Austin ISD 7. Ibanez, Adelita 11/22/28 F San Antonio HS 1946 Secretarial AA SAISD* 8. Jimenez, Mario 02/03/20 M Thelma, TX Dropout Self-employed Airplane 9. Macias, Fidelito 4/11/30 M San Antonio HS 1948 Logistics BA Kelly AFB GI Bill 10. Martin, Benjamin 10/12/25 M Castroville, HS 1942 Nuclear Weapons TX AA Kelly AFB 11. Martinez, Pedro 04/01/23 M San Antonio HS 1940 Procurement BA Kelly AFB GI Bill (table continues)

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Table 1 (continued)

Name DOB M/F Birthplace Education Occupation 12. Montalban, Maria 07/20/27 F San Antonio HS 1943 Fashion Buyer Elena BA San Francisco 13. Monterde, Paloma 03/17/32 F San Antonio HS 1950 Elementary BA Education

14. Montoya, Chepita 11/30/20 F San Antonio Dropout Seamstress Lackland AFB 15. Paredes, Miguelito 05/23/28 M San Antonio HS 1949 Air Force BA SAISD* GI Bill 16. Villanueva, Panchito 12/16/17 M Rio Grande HS 1938 Church pastor City, TX BA Rio Grande Conference 17. Villanueva, Angelica 1920 F Montclova, HS 1938 Lay ministry Maria Coahuila, Rio Grande Mexico Conference *San Antonio Independent School District (SAISD).

Table 2

University of Texas Austin Voces Project Narrators

Name DOB M/F Birthplace Education Occupation 1. Aguilar, Nicanor 01/10/17 F Grand Falls Dropout Specify Jet fuel 2nd grade White Sands, NM Missile Range 2. Aguirre, Mike 11/19/19 M San Antonio HS 1939 US Postal Service

3. Alcoser, Joseph 03/28/25 M Melvin, TX Dropout Barber 11th grade 4. Bernal, Dr. Joe 03/01/27 M San Antonio HS 1944 TX State Senator MS, PhD Texas Board of GI Bill Education 5. Bosquez, Alberto 11/08/27 M San Antonio Dropout Welder 11th grade

6. Campos, Antonio 08/21/23 M Baytown. TX HS1943 US Dept. of BA, MA, Labor JD Pres. Campos GI Bill Communications (table continues)

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Table 2 (continued)

Name DOB M/F Birthplace Education Occupation 7. Campos, Natividad 12/25/21 M Valentine, Dropout Lab technician TX 7th grade Asarco Mining

8. Castro, Zoila Antonia 06/13/27 F San Marcos, HS 1945 Internal Revenue “Sallie” TX Service 9. Conde, Guadalupe 04/20/18 M San Benito, Dropout Truck Driver TX 4th grade Gasoline 10. Meza, Antonia 1930 F Laredo, TX Dropout sales 6th grade Montgomery Ward 11. Morales, Benito 06/09/23 M Flatonia, TX Dropout Machinist 4th grade Sunbeam Co. Chicago 12. Moreno, Leopoldo 08/01/23 M Beeville, TX HS 1943 Inspector Southern Pacific Railroad 13. Navarro, Wilfred 03/27/29 M Houston, TX Dropout Assistant Chief of 11th grade Police AA Houston PD GI Bill 14. Orozco, Aurora 05/08/18 F Serralvo, NL Dropout Homemaker Mexico 4th grade 15. Ortiz, Richard 06/14/23 M San Antonio HS 1941 Pharmacist BS GI Bill 16. Prado, Pedro 06/29/21 M San Antonio Dropout Electrician 7th grade Kelly Air Force Base 17. Ramirez, Oswaldo 10/13/15 M Mission, TX HS 1933 Lawyer BA 1937 Foreign JD Operations GI Bill Texaco 18. Reyes, Frances 03/09/25 F San Antonio Dropout Homemaker 7th grade

19. Reyna, Estanislado 07/25/25 M Valentine, Dropout Supply Clerk TX 10th grade White Sands, NM Missile Range (table continues)

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Table 2 (continued)

Name DOB M/F Birthplace Education Occupation 20. Rivas, Henrietta 02/14/24 F San Antonio Dropout Airplane Lopez 9th grade Instrument Repair Kelly Air Force Base-Kelly Katie 21. Rivas, Ramon 02/19/21 M Carlota, TX 4th grade Barber Self-employed

22. Salmeron, George 01/17/24 M Houston, TX Dropout Engineer 11th grade Owned BBA construction GI Bill company 23. Sanchez, Raymond 07/30/26 M Austin, TX Dropout Owner 11th grade Red Wing Shoe franchise 24. Segura, Augustine 02/11/22 M San Antonio HS 1941 Mechanic Jax Beer Company 25. Trevino, Felix 10/14/20 M San Antonio Dropout Owned Printing 10th grade Company BBA San Antonio City GI Bill Councilman 26. Uranga, Charles 04/03/21 M Alpine, TX Dropout Import/Export of 11th grade Gasoline, Real Estate Holdings Uranga Enterprises 27. Vara, Manuel 01/01/25 M San Antonio Dropout Postmaster 12th grade US Post Office AA GI Bill 28. Ximenes, Vicente 12/05/19 M Floresville, HS 1939 Economist TX BA, MA LBJ cabinet GI Bill Equal Opportunity Employment Commission

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The Great Depression: 1929-1939

Jim Crow and Racially Restricted Housing Covenants

UT Voces Narrators

Racially restricted housing covenants existed in all cities and towns in Texas and shaped their racial geography. Larger cities like San Antonio enforced these housing laws as rigidly as smaller rural towns, but small towns used more pressure tactics to keep minorities in line. It should be remembered that the strong arm of the law (Texas

Rangers) in rural areas secured compliance. Smaller towns used railroad tracks as dividing lines, prohibiting access while cities like San Antonio divided areas into sectors also disallowing minority entry. Estanislado Reyna came from the small town of

Valentine that was split into the Anglo and Mexican neighborhoods by railroad tracks.

Unlike people living in larger cities, he mentioned townspeople knew one another and were like family, despite segregation. The narrator thought that Anglos didn’t exhibit any outward discrimination although he admitted: “Maybe there was resentment but [Anglos] didn’t show it.”4 He mentioned that like most small rural towns, segregated Mexican schools were on the Mexican side of the tracks for the first three grades. Cities like San

Antonio didn’t have exclusive Mexican schools since most of their minority communities remained in distinct sectors with little to no danger of racial/ethnic mixing, whereas in smaller towns, the risk of racial mixing was always a threat. Oswaldo Ramirez lived in the segregated community of Mission, TX and felt the presence of housing covenants:

“The Anglo community lived in the Northern part of the city…the railroad separated the north and south and also the Anglo and Hispanic communities.”5 The tracks effectively kept Mexican Americans in their barrios.

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Project Aztlan Narrators

Similar to the Voces group, Project Aztlan narrators also lived under racially restricted housing covenants. Most of the narrators lived in San Antonio, with the exception of a few that lived in small towns. Unlike small towns, San Antonio contained small bedroom communities or incorporated cities within its city limits (Alamo Heights and Olmos Park) that banned Mexican Americans from living there or even entering the area. These areas were incorporated to ensure that no racial mixing would occur in any way possible as Miguelito Paredes recalled:

Ah, ah discrimination…we knew of restaurants, we knew of locations and places.

Ah [long pause] where the Mexican American population was not welcome, such

as Seguin, Texas. The public parks there. New Braunfels. Landa Park was another

example. Mexicans were not allowed in that—in those—environments. Nor were

they allowed in Alamo Heights, here in San Antonio and Olmos Park. Those were

strictly Anglo communities and Mexicans were not welcome. So we—we stayed

away from those locations. So experiencing discrimination directly—No. We just

avoided the places that would bring this about.6

Paredes brought up an important practice that narrators from both groups alluded to: avoidance. It appeared that most of the narrators from both groups avoided the Anglo areas, and stayed in their own neighborhoods or went to only those areas that welcomed

Mexican Americans rather than subject themselves to being victims of racist acts. Anglos met with little to no resistance.

The small rural South Texas communities where Dr. David Espino grew up

(Pearsall, Alice, Hebronville) mirrored the racist towns that the UT Voces group described and exposed how the strict adherence to segregation affected its residents more 159

profoundly than in the cities. None of the UT Voces narrators displayed the emotional effect of racism quite like Dr. Espino. One can visualize the trauma he experienced as he articulated his pain through long pauses, repeated words and phrases and emphasis. He described how the railroad track divided the town into distinct sections that Mexican

Americans dared not venture into. Dr. Espino struggled to find words, overcome with emotion as painful memories flooded his mind. His account substantiated the toll structural violence took on his psyche, and how its consequences have lasted a lifetime:

That’s why, in fact, they thought I was very introverted. Very shy…you know.

Because I did not…did not have the abilities to associate, you know…and when I

went to Mount Wesley, that’s the way I went. [singsong voice] Very scared…very

scared of anybody, everything, you know. [clears throat] and uh, you know, No…

it was very difficult.[Anglos treated us] Badly. Badly. Yea, we got lotsa stories

about that, you know…There’s a lot of story here because of why I was afraid.

Let me share some of that. When—in those years—living in South Texas—we

lived in—in segregated small towns. The appreciation—for Mexican

Americans—simply was not there. You had—like I did in Pearsall, Texas—the

Anglos living on one side of the tracks. I mean literally. Y los mejicanos on the

other side. Y los mejicanos iban a sus escuelas y los Anglos—on the other side—

on the other side of the track. [And the Mexicans went to their schools and the

Anglos to theirs] And there was no relationship. In Pearsall—the theaters were

closed to mejicanos. So we never crossed the tracks, ok? The o-n-l-y time when it

came time for us to cross the tracks was when we went to high school—there was

only one high school. There were elementary schools, alright? But there was no—

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no mixture. I mean [softly] you couldn’t go to a school across the tracks. If you

lived—well nobody [Mexicans] lived on the other side of the tracks!7

Quite different from the UT Voces group, Dr. Espino’s unique account illuminated the everyday reality of fear and lack of appreciation that existed for Mexican Americans in small and rural Texas towns. While not as severe, San Antonio and its bedroom communities reflected similar negative attitudes for the Mexican American culture that smaller towns exhibited.

Jim Crow in Education

UT Voces Narrators

UT Voces narrator Aurora Estrada Orozco, a native Spanish speaker, shared many similarities with the Project Aztlan group, especially the bifurcation of school and family life. Similar to Project Aztlan narrator Angelica Maria Villanueva, Orozco’s family also immigrated to the during the Mexican Revolution era: “We were very happy because we were coming to the United States…In Mexico we were living better, but then we came to the US and we had to start all over, and we didn’t know how to speak English.”8 Orozco struggled with English and only spoke it at school: “We wouldn’t speak English anymore until the next day when we came back to school…We were living like in Mexico.”9 She shared innumerable traits with Aztlan’s Villanueva,

Adelita Ibanez, and Miguelito Paredes such as the struggle learning the , bilingualism, and adapting to the educational system. Similarly, they all lived a bifurcated life: English at school, Spanish at home. Other serious consequences arose for Mexican

American students enrolled in the Texas school system: peer racism and bullying.

Mexican American students frequently encountered bullying by their peers in school. The UT Voces group was unique in this regard as they voiced numerous instances 161

of victimization. Benito Morales grew up during the Great Depression in the small rural community of Flatonia, Texas. His sharecropper father insisted he and his older brother attend school in Flatonia’s one-room schoolhouse. As the only Latinos in the class, the

Morales brothers suffered the physical and psychological traumas of racism because of their features and skin hue: “The Anglo kids called us “Black Mexicans” and were always picking fights with us… When we came out of the school, we had to walk down the road…and they [the students] use to throw stones at us."10 The bullying took its toll and Morales quit school after the fourth grade to help on the family farm, which they eventually lost due to the falling prices of farm goods during the Great Depression, which also plunged them into deeper poverty. Bullying by peers was a common practice for

Mexican American school children. Joseph Alcoser also received beatings at the hands of his classmates, even getting shoved into cactus plants. He attended the Mexican school in

Melvin, Texas—a separate building designated for Mexican American school children— and managed to stay in school until the 11th grade, but quit when he volunteered for the war.11 Ramon Rivas recalled fights with Anglo classmates who “stuck the Mexican kids with sharpened pencils.”12 Worse yet was the punishment at the hand of school authorities.

Rivas remembered the thrashings administered by teachers against a family member: “My brother was whipped by a teacher with a ‘uña de gato,’ or cat of ninetails.”13 School staff freely used corporal punishment and emotional abuse against minority students during this era. Raymond Sanchez suffered emotional trauma at the hands of a schoolteacher. A budding English language learner, Sanchez recalled: “She asked me to read out loud and insulted me by telling me, ‘Mexicans never learn!’”14

Angered and humiliated, he practiced at home and improved, but the memory stayed with 162

him for a lifetime. The Project Aztlan group failed to mention any experiences of bullying or reprimands by school authorities, unlike the UT Voces narrators.

Mexican American students oftentimes were segregated into an all Spanish- speaking classroom. If a class had multiple English language learners, administrators automatically classified them as slow learners and placed them in lower groups, designated as group 3 or 4. UT Voces narrator Raymond Sanchez and one Project Aztlan narrator both discussed the classification system used for Mexican Americans in their respective classrooms. Sanchez observed: “Teacher discrimination was part of the curriculum in school, but I also noticed that the Anglos were in usually in groups 1 or 2 while the Mexicans were in the lower groups like 3 and 4.”15 He mentioned he didn’t know why Texans were so racist, alluding to school officials separating innocent young children. Similar to Sanchez, Fidelito Macias from Project Aztlan mentioned the group divisions also, commenting on the rationale. The UT Voces group differed from the

Project Aztlan narrators because they were in a small town/rural setting, they were in mixed classrooms or a separate Mexican school on the same campus with White children, they were bullied by Anglo schoolkids and got into altercations, they suffered physical and verbal abuse at the hands of teachers or pupils, and their skin hues and features were not homogenous with their classmates, but rather vastly different.

Vicente Ximenes was raised in the segregated small town of Floresville, Texas.

When Ximenes began elementary school, 100 Mexican American school children started with him, but only five graduated high school: "It was tough growing up…Coming from an elementary school that was segregated… you experienced discrimination.”16 At the graduation banquet, Anglo administrators disrespected the five Mexican American graduates by designating them to a corner, like bad children: "We all gathered over, and 163

at the corner there were five seats for those five Mexican Americans that had graduated."

The five protested by not attending the graduation ceremony: "We had to give a message to our teachers, that things had to change, that we were hurt, but we had graduated…There was a certain attitude that said, 'I'll take this but I'm gonna get through and I'm gonna beat you,' that was the attitude I had," Ximenes added.17 The spark of activism ignited him to continue the fight for Mexican American rights and would serve him well in later life with his duties in President Johnson’s administration as part of the

Equal Opportunity Employment division. Ximenes differed from the Project Aztlan narrators in that none of them used detailed statistical data to show the graduation rates of

Mexican Americans plus none of them reached the heights he did and none were as involved in civil rights or politics.

Sallie Castro remembered how “Mexicans” were banned from playing football or joining clubs, similar to the stories related by Marisela Delgado and Dr. David Espino,

Project Aztlan narrators. Castro attended segregated schools in San Marcos, and the only club school officials allowed Latinos to participate in was the Spanish club. She shared her feelings: “I felt left out in school. It [that feeling] stays with you for the rest of your life.”18 The “race-based traumatic stress injury” 19 or hyperstress caused by race-based trauma that psychologist Carter discussed wounded the mental and physical health of these narrators at early developmental stages. Carter attributed it as accountable for emotional trauma. 20 Clearly the “race-based traumatic stress injury” lasted a lifetime and

Castro, Delgado, Espino, Ximenes, Sanchez, Macias, Morales, Rivas, Alcoser, Orozco,

Ibanez, Paredes and Villanueva all exhibited a profound need for moral repair.

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Project Aztlan Narrators

Similar to the UT Voces narrators, the Project Aztlan narrators inhabited a segregated society, attended inferior schools, were antagonized by prejudiced teachers and principals, and were handed a low standard of education. Benjamin Martin relocated to San Antonio from Castroville at the age of five and entered school lacking English fluency:

When I started school, the teachers didn’t know what to do with me, or what I

was. I wouldn’t talk. Because of my blonde hair and blue eyes, they spoke to me

in English, in German, in French but I wouldn’t answer. They tried and tried and

called in other teachers, but they couldn’t figure it out. Because I only—spoke

only Spanish…The Anglo teachers were very prejudiced against Mexicans. I

remember the—the elementary school principal would not allow anyone to speak

in Spanish in school. ‘You’re in America, speak English!’ he’d tell us…There’s

lotsa prejudice in San Antonio against us Mexicans, especially from the teachers

at Jefferson High School. [scoffs] They used to confuse me for an Anglo, because

of my looks. But when they asked us in class who was of Mexican descent and I

raised my hand, they treated me bad afterwards.21

Unique to both the UT Voces group and to the Aztlan group because of his physical features and light coloration along with his experience on the first day of school, Martin represented an enigma. After Martin graduated from Jefferson High School in 1944, this red-blooded, patriotic Mexican American volunteered for the Army Air Corps as a paratrooper with the 17th Airborne Division, participating in several invasions and battles in Germany. Like the UT Voces narrators, Martin and all Latino soldiers fulfilled their patriotic duty to fight for their country in time of war. They forgot their ethnicity for the 165

moment to band together as American soldiers, willingly sacrificing their interests in lieu of the greater good.

One of the challenges that Miguelito Paredes grappled with when he entered school was his unfamiliarity of English:

Growing up, again going back to very early childhood was primarily Spanish-

speaking in the home with my parents, and my grandparents, and aunts, and

uncles. Until I enrolled at first grade at Brackenridge Elementary. And of course

there I did have to learn English. It was a very difficult struggle, learning English.

And, but I adjusted fairly well and from then on through all my school years it

was a—it was a pleasant experience being bilingual. English in school, Spanish at

home. Those were the norms and in some communities, even today. And I had a

very heavy Spanish accent when I spoke English.22

Both the UT Voces and the Project Aztlan group had students like Paredes that shared many similarities. Starting school confronted them with numerous anxieties other than learning the ABC’s. If one didn’t speak English, teachers routed students into the lower groups that contained all Spanish speakers, which for them indicated slow learners, or worse yet, the likelihood of failure.

Adelita Ibanez started school speaking only Spanish, but unlike any of the UT

Voces group, she suffered the fate of many non-English speakers, she failed a grade: “I spoke Spanish. Some English. But very little. And I learned it [English]—in—in—school and that was a—a drawback. Well, I think, I was…(long pause) I think I failed one grade because of my understanding English very little.”23 Ibanez ‘s memories remained raw, as she still carried the embarrassment of having failed a grade in school. Stigmatized for the rest of their school career, students endured embarrassment and shame, rather than the 166

excitement and joy of learning. Other negative factors impeded learning for Mexican

Americans.

In the Mendez v. Westminster California court case, a young Latina student was denied admittance to a White school because she was Mexican American. In the

Westminster schools, all Mexican American children were placed in Mexican schools, citing language difficulties as a rationale, but young Sylvia Mendez spoke English. In

Texas, the preferred method of classification was language and schools routed all students with Spanish last names into all Latino classrooms. Students rarely received prior assessment as school officials based placement upon skin color or last name.

Fidelito Macias’ primary school experience represented such a case and was unlike any in the UT Voces group. Macias called San Antonio home, so school demographics stayed uniform and his sisters enrolled the quiet youngster in school.

Admissions placed Macias in a classroom with all Spanish-speaking children and his

Mestizo appearance and Spanish last name finalized his classroom placement. Never bothering to inquire if he understood English or even asking his name, his teacher made a discovery: he understood English. He recalled his first days:

When I started elementary school, there was what they called a pre-primer before

you went into first grade. I wound up in the non-English speaking class, since I

was enrolled by one of my older sisters. No one had even asked me for my name.

I must have had a miracle working teacher, because in about three days I was

moved out of this class and into a mixed student class. [I] found myself playing

with blocks, coloring books, learning the alphabet and learning the numbers. I

don’t know when I started using English, but I gather I picked it up from older

sisters, and neighbors, and at church school, where some kids used both 167

languages. This division of students continued until Junior High. In middle school

we had four separate classes of the same grade. Ninety percent of the Anglos were

in one class, and two or three in the other classes. Which were predominantly

Hispanic. [It was] unbeknownst to me why I was placed in the mostly Anglo

class. Nor why these divisions were made?”24

Macias verified the tale UT Voces narrator Raymond Sanchez related concerning placement based upon discrimination. Macias also experienced something quite unique and unforeseen while enrolled in the Texas school system. Unrelated to language and ethnic segregation, racism in a different form confronted Mexican American school children during Texas History class. All narrators failed to mention it, except Macias.

Macias recalled with some consternation the Texas history comic book entitled Texas

History Movies published by Mobil Oil Corporation that indoctrinated all students of

Texas history in elementary school:

In elementary school we had made visits to the public library, the Spanish

Governor’s Palace, the zoo, and the Alamo. We had heard the story or history of

the Spanish Missions, there are many here in San Antonio. [I] knew something

about the Alamo and some of the history associated with it. Or so I thought! One

day our history teacher announced that for a week or so we would be studying the

history of the Alamo. She said, ‘We have a special text for this which you are to

use here at school only. And is not to be taken home.’ She passed out this

elongated white covered booklet with red and blue letters and designs, and uh, a

line drawing of the Alamo. Everyone picked up their book and started looking

through it. It was—It was in a comic book format. But, uh in black and white. At

first I thought, this could be fun. Just like reading a comic book, while learning a 168

little history. I read through the first few pages and was looking at the drawn

characters—and what they were saying—and the story they were telling. I closed

the book and I laid it down. And I never opened it again. You know, the world

knows the history of Texas, and its treachery—the treachery that belies it. As I

read through those few pages, and the, and the demeaning representation of the

Mexicans [long pause] to me this book cheap—it cheapened and taint [pause]

and—and possibly feed the of the ignorant. And here it was, a text

book! A textbook in the public schools of Texas intended to teach Texas children

history?25

Macias later informed me that this book continued as part of the curriculum in the Texas

Public school system until only several decades ago.26 This comic book infected many a child with gross misconceptions about people of Mexican heritage from the 1920s-1970s, and offended and demeaned several generations of Mexican American school children.

The structural violence heaped upon both the UT Voces and Project Aztlan groups by

Texas History Movies and its corporate donor Mobil Oil was monumental as it maimed these young minds “as surely as the bullet and the knife.”27 Further examination into the number of Mexican American school children negatively affected by Texas History

Movies may be warranted since the comic book stayed in the curriculum until the 1970s.

Of more interest is that the book was so well liked by teachers that it has undergone a makeover and is for sale on the Texas State Historical Association website. Along with the comic, the Texas school system devised other machinations to forestall Mexican

American children from progressing or gaining an education.

Rev. Panchito Villanueva called Mission, Texas home, similar to Oswaldo

Ramirez from the UT Voces project. Villanueva attended the same Mexican schools, but 169

unlike Ramirez, socio-economic status and racial stereotyping imprisoned him until religion literally set him free. In junior high, school officials attempted to decide his fate by placing him in a vocational program for woodworking, but he resisted:

In junior high they put me in a vocational program for woodwork. But I didn’t

want it. I didn’t like it. It wasn’t what I wanted to do. They asked me, ‘Well what

do you want?’ and I answered, ‘I want to be in an academic program’ and they

thought me to be too prideful and asked me what I wanted? I told them, ‘I want to

be a lawyer or a doctor of medicine.’ I didn’t want to be there hammering

nails…there in the Valley. They were surprised and very put out with me. It was

incredible that they would develop us to have second-rate livings to come and be

good servants of the Anglos. That’s why I told my father ‘I have to leave this

place, father. I have to leave.’ Because poor families were not afforded an

education—we were allowed to reach a certain level and that was it. You couldn’t

leave or get out. When you reached that ceiling there was no way out. Poverty

confined us to a certain level. Social and academic levels were clearly delineated

for us and we could not break through.28

Such was not the case for UT Voces narrator Oswaldo Ramirez. Rather than being given the choice of woodwork or carpentry like Villanueva, administrators listened to his desires for an academic curriculum. Ramirez gloated about how Mission’s Anglo high school teachers and superintendent encouraged him to seek a career as a diplomat in the

Foreign Service, unlike Villanueva who was supposed to be content being a good lackey to the Anglos. Prior to his high school entry, Ramirez’s father and other parents boycotted the district when this same Mexican Junior High in question was built.

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Ramirez along with several other students attended schools in other districts. His father’s activism obviously played a role in how Mission High school officials viewed him.

Mission High School administrators judged Panchito Villanueva by a different standard. Poverty, along with naïve parents unprepared to negotiate the educational power system, confined students like Villanueva to a life of penury and hardship, but fortunately Villanueva’s determination never faltered, nor did he lose hope like so many others. The opportunity arose for Villanueva’s dream to come true, quite unexpectedly.

Villanueva loved the Methodist church, and loved the charismatic pastor—Rev. Jose

Espino.29 Villanueva discovered a powerful intellectual mentor in Rev. Jose Espino and idealized the clergyman. When the Rio Grande Methodist Church Conference transferred

Rev. Jose Espino to La Trinidad in San Antonio, the news of his departure saddened the young Villanueva. It brought him to a crossroads:

For better or worse I asked him [Jose Espino]: ‘Can you take me with you to San

Antonio? Will you provide me with a lodging in your home? I want to study in

San Antonio because here in Mission there are no opportunities available for a

poor boy like me.’ He agreed but told me I needed my father’s blessing. So I went

to my father and asked him: ‘Father, here in Mission either I’m going to be a poor

mechanic or a truck driver or I’ll work in Don Carlos’s store as a clerk or in Juan

Martinez’s clothing store as a clerk. It’s very difficult to get out of that [socio-

economic] level.’ My father agreed…I moved to San Antonio and Rev. [Jose]

Espino registered me at Brackenridge High School, and also tutored me.30

Similar to Oswaldo Ramirez, Rev. Jose Espino advocated on behalf of young

Panchito Villanueva, as would a father. The act of Rev. Jose Espino registering this young Mexican American schoolboy assisted him beyond measure, as Brackenridge High 171

School was a prestigious all White college preparatory school that forbade Mexican

Americans from attending. Unlike many of the UT Voces narrators, it should be mentioned that both Rev. Jose Espino’s and Villanueva’s features and skin tones reflected their European Spanish heritage, although Villanueva did have an accent.

Unlike any of the UT Voces group, the school also allowed him to play football—which was unprecedented for Latinos. Rev. Jose Espino’s activism sparked hope in the youth of his congregation to attend Brackenridge, including fourteen-year old Marisela Delgado.

Marisela Delgado was unlike any of the UT Voces narrators in her confidence to resist, fight for her rights, and stand up to authority. An Honor student throughout her entire school career, she was probably influenced by Rev. Jose Espino to pursue an academic pathway when she decided she wanted to attend Brackenridge High. However, school administrators saw things differently and placed her at Burbank High School, an agricultural school to train farmers. Unlike UT Voces member Oswaldo Ramirez whose father worked against segregation and spoke for him to school administration, Delgado was without an adult to lean on and intercede on her behalf. Nevertheless, the determined young feminist walked the short distance to Brackenridge High to tackle the powerful administrators by herself, since her parents, both immigrants from Mexico, could not speak in her defense:

So [I] went to the Dean’s office, and they—and I told them, ‘I cain’t go to

Burbank. They have me on schedule that I need to go. That’s where I’m supposed

to go,’ I said, ‘but I’m not going to Burbank, it’s too far for me, Brackenridge is

closer to me.’ And the Principal—it was a woman—I think she didn’t like

Hispanics. And I remember, she didn’t tell me that because we were Hispanics we

couldn’t go, but uh, she did insist that we couldn’t go. And I said, ‘Why can’t I 172

go? Why cain’t I come here? I graduated from Harris, call uh the school and find

out for sure.’ And uh, she just kept stalling, or you know she just didn’t know

what else to tell me. And then I said, ‘Well, I’m not going to go over there, I’m

not going to go to Burbank.’ And then uh I said, ‘Well, let me talk to someone

else here, here if you’re not sure that we graduated from Harris, from Chandler

Harris. Well then—call over there and find out and tell me why we cain’t go—

come to Brackenridge.’ And she insisted, and I was very stubborn, [laughter] I

said, ‘I’m not gonna go to Burbank, I’m coming to Brackenridge because

Burbank is too far.’ So finally, I don’t know who she talked to, but then she—she

said, ‘Okay. You can come to Brackenridge.’And I think that’s one thing, I’m

glad that I went and I talked. There was nobody else to talk for me, but I knew

what to say or what to do! [laughs] And they—and they did, you know, but that

was okay. And I had no problem with anybody. And I had friends who were

Anglo, Hispanic.31

Determination and bravery to withstand obstacles the Jim Crow practices placed between her and her dream of attending Brackenridge held fast, as the Dean of students conceded to Delgado’s well-stated petitions. Unlike the Mission, Texas parents (from the UT

Voces group) who coalesced en masse to protest the transfer of students to the Mexican school, Delgado stood alone.

Delgado reflected back upon her experience and astutely identified the principal’s true reason for denying her entry. Her ethnicity:

Because I [was] fighting for my rights! Because I felt—well—I have a right to

learn and to go to any school I want. I’m an American! [laughter] We’re here to

learn. We’re here to learn and it doesn’t matter what color I are—I am. I said, ‘ I 173

don’t think I’m so black that I [breaks out in nervous laughter] cain’t come—if

you think I’m too black or too dark—I mean, what’s the difference? I’m gonna

learn just like anybody else is. So, I’m gonna come to Brackenridge!’ [laughter] I

felt it’s a public school, anybody can come, we don’t have to pay because the

government pays. It’s for everybody; [slight laugh] so why should we be deprived

to learn? That’s what we’re here for. Look and learn. We’re here to learn. My

mother’s not sending us here to play around or to see what color are you. We

were here to learn—no matter what color is sitting next to me! We’re gonna learn.

And I just felt that I had to say everything I did, because I had a right. That was

the school that I wanted, and where I was going, because it was safer for me and it

was closer, and we had to walk to school. We wouldn’t be driven to school like

other girls. And so—I think I did the right thing.32

Looking back, Delgado commented that only a handful of Mexican Americans attended

Brackenridge High School, noting how both students and teachers treated them with disdain: “Well, uh, we knew that uh, a lot of the school kids didn’t like Hispanics or

Mexicans—how they used to call us then…the problem was—the teachers. Because some didn’t allow the Hispanics to join the—like…the Hispanics couldn’t be—join the—

Purple Jackets, because the teacher didn’t like the Mexicans. So we didn’t even bother because we knew we wouldn’t be able to join the club.” 33 This type of social lethargy or social fossilization appeared among both groups of narrators (UT Voces/Project Aztlan) as a result of repeated encounters with racism—traumatized, they practiced avoidance— acquiescing to Anglo power structures until circumstances changed.34 San Antonio school administration never allowed Mexican Americans to join any clubs like the Purple

Jackets, similarly educators in rural towns (UT Voces) prohibited Mexican American 174

youth from participating in clubs or sports teams. One way in which Mexican American school children like Delgado could resist Anglo opposition was by graduating high school and excelling in academics. Another young woman who contested and challenged

Anglo dominance was Angelica Maria Villanueva.

Unlike the UT Voces narrators, Angelica Maria Villanueva’s path followed a different trajectory since she emigrated from Monclova, Coahuila, Mexico. Born into a well-educated wealthy family, in Mexico her brothers graduated from prestigious universities in Monterrey and Saltillo: “My older brothers were enrolled at the

Universidad Autonoma de Coahuila in Saltillo, Mexico and el Colegio Civil in

Monterrey, Mexico, where they studied law and medicine, but my brother changed and studied for the ministry. My brother—Dr. Alfredo Nanez—was a pastor at La Trinidad in

1933 in San Antonio. So my entire family moved here when I was eight.” 35 Like all the other narrators from both groups, she felt the sting of racism when she immigrated to the

US and spoke of the racial stereotyping in San Antonio schools. Villanueva angrily vented her frustration on the Anglo school system’s preconceived notions about Spanish speakers’ pronunciation, comprehension, and its relationship to intellectual abilities:

There was a problem for those of us from Mexico. Many did not understand us

because we had a strong accent. Those of us who came from Mexico were made

acutely aware of our pronunciation problem. In the early grades we were made

very self-conscious of our shortcomings. The school would assign other students

to help us pronounce words correctly. But they were too strict and mean and

grumbled [to the teachers] that we couldn’t pronounce anything correctly like

them. And to this very day—they [society] thinks that those of us from Mexico

don’t know [or understand] English…But we know English and we know it 175

correctly…those of us from Mexico know just as much English despite our poor

pronunciation. We suffered the effects of discrimination because we were

Mexican Americans. They [Whites] considered us in a lower category

intellectually. They thought we had an inability to perceive or comprehend

intellectual pursuits. They’d put us in a category in a report, but we were unaware

of what they were doing! That report affected our future! If we wanted admission

for school or a job they’d tell us ‘you are unqualified’ or say ‘you lack the

ability.’ The other sad part was that the professors in high school would say or

report ‘the Mexican American is good to be a gardener, a housekeeper, a painter,

to clean, to work at a dump yard, or as a garbage man, or as a field hand.’ And

indirectly they directed us to a level of vocational training—to school programs

that trained us about painting, plumbing, electricians. They didn’t train us to be

independent tradespeople, but as assistants—as the servants of other people.36

The reports Villanueva referred to were probably IQ tests that supported the premises about Mexican Americans’ low IQ scores and lacking the intellectual ability to perform white-collar jobs. Villanueva succinctly pinpointed the reason for the Jim Crow laws and practices to keep Mexican Americans under-educated: to keep them in servile, low- paying positions.

Unique to both UT Voces and Project Aztlan groups, she pondered upon her youth and recalled an experience in Junior High when she amazed her teacher because she possessed valuable skills and talents that required advanced proficiency in fields usually reserved for Anglos:

I studied at Joel Harris Junior High. I was in typing class and I was studying, and

I knew I had to have my work done. So I brought the work to class the next day. 176

The teacher asked me, ‘Who did that? Where did you get that?’ I answered, ‘From

my house. Why? I have a typewriter.’ The teacher could not believe that I could

own a typewriter! In another instance in music class, my music teacher was

astonished that I knew how to read music and asked me, ‘Where did you learn

that?’ and I answered, ‘I have a piano and I play piano in the church.’ The

teachers didn’t think that we could know that.37

The young Villanueva sought to change how the San Antonio educational system shuffled Mexican American students into vocational programs. Her desire for fellow

Mexican Americans to improve their station in life came about in later years through her church ministry efforts. Similar to several of the UT Voces narrators who served as mentors, activists, and Mexican American role models, as the wife of a pastor, she succeeded in this goal. She actively assisted and mentored many young Mexican

American women to aspire to higher levels of education, not only La Trinidad Methodist, but at other churches where the Rio Grande conference took her husband.

A common thread united both the UT Voces and Project Aztlan groups: proactive attitudes of parents and students. When students had committed parental support such as those who participated in the Mission, Texas school boycott or like Dr. David Espino’s father, or mentors like Rev. Jose Espino that interceded on their behalf, the dominant

Anglo power structure eventually caved in to demands due to grassroots activism, legal actions or legal precedent. Marisela Delgado’s solo proactivity benefitted her admission request to the all-White high school. Likewise, social lethargy or fossilization diminished in Mexican Americans, attitudinal shifts escalated to new heights as more strides were made and the cycle of change propelled forward, especially following WWII.

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Voting

UT Voces Narrators

Vicente Ximenes and his father were unique to both the UT Voces group and the

Project Atzlan group because of their political activism in encouraging other Latinos to vote during the years prior to WWII. Ximenes proudly said his father was the “most educated person in Wilson County”38 but more importantly, the elder Ximenes became politically active when his son was a youngster. The elder Ximenes began organizing grassroots activism as Democratic chairman of Floresville and the younger said: “I tagged along with my father when he became involved in politics."39 His father learned from other Democratic leaders like US Senator from Texas Lyndon. B. Johnson that

Latinos "…needed representation, and one of the ways is to become politically involved."40 Both father and son represented a new era in the Latino rights movement and both were cognizant of the political process observing the obstacles that blocked the path to earn political capital. They cultivated relationships with politicians, lawyers, mutual aid societies, and government officials to advance the rights of all Mexican Americans.

After WWII, the relationship that developed between the elder Ximenes and Johnson would serve the younger Ximenes in valuable ways in the future.

Poverty

UT Voces Narrators

The Great Depression afflicted most of the UT Voces and Project Aztlan narrators in profound ways. In school and in their daily lives, penury touched each one of them personally, distressing many for a lifetime. During the Great Depression, Aurora

Orozco’s classmates tormented her for eating her lunches consisting of simple Mexican fare, while they received free meal tickets from the government. She remembered the 178

racism she faced from jeering Anglo classmates, but also recalled numerous Anglos who begged for this same Mexican food:

The whites would make fun of us because we were eating taquitos…[The school]

would give tickets to the whites, so we took our taquitos. I never knew why the

school only gave tickets to Anglos…The from the northern states

used to come down to the Valley and they used to come [to] the [Mexican]

neighborhood…asking for food.41

As poor as they were, Orozco remembered her family sharing their taquitos and beans with the Anglo “trampas” as everyone suffered through the Great Depression together.

Frances Reyes’ life mirrored Orozco’s in the hardships as she was orphaned during the

Depression and lived with her elderly grandparents who subsisted on charity. They could only afford rice and beans since her disabled grandfather’s only source of income was to tend graves for the wealthy.42 Augustine Segura also helped his grandfather during the

Great Depression. They drove a horse and buggy selling fruits and vegetables and Segura said: “I didn’t suffer and made good enough money shining shoes and selling newspapers.”43 Guadalupe Conde had to work and attend school, quitting in the 4th grade to help his family survive. Oftentimes the family wouldn’t have food to eat unless he could get leftover vegetables from the packinghouse where he worked.44 A dominant theme that arose during these interviews was a life of hardship and penury intermingled with happiness. Mike Aguirre voiced: “We knew we were poor, but we were happy,” while ex-State Senator Joe Bernal added: We were poor but we didn’t know we were poor.”45 Others mentioned they had a happy simple life, or were unaware of their poverty, while others noted they lived in a poor neighborhood and were poor but happy.

179

Project Aztlan Narrators

Poverty and hardship emerged as dominant themes in the lives of the UT Voces narrators. The Project Aztlan narrators were no exception. This thread of the naiveté of poverty weaved itself through both the UT Voces and Project Aztlan narratives. Unaware of the poverty they lived in, they considered it a normal way of life. Several narrators’ homes stood in semi-rural settings that paralleled their poverty. Benjamin Martin lived on the city’s far Westside and remembered his childhood:

Our home was the only one on a lonely dirt road behind Our Lady of the Lake

College. Lotsa woods surrounded us, and it was a pretty secluded area. Our house

didn’t have any running water. We had an outhouse. Cuz I remember how my

father had to dig a trench for the pipe to bring running water inside. We used

coals to heat our house when it was cold since we didn’t have any gas lines either.

I remember during the Depression my mother made extra money by selling milk,

, cakes, pies, cookies, popsicles, figs, and butter.46

For Martin and others, city services did not extend to the barrio area nor did other elements of infrastructure. While the similarities of poverty enveloped all the narrators in both projects, the Project Aztlan narratives provided greater description.

Maria Elena Montalban commented on a happy childhood surrounded by a bevy of brothers and sisters, recalling what happened in her neighborhood when it rained, solidifying the assumption of living in poverty and in an area that city government forgot:

I remember one time [we lived in] a very tiny little house and I never thought of,

of myself as being poor, you know, because we were just—uh—sort of so content

with what we had. And we had brothers and sisters that we always played with

and we were sort of, a happy, you know, a happy growing up—you know cuz we 180

had so many—playmates you might say. [laughs] But then I remember a flood

that we had, and we were still on Delgado Street. And there was any arroyo,

which is called—I don’t know what it’s called… a creek? A creek that would

overflow and the water would just come down the street—just streaming—and we

would love to take our shoes off and play in that muddy water! [laughs] And my

mother would say, ‘Don’t do that! You’re going to uh—you might cut your foot,

you know, or hurt yourself.’ But anyway, that was some of the fun that we’d

have, you know, whenever it rained and the streets flooded. [laughs] So that’ll tell

you what the neighborhood was like. But—and after that we moved—we moved

into Ru-ri-Rivas? Oh, Ruiz Street, yea. And that was—that was sort of a—oh

maybe growing up and moving to a little higher standard. [laughs] Ah, because it

was a nicer house and it had a nice big yard.47

Unlike the UT Voces narrators, Montalban’s narrative focused on a wide spectrum of societal ills such as the failings of the drainage and sewer systems (outhouses) on the

Westside of San Antonio that are corroborated by reports on this issue.48 Like Montalban and her live-in playmates, other narrators also enjoyed living in a household bustling with people.

Miguelito Paredes discussed the common practice of several generations living together during the Great Depression to make ends meet. He resided with his parents and grandparents in a simple one room home with a tin roof. He thought about his life:

And my father was a laborer, and he had a cow. So we had the cow in the

backyard, and every—twice a day we’d go out—he would go out, and milk the

cow. And he asked me go out with him so I could learn how to milk the cow. Ah,

that was an experience in itself. And from then on—for continuing on with our 181

experiences—which was on weekends—my dad, would take us in his Model A

Ford, pick up some friends. I would sit in the rumble seat of that car, driving to

Poteet or Pleasanton and those places from San Antonio going to these Mexican

dance halls. And dancing polkas and just enjoying life. Where I learned how to

dance at 10 years of age or 9 years of age. And from then on, I continued with my

dance and enjoying life. Uh and later—of course Dad didn’t have too much

money, but we never were in need of food or entertainment—we’d always find a

way.49

Paredes highlighted how families may have lacked financial resources, but always found a means to bring happiness into the lives of loved ones. It should be mentioned they had to travel to Poteet or Pleasanton to attend the “Mexican” dance halls, away from San

Antonio.

Similar to Paredes, Adelita Ibanez recalled her large family and how she never felt poor. Instead, she focused on the happiness and closeness she felt within her community and church:

Well, I remember—of course—living with a big family. Seven brothers and

sisters. Total of nine. And we were always, happy. We always had, what we

expected of—we were never—we never felt poor even though, we probably were.

But there was always food on the table. And, we had a happy childhood life. And

um—I remember going to birthday parties. I never had a birthday party myself.

Never. [Laughs] Until I was a grown, married lady. My husband gave me a

surprise birthday party, and that was my first birthday party! [slight laugh] But—

that was okay, we were invited to other parties. And—we were—we were always

taken to free concerts, in the summer months. And we enjoyed that very much at 182

the Sunken Gardens [at Brackenridge Park] that used to be here in San Antonio.

And then—the parks always had free concerts—and you know we were always

taken to that. We always had a lot of activities going on and I remember—we

were always taken by my parents. And, of course, to church. We went to La

Trinidad Methodist church. We went to Sunday school, [and] the 11 o’clock

service. And then the 7 o’clock service in the evening! [laughs] And I wondered

why I had a headache [laughter] after coming home from the 11 o’clock service.

Cuz all we had for breakfast was Mexican chocolate, which was very rich, and

Mexican sweet bread. And every Sunday I had a headache. And looking back—I

tell myself, ‘Well, no wonder I had a headache, too much—sweet!’ But anyway,

that’s how it was. We were in a hurry, [chuckles] so we had no time for any other

type of breakfast.50

Despite the poverty, narrators focused on the happiness they felt, rather than on the hardships they experienced and attributed it to either the support of a large family, the church, or parents who entertained them on a shoestring budget.

Pedro Martinez also lived in a state of blissful ignorance and never realized his poverty until his family moved into a new neighborhood:

Well, of course we lived primarily in an—Hispanic community. And being—

raised in that type of community environment, you sort of restrict yourself to that

type of exposure. Hispanic neighbors, Hispanic friends. You begin to realize, that

by golly, where I thought that I was very comfortable and doing very well—all of

a sudden becomes a situation where you realize that you were not as well off as

you thought you were even though we always had a—everything that we needed

to satisfy our needs. We were not in the poverty group—but looking back—you 183

sorta wonder if we may—or may not have been—in the poverty group and just

didn’t realize it. You get used to a certain level of economic life and before you

know it, you’re just accustomed and satisfied with that. And then as you on

to different levels of the economic environment, then you realize it then. But

possibly I was really lacking a lotta things that are available and I just didn’t

realize it.51

The Project Aztlan group shared the life of poverty with the UT Voces narrators and aptly captured a portion of the tapestry of the naiveté surrounding poverty that encircled their childhood. Other narrators became cognizant of their indigence when they entered school.

Unlike the UT Voces group, Paloma Monterde remembered vividly how the sting of poverty felt. As Monterde came from a large family with limited resources, her inability to pay for a costume ingrained itself in her memory:

Attending church was very important to us. We would go to church Sunday

morning, Sunday evenings, and Thursday evenings. And the women at church

were so sweet they always told me, ‘Oh you're so beautiful!’ Then I believed it!

[laughter from all] They would say, ‘Ay, que chula, que chula!’ [cute girl] And

one of them would say, ‘Que chula prietita!’ [cute little dark-skinned girl] And

another would say, ‘Que chul—que chula guerita.’ [cute little white-skinned girl]

So, I didn't know which one I was! And then they would always select me for the

programs. They would always give me a special—the best part of the program.

So they build my confidence a lot. And then I expected to be treated the same

way at school. And at school when we had a play of the Wizard of Oz, they were

wanting me to be the fairy, was it a fairy or…? [comments from several regarding 184

possibilities] Yeah they had a fairy. No—the Good Fairy. The Fairy Godmother.

[Glenda the Good Witch] But I was real disappointed because they [the school]

wanted the dress to be a certain way, and I don't think they [my parents] were able

to accomplish that because it was going to be very expensive. So they [the

school] selected this other very pretty girl to be the fairy. And the dress was

beautiful and oh I felt so bad. All throughout that program I kept on thinking that

could have been me.52

The trauma caused by poverty still plagued her as she expressed disappointment and sadness after so many years. Monterde’s family, like others, weathered the storms of the

Great Depression with their frugality.

The Great Depression forced already struggling families into greater hardships and older children began working to help. Rev. Panchito Villanueva’s father lost his garage when the Great Depression hit. As one of the oldest, Villanueva took odd jobs selling items on the street or door-to-door for local merchants: “I would sell anything I could. Clothing, groceries, , pork, eggs, chickens, beans sugar, and tamales. I learned to sell with ease, and I sold things to everyone. It was easy for me and it ended up helping me for life.”53 Like many others, he mused: “We were poor, but we didn’t know we were poor.”54 Bella Gonsalves started working as a teenager to help her parents with their large brood of nine plus her grandmother: “I started to work when I was about 15 or 16, so from there on I went on to high school, but then during the summer I always had to work.

Until I graduated from high school and then I really had to get me a steady job.”55

Gonzalves saved her family from the ills of poverty, as did other narrators in the studies.

Both groups related tales of their families depending upon older siblings to help carry the burden of poverty, oftentimes saving everyone from utter destitution and ruin. When the 185

dust settled from the hard times of the Depression, the distant war suddenly appeared at the doorstep, accelerating the US into World War II (WWII), transforming lives in ways unimaginable.

World War II (WWII), 1940-1945

With the bombing of Pearl Harbor on December 7 of 1941, Mexican American men and women rallied to assist their country in time of need. Many narrators quit school to join the Armed Forces; the lure of traveling to foreign soils to fight for their country beckoned them. The youthful quixotic dreams of a soldier’s life quickly tarnished as the reality of war crashed down upon them and they were thrown in with disparate groups of men from across the US. For a few the racism continued, but for others it melted away as brothers in arms united against one common enemy.

Segregation/Discrimination

UT Voces Narrators

Henrietta Lopez Rivas loved dancing, but hated the segregation surrounding it.

Establishments such as the Menger Hotel or the San Antonio Municipal Auditorium held dances with live orchestras, and on several occasions, Rivas and her friends attempted to enter, but to no avail. Jim Crow practices strictly forbade Rivas from enjoying these forms of entertainment. Instead Mexican Americans traveled to distant towns on the outskirts of San Antonio to enjoy the live music of conjuntos (typical Tex-Mex bands) at

Mexican dance halls in Poteet or Pleasanton.56 Similar to what Project Aztlan narrator

Miguelito Paredes said, “Mexicans were not welcomed,”57 at various locations in San

Antonio, and the Menger Hotel epitomized one of them. While the Menger banned

Mexican Americans, if men in uniform belonged to the right group, some soon discovered that membership licensed them to privileges denied others. 186

Joe Bernal received a scholarship for the Army Specialized Training Recruit

Program and the Army conducted him to Texas Tech in Lubbock, Texas for training.

While at the university, Bernal profited from all the facilities available to servicemen and enjoyed swimming in the pool. A local Mexican American youngster spied Bernal in the pool area, and asked him how he secured admission. It appeared that “Mexicans were only allowed to swim on Thursdays,” the day they drained the pool.58 Shocked, Bernal had never encountered this treatment in San Antonio, since he swam in pools for

Mexican Americans or the San Antonio River. Unfortunately, unpleasant circumstances occurred for other narrators while in basic training. Pete Prado engaged in several fistfights due to ethnic slurs. Fellow recruits called him a “Damned Mexican” and on another occasion, he defended his ethnicity:

This Anglo guy [from Houston] was arguing with a guy from San Antonio. He

said, ‘You got nothing but blacks over there.’ And this other one, Dietz, said, ‘But

what do you have in San Antonio? Mexicans. All you have are Mexicans over

there.’ And he was stronger, bigger than I am, but I figured I’ll fight this son-of-a-

bitch. I’ll bite him! Cuz I couldn’t stand for that, for them to speak about my

people. So I said, ‘Dietz, come here. You know I’m a Mexican American. But if

you think you’re a better man than I am, let’s you and I go down there and one of

us has to come back!’ Well, he apologized to me!59

All the slurs ceased once they faced battles together in the Pacific as Japanese kamikaze planes flew overhead aiming at their ship. UT Voces narratives contained numerous battle experiences, information about medals received, military honors, and the battle fronts at which they served, making for fascinating reading. Dissimilar to the

Project Aztlan narrators, the UT Voces narrators shared these tales of wartime 187

experiences in great depth, while the Project Aztlan narrators discussed a sentence or two about military service. One topic raised by both groups dealt with integration as narrators mentioned that by the end of WWII, the US Armed Forces integrated all of it branches, ushering in a new era.

Jim Crow in Education

Project Aztlan Narrators

Similar to UT Voces narrator, Oswaldo Ramirez, Dr. David Espino grew up in highly segregated areas of South Texas and experienced multiple traumatic experiences in the small towns where he lived, but unlike the Voces narrator, Dr. Espino was much younger in age and attended elementary/middle school during the war years. The Rio

Grande Church Conference transferred his father, a Methodist pastor, from Hebronville,

Texas to Pearsall, Texas the year he should’ve entered eighth grade. Pearsall discouraged

Mexican Americans from attending school past the seventh grade, but the most glaring inequality was that the Pearsall school district didn’t have an eighth grade for Mexican

American students. It appeared that virtually none progressed to the high school level.

The elder Espino acted upon his son’s behalf and visited the school superintendent to resolve the issue:

The story I wanted to tell you is [pause] when ah…my dad moved from

Hebronville, Texas—you know—to Pearsall, I had been promoted [pause] to the

e-i-g-h-t-h [draws out word] grade, alright? Now that’s fourteen years old. [long

pause] And sooo, the [Mexican] school where Mexicans were supposed to go was

right across the tracks and then right across the street from us, about half a block

away. So naturally—I mean, my dad took me over there, you know? ‘Let’s—

Let’s go—you know—to check it out,’ [his father said] so we went over there. 188

The principal told us ‘There is no eighth grade here.’ He went—‘No, there’s no eighth grade. What we do is—we take—the—kids who are more advanced and— we ah—we help them with their English, we help them with their Math. If they’re ready [emphasizes word]…we promote them from the seventh grade…we promote them to the ninth grade. They go to high school. They go to the high school. But what to do with Dan? You know? He didn’t know…the principal didn’t know what to do, and he suggested—which was a stupid idea—but he suggested ‘Why don’t you go over to the elementary and junior high school on the other side of the tracks?’ [Anglo schools on Anglo side of town] It was stupid. We went [long pause followed by sigh] Ahhhhh—we were denied immediately. And the principal over there who didn’t know what to do, [inflection on words]—now that I look back at it, I don’t blame him—He didn’t know what to do! [laughs] So, he sent us to the superintendent of schools. So we went. We went and—and dad talked to the superintendent, and told him about my situation and what was happening here. And so, the principal [emphasis] and the superintendent decided… ‘Well, ok let’s—let’s take Dan and put him in the ninth grade. Alright?

We’ll put him in the ninth grade, and we’ll keep him there for two years. And that’s, that’s the way we will solve—the problem.’ OK. Um hum. Keep me there for two years. So, that’s—that’s what I battled with. I went in—and took the courses. Took the English. Took the Algebra—no it wasn’t Algebra, it was Math, and whatever else, you know? When the year ended—I got my report card and it said ‘Promoted to the tenth,’ you know? Well [long and drawn out] I didn’t know what that meant! Really. I mean, I—uh. When ah—school time came around, I was ready—I was ready to stay in the ninth! I thought they were gonna keep me 189

in the ninth. In the ninth grade. But nobody said anything. [voice gets softer for

emphasis and then breaks out into loud laughter] Nobody said anything! I was

promoted—I went to the tenth grade and went on [talking through his laughter]

and finished one year ahead of time!60

Dr. Espino represented a conundrum for Anglo administrators, particularly because, similar to the UT Voces group, his educated Mexican American father interceded on his behalf with school authorities. Like Oswaldo Ramirez, they allowed him to attend the all

White high school and thanks to his father’s initial intervention and activism, Dr. Espino gained opportunities denied others. The elder Espino acted on his son’s behalf to secure his education in a system that prohibited Mexican Americans from progressing beyond a certain level. For both the UT Voces and Project Aztlan narrators, had their parents capitulated to the Anglo power structure, their fates would have been sealed, but fortunately the parents resisted the system of oppression, coming out ahead.

WWII, Women, and Jobs

UT Voces Narrators

Several positive results for women surfaced as a result of World War II. Women joined the workforce to assist the war effort and to keep production flowing, especially in vital areas such as manufacturing fighter planes, weapons, and supplies. These Rosie the

Riveters dominated typically male positions, but at Kelly Air Force Base, these women were known as Kelly Katies. Henrietta Lopez Rivas applied for a position as an airplane instrument repair specialist and supervisors at Kelly Air Force base hired her at $90 per week. Eventually, she climbed the ladder to Assistant Supervisor, the only woman that attained that position and benefitted from the war, as she received job recognition and an excellent salary.61 190

Project Aztlan Narrators

Similar to Rivas of the Voces project, Bella Gonsalves took advantage of the government opportunities available during WW II at Kelly Airfield in San Antonio.

Forming one of the units of the Kelly Katies, Gonsalves earned a place among the

Airplane Inspection team, a technologically skilled unit that required exactitude examining airplane instrumentation units for flaws. This high school graduate scored excellent on the placement exam, equivalent to an Associate of Arts college degree.

Gonzalves was flying high:

But then during that time, there was the war. So, you know, I went to work at

Kelly, and I worked there about three years. I was an inspector, and our

supervisor uh—there were only three inspectors in that section—and our

supervisor used to tell us, ‘Y'all are lucky girls! You're being paid like a movie

star.’ Because they were paying us pretty good. But it didn't last that long

because then when the war was over, if we hadn't been there three years, we

weren't considered permanent. So we just had to find another job.62

Gonsalves lamented her ineligibility to continue in the position. She received her pink slip when the boys returned home and unfortunately for many Mexican American women like Gonsalves and Rivas, once the door for equal opportunity closed, it closed forever. It should be mentioned that as a rule, Mexican American women would never have been considered for such elite positions in Anglo society, much less receive acknowledgement on their intellectual acumen. The changing racial atmosphere for minorities and women improved outlooks substantially in subsequent years.

191

Post WWII 1946-1953

The attitudinal changes brought about by WWII in the psyches of Mexican

Americans postured them to alter their life courses in dramatic ways. Once they arrived home, many discovered that although they’d gone to war to protect the United States, their return to a hero’s welcome did not await if they were a person of color. Numerous grass roots groups sprang up or swelled in membership such as the American GI Forum, the American Civil Liberties Union, and LULAC. Lawsuits that challenged Jim Crow laws abounded such as the Terrell Well swimming pool case and Mendez v. Westminster.

The Mexican Consulate charged the State of Texas with gross violations of racism and suspended the Bracero Worker Program in Texas. In response, the Texas Good Neighbor

Commission was formed to investigate gross inequities and racism against Mexicans and it was discovered that Mexican Americans were the ones receiving the brunt of racist acts against them. Dr. George I. Sanchez, Dr. Hector Garcia, Gus Garcia and Pauline Kibbe kept the fires burning for Mexican American civil rights. Confident Latino veterans applied for positions once denied them, public and private facilities opened their doors to them, and college educations that represented dreams before the war, now transformed into reality. Changes didn’t occur overnight, but emboldened Mexican American veterans pushed open closed doors an inch at a time, until they remained open for good.

Jim Crow and Racially Restrictive Housing Covenants

UT Voces Narrators

Unlike the Project Aztlan narrators who never encountered racially restrictive housing covenants, one UT Voces narrator dealt with the issue in a unique and unexpected way. Manuel Vara encapsulated into words what many veterans thought when they arrived home after WWII: “ Prior to [shipping out], I didn’t know what I was 192

capable of achieving, of what it is that we wanted to get out of life. When we came back, we, the Mexicans, had much more confidence in ourselves and we realized that we deserved to get a better education [than what was available], just to see how far we could go…I [felt I] could do something, when I returned home to San Antonio.” 63 Vara accomplished the impossible goal of purchasing a home that had a racially restricted housing covenant tied to it, by appealing to the owner’s pocketbook: “I couldn’t buy property because I was of Mexican descent, but I bought it because I had cash. It’s your money!”64 Like Vara, both study groups exhibited a new found confidence, discovered that success breeds more success, while also appreciating the value of speaking up for one’s rights and looking for innovative ways to circumvent the system.

Jim Crow in Education

UT Voces Narrators

The military service to the US Armed Forces during WWII earned soldiers the golden ticket: the GI Bill. This governmental funding for ex-soldiers’ educations assisted minorities in attaining the impossible goal of a college education. Admissions boards opened enrollment to Mexican Americans and many took advantage of the opportunity, changing their lives almost overnight. Similarly, males in both the UT Voces group and

Project Aztlan group took advantage of this opportunity.

Antonio Campos utilized the GI Bill to fund his education from Baylor

University. With diploma in hand Campos landed a position with the US Department of

Labor to monitor the Bracero Farm workers program, validating that farmers abided by the rules that governed the program. “I had to make sure they [Mexican farmworkers] weren’t discriminated against,” he noted.65 His success with this program led to other appointments, and he eventually labored with LULAC leaders like Felix Tijerina on 193

educational programs such as the “Little school of 400” for Latino children that provided them with a “head start” when they began school.

Joe Bernal articulated his feelings about the GI Bill: If it hadn’t been for the GI

Bill, life wouldn’t have been as easy as it was.” 66 The young man wasted no time in utilizing the GI Bill to earn his BA, MA, and PhD degrees. Although Anglo students at

Trinity University treated him with contempt, he graduated with a degree in sociology and began teaching in the San Antonio Independent School District (SAISD). Interested in attaining a position as principal, he received his Masters degree from Our Lady of the

Lake University, but the SAISD denied him a position due to school policies regarding hiring Mexican Americans for administration. He later earned his PhD in Education at the

University of Texas, Austin and the Texas Board of Education appointed him as a board member after a career in administration in the Edgewood and Harlandale School

Districts.

Project Aztlan Narrators

Pedro Martinez began working on his college degree with help from the GI Bill, shortly after his return from WWII and subsequent to earning a civil service position at

Kelly Airfield. He originally wanted one position, but quickly transferred to an opening in purchasing and contracts. This wise career move placed him in an upwardly mobile department where he said:

The management people there in the organization, they seemed to want to

promote my interests. They seemed quite interested in seeing me develop. They

gave me more responsive assignments…Well, surprisingly, I didn’t get up to the

end of the year, near the end of the anniversary period and “Hey, we’re gonna put

you in this other position.” And then there I was again, up for another promotion. 194

Before, within a relatively short period of time, not that I was promoted every

year, but I was promoted very frequently—I got up to the—I think I totally

matched the field, and I was sort of an expert in the contracting field since I was

one of the original people there from when the field grew from what they called a

branch to a division. And I was a higher level in the organizational structure…I

was working on my college degree at that time, because we were working a lot of

overtime, a lotta hours. And as time permitted, I was working on my college

degree. But then I finally got my BBA major. And when I got my degree, of

course that opened the door for me and moved me into the top position of the

directorate. And I was one of three that occupied that level of management, what

they call the executive level. And I was interviewed with people from five

different centers throughout the country and I was selected for the position in this

type of competition. So I felt very pleased that I was able to do that. But then I

had a lot of credentials too in the programs that I was involved in during my

career.67

Martinez progressed to be one of the first Mexican Americans in the United States to achieve the highest level civil service grade of GS-15 and commented on his success: “I think there was about five of us that had that kind of position, that was what they referred to as a GS-15. Which is the top grade, you know. I don’t know that I was the first

Mexican American because there was an engineer for the San Madrid—and I think he was the first one. I think I was number two.”68 Clearly the GI Bill along with government civil service benefitted minority WW2 veterans such as Martinez, opening doors for them that would never have been opened otherwise, especially in the public sector.

195

Korean War veteran Fidelito Macias earned his degree in Business and Finance from the University of Texas, Austin with the assistance of the GI Bill, but encountered discrimination at his first position with in San Antonio. Believing education shaped his position and success in life, Frost Bank proved his assumptions incorrect:

Well, you see, personally I felt my niche in American society would be dictated

by economics. My economic strata depended on education and how employable I

could become. However as I found out later, education and skills would not

equate to a good paying job—nor a good position here in Texas. You see, ah,

opportunities were limited and good positions favored the Anglo due to racial

bias. This was—of course—very, very, disappointing. But not daunting. I assured

myself, that through faith, that—better opportunities awaited. Government

employment provided me with a responsible position as a Logistician for

Aerospace Equipment and in Finance and Budget of significant amounts of

Federal funds. Knowledge of money—and its prudent use—has allowed me to

attain a certain level of affluence. And it’s something I thank God everyday for

his fidelity and grace.69

Macias attained a top tier level in Budget and Finance and the racially charged climate of

Texas no longer hindered his ability to prosper as he gained economic success and social standing in the dominant society.

Voting Rights

Project Aztlan Narrators

Unlike the UT Voces narrators, my narrators commented on the poll tax that robbed them of the right to vote. During the Jim Crow era, measures to curb or curtail minority citizens from exercising their right to vote abounded in the form of poll taxes 196

and literacy tests. Paloma Monterde remembered how the poll tax prevented her father from voting in the elections during the Jim Crow years, even though he was a naturalized

American citizen: “I remember my dad didn’t vote. He didn’t even know where to go to pay the poll tax. They [Anglo government] did some other things about passing a test in order to vote, especially for the . They would make it very difficult for them—to keep them from voting. The poll tax was to keep the minority people from voting. That was the purpose behind it.”70 Latino leaders in all realms from churches to organizations like LULAC and the American GI Forum actively strove to educate

Mexican Americans on the voting process in an effort to help fight against discrimination and segregation that faced them in getting to the voting booths.

Segregation/Discrimination

UT Voces Narrators

Unlike the Project Atzlan group, several UT Voces narrators rose to prominence, creating relationships with powerful political allies that spurred the equal rights of

Mexican Americans from crib to college and beyond. Returning from the war, State

Senator Joe Bernal remembered: “There were towns outside of San Antonio where you couldn’t get a haircut. [T]here were places [in San Antonio] where you couldn’t buy a house…While in the service we were American soldiers, but back home we were

Mexicans.”71 With these inequities in mind, Bernal decided to get active in politics and began his political career by joining the Mexican American Democrats (MAD) and winning the post of Democratic Party precinct chair in 1950.

Vicente Ximenes took a different route after returning from WWII. He assisted his friend Dr. Hector Garcia organize the American GI Forum, an activist group of

Mexican Americans that fought for human and civil rights, especially for returning 197

veterans: "Our idea was for our people to have a place where they could come and complain about discrimination.”72 They assisted in more ways than one. A Mexican

American soldier was denied funeral services at a mortuary in the town of Three Rivers

Texas because the funeral home believed it would upset the Anglos. The widow, Mrs.

Felix Longoria, complained to the American GI Forum and the incident made national and international headlines. Senator Lyndon B. Johnson stepped in, offering a burial in

Arlington National Cemetery. Truly, Ximenes and Garcia improved conditions for all

Latinos.

Ximenes moved to New Mexico to study economics, where he discovered discrimination against Mexican Americans ran unfettered. His work there evolved as many sought him out to assist them with discrimination cases. Ximenes formed a Human

Rights Commission in New Mexico and in 1950 it was passed into law. Mexican

American affairs continued to engage him while he worked as a researcher at the

University of New Mexico, a post that trained him for his future.

Other narrators recalled not being hired for a job because of their ethnicity: Felix

Trevino applied for a position as a printer that he was qualified for, but was informed they wouldn’t hire Mexicans. He told the employer he was an American citizen, to no avail.73 Manuel Vara never took “No” for an answer in his job at the US post office. He was denied the chance to sell stamps because he was Mexican American, but persisted, eventually earning the right to work in that capacity. He attained the position of

Postmaster due to his challenging of the inflexible system that yielded when he applied again and again.74 George Salmeron wanted a job as an industrial engineer, but wasn’t hired because of his ethnicity. He saw the HR clerk write “Mex” in red ink on his application and those of other Mexican Americans.75 198

Wilfred Navarro applied for a job at Woolworth’s in Houston, but was refused employment. Navarro said they told him: “They already hired all the Mexicans they needed.”76 Later, when he wanted to join the Houston Police force, officials told him he had to meet the height requirement of 5’10 ½” and he stood at 5’10”. He applied numerous times but finally tried it again in the early morning and met the prerequisites.

He made the force but still met with discrimination: “When I first joined the department in 1950, there was obvious discrimination then; today there is probably still some, very subtle…There was one occasion when I had one officer that just flat wouldn’t ride patrol with me…They wouldn’t even let black police officers write tickets to non-blacks…So I developed a ‘If you can’t beat them, join them’ attitude.’”77 Navarro joined organizations such as the police officers association, the Hispanic American Police Command Officer

Association, and LULAC. Over the years, he developed important political ties, and founded the Houston Police Officer Retirement Association. His career thrived and he reached the rank of Assistant Chief of Police of Houston. Blatant acts of racial discrimination angered the young veterans, but undeterred, they all fought the Jim Crow system and eventually won. While some walls of racism came down easily, one of the trickiest areas to battle discrimination remained unscathed: restaurants.

Natividad Campos looked forward to changes in his community after he fought in the war and sacrificed for his country. He decided to accompany his friends to a local drive-in in Valentine, Texas where they drank beer while watching the movie.

He mentioned what happened next: “When you drink beer, you get hungry. So I told [my friends], ‘Let’s go to Monahans and get something to eat.’ They served us beer, but not food. They told us, ‘No, we don’t serve Mexicans.’ I felt pretty bad because I felt I was just as American as anybody else.”78 The sentiments voiced by Campos echoed 199

throughout all of the narrators in both the UT Voces Project and Project Aztlan groups:

They were all Americans.

In 1942 the Lonestar Restaurant Association, located in Dallas, Texas, printed and distributed signs across Texas that said: “NO DOGS, NEGROES, MEXICANS.”79 These signs prevailed well into the Civil Rights era. Both UT Voces narrators and Project

Aztlan narrators recalled these Jim Crow signs posted at the front of restaurants or coffee shops, banning them entry. Other restaurants, like the one Campos entered, may not have posted the sign, but preferred to embarrass and harass minorities verbally by telling them they didn’t serve “Mexicans” when the entered the café, or ignore them. This infamous

Lonestar Restaurant Association sign stayed in Texas for decades.

Project Aztlan Narrators

Like the UT Voces narrators, Dr. David Espino encountered segregation in a restaurant in Texas. His introversion and fear of Anglos solidified as Jim Crow racism traumatized him again while he attended Southwestern University in Georgetown, Texas.

Southwestern University—a religious institution—had a handful of Mexicans enrolled and faculty failed to warn the young minority students about the town’s strict adherence to Jim Crow practices. Dr. Espino explained:

There were only about five or six Mexicans at the university. We walk into a

restaurant and we sit. And we’re waiting, and we’re waiting, and we’re waiting.

And nobody serves us. I don’t know where the urge came, but I got up. I got up

and addressed the girl behind the cashier’s area: ‘You haven’t come to serve us.’

And she said, ‘Can’t you Mexicans read?’ I said, ‘What do you mean?’ [cashier]

‘Go outside and look at the screen.’ And sure enough, at the door there, ‘NO

200

MEXICANS ALLOWED.’ But we didn’t read—we didn’t see it! We d-i-d-n’t

see it. I mean that…That was Life. That was life in those years.”80

Dr. Espino and his companions fit the Mexican of olive skin, Indian features, and Spanish accent. These characteristics solidified the cashier’s image of the undesirable

“Mexican” and her rationale for ignoring them. surfaced as a recurring theme for Dr. Espino. He shook his head, his face filled with sorrow: “When we talk about segregation, man, that brings up a lotta stuff…The segregation was t-r-e-m-e-n-d- o-u-s in those years.”81 Another narrator remembered not receiving counter service.

Mario Jimenez traveled as an insurance salesman for American National in the area. He stopped for a cup of coffee outside San Antonio’s city limits: “I remember the little city of Seguin. I stopped one time to get coffee at the counter and they wouldn’t serve me. I had to go outside or behind. But I didn’t create any problems, I just ignored them.”82 Like the UT Voces narrators, neither Dr. Espino nor

Jimenez chose to create any problems. They elected to ignore the situation and leave the battle for another day. Segregation and discrimination plagued the Mexican American community during the Jim Crow years and regardless of where they traveled, they encountered it in one form or another.

Unlike the UT Voces narrators, Maria Elena Montalban related a laundry list of events that occurred while she lived in San Antonio and San Marcos, some recollections affecting her on a personal level. Her husband served in the Army in special operations, placing his life in constant danger not only during wartime, but also in his capacity as a career Army officer. She lived with him in London immediately after WWII and gushed about the bravery and sacrifice demonstrated by Mexican American soldiers during the

201

war, yet lamented how they encountered the same racism as before, upon their return to

Texas:

My mother-in-law lived just a few miles from Landa Park—in San Marcos—and

then even—even that was even after we got, after I got married and we were, you

know, temporarily staying in San Marcos. And I know my mother-in-law had

some military people that she used to rent to—rooms to and an apartment, and I

heard that there was in—is it New Braunfels? That there was a swimming pool

and they couldn’t go—that Mexicans were not allowed to go swimming in that

pool. This young man—young fellas had served in the military and yet now that

they’re back home in San Marcos, because they are Hispanics—are not allowed to

go swimming in this—in Landa Park because they’re Hispanic. And my husband,

Monty, he was exposed to that when he was growing up, because he could

never—never go to New Braunfels to swim at the park. He always—had to swim

in the river. Luckily they were living so close to the river they just could walk—in

the San Marcos River. But I was really—see then I realized actually how much

discrimination there was in San Antonio and in Texas. And it wasn’t until I was a

little bit older and more mature that I could see that.83

Montalban expressed anger at the treatment veterans received. More importantly, many veterans in both studies complained against the Jim Crow system arguing they were good enough to got to war and die for their country, but not good enough to be allowed the privileges of US citizens.

On another occasion, Montalban came to visit her family in San Antonio when her husband was stationed in New York. One event in particular affected her so greatly that she vowed never to live in Texas again. Married to an Afro-Latino, Montalban 202

personally felt the sting of racism when her young four-year old son encountered a segregated bathroom in San Antonio:

We were living in New York, and we came home to visit our parents during

vacation. And Ronnie, my son, was—oh I guess he was about four years old, he—

[was] old enough to know how to read, you know, simple little words—women

and ladies, and that sort of thing. And we were shopping in one of the stores. I

guess it was Sears or Penney’s, and he came—and he came up to me and said,

‘Mom—I’ve got to go to the rest room.’ I said, ‘Oh, OK.’ So the salesman says,

‘It’s just right here. You see that door there? There. There’s the rest room. We’ll

wait for you right here.’ So I said, ‘You go ahead and go.’ So then he came back

running and he says, ‘Mom—which restroom do I go to? One says Colored and

the other one says White?’ See, he had never—never been exposed to that. And

that day I decided I will never—never come back to San Antonio to live. I said,

‘Because if that’s the type of discrimination they still have,’ I said, ‘I don’t want

my son to be a part of it at all.’ So, I never came back! Until after we retired and

after things weren’t so bad!84

When she resided in San Antonio and San Marcos, Montalban had been blinded to the commonality of segregated bathrooms in Texas, but upon returning home after an absence of almost ten years, her young son’s confusion drove home the ever-present racism and segregation that existed in San Antonio. She realized the psychological ramifications that faced her dark skinned son if they ever lived in Texas again, and decided to shield him from the traumas she experienced. While Montalban temporarily forgot the racism and moved on, others lived with it, day in and day out. Unlike the UT

Voces narrators, Montalban shunned living in Texas and after her husband’s retirement 203

from the Army, they settled in Northern California. The sea change that occurred within

Montalban’s psyche happened simultaneously in other narrators that confronted Jim

Crow racism head-on. On the other hand, many UT Voces narrators, like Sen. Joe Bernal,

Antonio Campos, and Felix Trevino chose to stay in Texas. They were not content to ignore or accept segregation and discrimination as a way of life. These activists encouraged their fellow Mexican Americans to take up the banner and resist the infamy of racism.

Civil Rights era 1954-1965

Racism in the Changing Landscape of the US

As the decades progressed, Latinos won legal footholds to decrease the impact of segregation and discrimination in court cases such as Mendez v. Westminster that opened the floodgates for Brown v. Board of Education. Each advance emboldened Mexican

Americans, who took advantage of the fluid landscape and rose to positions of power within the US political system, negotiating their way through the snares set before them.

The UT Voces narrators rumbled with the Jim Crow laws and practices, turning them upside down. This group characterized a unique subset of Mexican Americans since they attained prominent governmental/political positions on the national, state and local levels, and on the international level as board members and executive level management positions with major Fortune 500 companies. The Project Aztlan group also triumphed in their corner of the world, breaking barriers and glass ceilings in all respects.

Segregation/Discrimination

UT Voces Narrators

As an economist, Vicente Ximenes acquired national recognition for his research on the scarcity of Latino businesses in the US while at the University of New Mexico. 204

This investigation in concert with his political activism positioned him as a serious nominee for cabinet posts in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. He served as program officer and economist for the U.S. Agency for International Development, deputy director of the Agency for International Development, U.S. Commissioner of the

Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in Washington, D. C., a cabinet committee position on Mexican American Affairs, and vice-president for field operations of the

National Urban Coalition. As the first Mexican American to be named to these posts, he remembered a youthful epiphany: "During the war, I discovered that we, Mexican

Americans, have the same abilities as the Anglos,"85 and this knowledge of human intellectual capacities spurred him forward towards what he believed. Ximenes also promoted the civil rights of Mexican Americans, a feat he accomplished with American

GI Forum director, Dr. Hector Garcia: "I give credit to my friend Dr. Garcia, who was the first one to work for [Mexican American] civil rights," Ximenes said.86 In fact, his reputation in the field of Mexican American civil rights stationed Ximenes to testify for the passage of the monumental Civil Rights Act of 1964.

Another Voces narrator that scaled the ranks of politics was Joe Bernal. It was only fitting that with the passing of the Civil Rights Act in 1964, San Antonians elected

Joe Bernal to the State legislature. After the Voting Rights Act in 1965, San Antonio once again elected him in 1966—after re-districting—and he won a state senate seat.

Bernal served as a state senator until 1972 accomplishing major victories for Latinos and

San Antonio during his terms.

Initially Bernal expressed uncertainty at entering politics, but as an educator soon realized he could assist his fellow Mexican Americans immeasurably: “When I got into politics, I found out that 80 percent of our people weren’t finishing high school. Now it’s 205

30 percent and that’s still bad.”87 One of Bernal’s first bills that he proposed sought to eliminate discrimination laws in Texas. During his tenure, he sponsored a state bill to create a public university in San Antonio: “That was one of the most important bills that I passed as a senator,”88 he said. He combatted lies and rumors about Mexican Americans’ disinterest in college education as opponents sought to discredit his bill, but he overpowered his critics. Had Bernal succumbed, the University of Texas at San Antonio might have never happened, and San Antonio’s Mexican American students would not have a public university to attend locally. Fortunately, Bernal persevered to the benefit of all.

Another mighty appeared on the San Antonio landscape, Felix Trevino.

Trevino opened a print shop in San Antonio after receiving his degree from Southwest

Texas State University in San Marcos courtesy of the GI Bill. Interested in community affairs, he launched his own personal campaign to fight the forces of racism, discrimination, and segregation, noting: “I had always seen many people being mistreated, and my idea was that I wanted to help those people.”89 This servant attitude started by teaching citizenship classes, English classes, and opening a Federal Credit

Union for the poorest members of a local Catholic church. With the advent of the Civil

Rights law in 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, influential citizens noticed his activism. In the 1960s civic leaders approached him about running for city council. He ran for office, won, and served for four years. He accomplished great feats while he held the city council and Mayor pro-tem positions, such as restoring the infrastructure of the neglected Westside barrio areas. Indeed, he retained his promise to assist the downtrodden. The UT Voces activists were unique in their commitment to assist and improve the lives of Mexican Americans, especially in the roles they played in politics, 206

education, and government. Some UT Voces narrators altered circumstances for Mexican

Americans, while for the Project Aztlan narrators, the memories of racism beleaguered them despite the personal successes they reaped.

Project Aztlan Narrators

Similar to the UT Voces narrator, Sallie Castro, who mentioned the bad feelings from racism lasted a lifetime, Maria Elena Montalban’s trauma infested her memory like a disease, plaguing her for decades. These narrators epitomize trauma psychologist

Robert Carter’s characterization of “race-based traumatic stress injury.” 90 One can visualize the long-lasting effects of emotional trauma in Montalban’s narrative.91

Montalban achieved success, but in her case, she abandoned Texas entirely. Montalban inched her way up the ladder of success, first in retail sales at Saks in and last as the principal buyer at an exclusive women’s boutique in the San Francisco Bay area. She recalled sitting at her desk at her new position at Modern Eve in Marin County:

I thought this is one store that I would have never—never—have thought would

hire me as buyer. I was still thinking the way that I used to think when I was in

San Antonio. I thought that I wasn’t good enough—because I was a minority—

because people just didn’t hire—us in San Antonio. I would have never ever

gotten a job as a buyer at the caliber of stores that I was working in, because they

only hired —Anglos. It wasn’t heard of. (deep sigh indicating disgust) I’m glad

that I moved away from San Antonio because I know I would have never been as

successful as I was.92

Montalban suffered from low self-esteem from years of racist treatment while in San

Antonio and her narrative reflected that trauma. For her, the psychological trauma caused

207

by the structural violence of racism lasted a lifetime, still haunting her memory decades after the initial trauma. Other forms of structural violence injured just as dramatically.

Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 overturned racially restrictive housing covenants, the acceptance of the changes proceeded at a snail’s pace in the Anglo sectors.

Chepita Montoya angrily related an incident that occurred in her luxury apartments located in San Antonio’s prestigious Castle Hills area where she resided. As the only

Mexican American living there, she complained about the ever-present racism:

Right here! Its still—I'm still having trouble. Cuz they don’t… Cuz I was the only

Mexican in there [apartment resident]. And the only Mexicans were the cooks

and the waiters, so we were very friendly. I would go early and we would speak

[in Spanish]. When we [I] came in they would say, ‘¿Buenos dias, como estas?’

And they [I] would respond, ‘Muy bien, muy bien.’ [Good morning, how are you?

Very well.] When the Anglo ladies came for breakfast, we would be speaking

Spanish and they would say: ‘You're not supposed to speak Spanish here! We’re

Americans. We’re not in Mexico. So don't speak Spanish here.’ And I would get

mad. They don't like—Mexicans. 93

This ill treatment and narrow-mindedness angered Montoya and she eventually moved into apartments with greater . Interestingly, this episode happened in San

Antonio indicating that although Jim Crow is supposedly dead, he is alive and well in some areas of Texas with hardly a scratch and the practices continue in the least likely places. While the abolition of racially restrictive housing covenants was accomplished, the racist attitudes that created them lingered. Anglos made it unbearable for this

Mexican American woman to reside alongside them, despite the removal of the Jim Crow

208

laws and the minority member’s financial achievements that enabled her to afford luxury apartments.

Miguelito Paredes noted the continued presence of die hard Jim Crow practices in the greater San Antonio area such as Alamo Heights and in the uber-affluent section of

Boerne: “This condition [of racism] exists today in some communities. Obviously, these things cannot be erased from the community that is brought up to feel that other races are inferior to them and therefore they continue to assume that this still exists today. Slowly it is changing, but it is a very slow process.”94 The Project Aztlan narrators brought to the forefront the tenacity of racism to cling inside many silk stocking communities. These neighborhoods, insulated by wealth, sequester themselves and the old guard continues its ways. Until the community at large acknowledges the inequities committed against its minority group citizens, the situation remains unchanged. In Texas, as with the rest of the nation, minorities continue to suffer trauma from not only structural violence, but from physical violence, with great risk to their lives. Only the Project Aztlan group related the inescapability of racism within their lives and one should note, both instances occurred in all-White areas that these affluent Mexican Americans could now access.

Voting Rights

UT Voces Narrators

Antonio Campos continued toiling in the political sphere and worked to overturn at-large political districts that robbed minorities of voting rights. He waged war against the city council of Baytown and its elected officials: “One day we went over to the city council to explain [what we wanted], and one councilman said, ‘If you don’t like it, why don’t you go back to Mexico?’ I got up and said, ‘Hey! I was born here in Texas. I went overseas and put my life on the line so you people can make decisions like that?’” The 209

suit ended up in the US Supreme Court and ruled that the at-large election system trespassed the Voting Rights Act. This act of demeaning racist talk that Campos endured from Anglo government officials reflected concretized bigoted attitudes that ran deep within the psyches of many White Texans and shared many similarities with the Project

Aztlan group and their experiences with racism in the community. continued to lash out at minorities, especially when involving voting districts or the loss of a congressional or senate seat.

Project Aztlan Narrators

The issue of disfranchisement plagued the minority communities in the United

States and Texas was no exception. Yet despite these oppressive measures, in 1961 voters elected Mexican American Henry B. Gonzales to represent San Antonio in the US

Congress. Mario Jimenez opined how Mexican Americans lacked political power, especially on the national level and remembered the illustrious congressman’s personal fight against discrimination:

[There was] no violence, anything like that, but we didn’t have enough power,

until…until changes started…changing very fast. When the people voted for Mr.

[Henry B.] Gonzales. He was a great man. And he fought all that. Because he

[went] in a restaurant and wanted to sit down in the chairs for a cup of coffee and

they couldn’t serve him because he was a Latin. So he put pressure on the

government. He was a financial…I don’t remember what his position was…But

he…had the power to stop these people that create the discrimination. Because

Gonzales was the one to help the citizens. So that was a good jump right there.

And it’s better and better.95

210

Jimenez displayed great admiration for Congressman Gonzales “because Gonzales helped the [Mexican American] citizens.”96 After the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the political landscape changed with the abolition of poll taxes and literacy tests. Newly armed voters traveled to the polls as a triumphant Congressman Gonzales paved the way for future Mexican American politicians in San Antonio, in Texas and in the nation.

Project Aztlan narrator and ex-Kelly Katie employee Bella Gonsalves articulated her thoughts about Mexican American politicians and how they proved the Anglo system of inequality wrong: “Hispanic [politicians] can do the same as the Anglos as long as they have the right education or the opportunity. You know separate the Americans from the Mexicans and they think that a Mexican cain’t do as much as an American. And they still don’t give them that much of a chance.”97 Gonsalves voiced the same observation as

Vicente Ximenes’ did on the similarities in aptitudes of Mexican Americans and Anglos.

Latinos only required an opportunity. Indeed, both groups commented that the advent of the Civil Rights era changed the social stratosphere for Mexican Americans as they participated in political activism on a grand scale, voting Mexican Americans into office.

Closing Thoughts: The Trajectory of Racism

With the advent of Mendez v. Westminster and Brown v. Board of Education, the

Civil Rights Act of 1964 ushered in a new beginning for minorities across the United

States. Following closely behind, the Voting Rights law changed the political landscape, allowing minorities to gain political capital on national, state, and local levels as never before as they voted minority members into office. The Mexican Americans of Texas elected leaders such as Henry B. Gonzales, and UT Voces narrators Joe Bernal and Felix

Trevino. Nationally recognized economist, Vicente Ximenes, marched the path to the

White House as Presidents Kennedy and Johnson appointed him to cabinet positions. 211

More Latinos ran for public office—such as Antonio Campos and Wilfred Navarro—and many more worked for voter registration drives, political campaigns, political parties, voting districts, and LULAC.

I suspect that due to the increased noise level of activists like George I. Sanchez,

Dr. Hector Garcia, the American GI Forum, and the creation and growth of LULAC, that the important issue of literacy exploded in the Mexican American community. The basic tenet of the value of education for advancement increased, but more importantly, the demand for equal opportunities also increased. Pioneers like Sanchez instigated change, spreading like wildfire among Mexican American intellectuals. Religious leaders, teachers, and politicians voiced its importance to their constituents, encouraging youth to rise up. Over the years, a sea change occurred within the Mexican American community of San Antonio and the Project Aztlan narrators Dr. David Espino, Rev. Panchito

Villanueva and his wife, Angelica Maria definitely assisted with its implementation in their own corner of society.

Project Aztlan narrator Chepita Montoya summed up the situation that existed for

Mexican Americans—we are all Americans. “They [Mexicans] were discriminated against. The Americans were higher, the Mexicans lower. [We] didn't have the same privileges that the Anglos had. We are no more or no less. We’re all equal! We’re all

Americans!”98 The sleeping giant awakened as greater numbers of Mexican Americans participated in the political process.

Conclusion

In closing, as noted in the comparison and contrast analysis, the oral histories revealed the trauma of the de jure and de facto Jim Crow laws and practices upon the

Mexican Americans of Texas. The themes of racially restrictive housing covenants, 212

poverty, education, voting, jobs, and segregation/discrimination were investigated to visualize how this structural violence affected the narrators from the UT Voces and

Project Aztlan groups through the different historical periods, and the differences between the rural and city areas. Ultimately, the ability of oral history to elicit and catalyze the transitional or restorative justice process of moral repair for narrators remained the most important issue to assess. I noted the suffering of many participants as they recalled painful memories of trauma. By giving voice to the racist incidents, the process of moral repair began for all narrators. This voicing of trauma by both the Project

Aztlan and UT Voces groups conferred them with the process of moral repair as they received voice, validation, and vindication. I sincerely believe my acknowledgement of the wrongs perpetrated against them instigated the transformative process of moral repair.

In effect, the oral history process re-conferred the restoration and creation of trust and hope both individually and collectively. The act of telling one’s life story empowers and emboldens victims, as the acknowledgement progresses to a state of moral repair.

Fractured moral relationships can now reactivate into equalized ones. What remains to be accomplished will be an effort to hold perpetrators accountable (or their representatives) and make amends. The final chapter details my recommendations to reinstate, recreate, mend and repair the severed moral bonds in order to achieve moral repair within the

Mexican American community of San Antonio and Texas.

End Notes Chapter 5

1 Ibid., 25.

2 Carter, “Race Based Traumatic Stress,”18-19, 25.

213

3 See Chapter 2 End Matter.

4 Estanislado Reyna interviewed by Nicole Munoz, January 29, 2002, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

5 Oswaldo Ramirez interview by Robert Mayer, October 8, 2001, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

6 Personal interview by the author with Miguelito Paredes , July 19 , 2005, Project Aztlan, San Antonio, TX.

7 Interview with Rev. David Espino for La Trinidad Methodist Church, La Trinidad Methodist Church Archives (San Antonio: 2006).

8 Aurora Orozco by Desiree Mata, October 17, 2003, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

9 Ibid.

10 Benito Morales interviewed by Julio Luna, n.d. University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

11 Joseph Alcoser by Rene Zambrano, October 21, 2000, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

12 Ramon Rivas by Maggie Rivas Rodriguez, June 6, 1999, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

13 Ibid.

14 Raymond Sanchez by Rhonda Miller, October 12, 1999, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

15 Ibid.

16 Vicente Ximenes interviewed by Antonio Guild, November 6, 2004, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

17 Ximenes interview, Voces.

18Sallie Castro by Nicole Griffith, March 1, 2001, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

End Notes Chapter 5

19 Ibid., 25. 214

20 Carter, “Race Based Traumatic Stress,”18-19, 25.

21 Martin interview.

22 Paredes interview.

23 Ibanez interview.

24 Personal interview by the author with Fidelito Macias, July 18, 2005, Project Aztlan, San Antonio, TX.

25 James Crisp states the last publishing of the racist version was in 1961. A more sanitized version entered the public school system as teachers clamored for its return. For more information on Texas History Movies see James E. Crisp, “Memory, Truth, and Pain” in Lone Star Pasts: Memory and History in Texas, ed. Greg Cantrell and Elizabeth Hayes Turner (College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 2007), 78-86.

26 According to the article “Classic Comics” in Texas Monthly, January 1986 by Arnold Rosenfeld the headline reads that in 1971 “A CARTOON TEXTBOOK THAT INFLUENCED GENERATIONS OF TEXAS SCHOOLCHILDREN FACES CHARGES OF RAMPANT RACISM—AND IS FOUND GUILTY.” https://www.texasmonthly.com/issue/january-1986/. 10/17-This article is now nowhere to be found on the site and I fear it has been scrubbed, erased from memory. I took screen shots of the article. 27 Hoivik, Demography of Structural Violence, 59.

28 Personal interview by the author with Rev. Panchito Villanueva, July 25, 2005.

29 Rev. Jose Espino was pastor at La Trinidad Methodist Church from 1936-1960. He is not related to Dr. David Espino, Project Aztlan narrator.

30 Ibid.

31 Personal interview by the author with Marisela Delgado, July 18, 2005, Project Aztlan, San Antonio, TX.

32 Ibid.

33 Ibid.

34 Ann Johns, "Esl Students and Wac Programs: Varied Populations and Diverse Needs," in Wac for the New Millennium: Strategies for Continuing Writing-across-the Curriculum Programs, edited by Susan McLeod, Eric Miraglia, Margot Sloven and Christopher Thaiss. Urbana: National Council of Teachers of English, 2001. I applied and synthesized Ann John’s linguistic fossilization theory into a social fossilization theory to 215

serve my purposes. For Johns, fossilization pertains to language development for ESL learners and how it progresses to a certain point then stops. For social fossilization, the group/individual capitulates to Anglo power in the struggle to gain equality, stays confined to the social space, never daring to venture beyond. Soon this inequality and confinement to a particular realm becomes the established norm and the minority group accepts it.

35 Personal interview by the author with Angelica Maria Villanueva, July 25, 2005, Project Aztlan, San Antonio, TX.

36 Ibid.

37 Ibid.

38 Ximenes interview.

39 Ibid.

40 Ibid.

41 Aurora Orozco by Desiree Mata, October 17, 2003, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

42 Frances Reyes by Elvia O. Perez, August 4, 2007, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

43 Augustine Segura by Unity Peterson, April 12, 2002, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

44 Guadalupe Conde by Carlos D. Conde, September 7, 2002, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

45 Mike Aguirre by Aryn Sedler, March 1, 2000, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project; Joe Bernal by Valentino Mauricio February 12, 2006, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project;

46 Personal interview by the author with Benjamin Martin, July 23, 2005, Project Aztlan, San Antonio, TX.

47 Personal interview by the author with Maria Elena Montalban, July 21, 2005, Project Aztlan, San Antonio, TX.

48 See evidence of poor storm drains on Westside of San Antonio in article by Greg M. Schwartz, "Crime Scene Cleanup," San Antonio Current, 2009, http://www.sacurrent.com/sanantonio/crime-scene-cleanup/Content?oid=2285971, accessed September 20, 2010. 216

49 Paredes interview.

50 Personal interview by the author with Adelita Ibanez, July 19, 2005, Project Aztlan, San Antonio, TX.

51 Personal interview by the author with Pedro Martinez, July 21, 2005, Project Aztlan, San Antonio, TX.

52 Personal interview by the author with Paloma Monterde, July 22, 2005, Project Aztlan, San Antonio, TX.

53 Personal interview by the author with Rev. Panchito Villanueva, July 25, 2005, Project Aztlan, San Antonio, TX.

54 Ibid.

55 Personal interview by the author with Bella Gonsalves, July 22, 2005, Project Aztlan, San Antonio, TX.

56 Henrietta Lopez Rivas by Veronica Flores, , 1999, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

57 Paredes interview.

58 Bernal interview.

59 Pete Prado by Gabriel Manzano, March 14, 2000, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

60 Interview with Rev. David Espino for La Trinidad Methodist Church, La Trinidad Methodist Church Archives (San Antonio: 2006).

61 Rivas interview.

62 Gonsalves interview. 63 Manuel Vara by Martha Trevino, November 15, 2001, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

64 Ibid. 65 Antonio Campos by Veronica Garza, March 2, 2002, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

66 Bernal interview.

67 Martinez interview. 217

68 Ibid.

69 Macias interview.

70 Monterde interview.

71 Bernal interview.

72 Ximenes interview.

73 Felix Trevino by David Zavala, October 13, 2001, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

74 Vara interview.

75 George Salmeron by Jane O’Brien, October 10, 2003, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project. 76 Wilfred Navarro by Paul Zepeda and Ernest Eguia, February 10, 2004, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

77 Ibid. 78 Natividad Campos by Beatriz Guerrero, September 1, 2007, University of Texas at Austin, Voces Project.

79 “NO DOGS,” Library of Congress. See Appendix for a photo of the notorious sign.

80 Espino interview.

81 Ibid.

82 Jimenez interview.

83 Ibid.

84 Ibid. 85 Ximenes interview.

86 Ibid.

87 Bernal interview.

88 Ibid.

89 Trevino interview. 218

90 Carter, 18-19, 25.

91 Ibid.

92 Montalban interview.

93 Montoya interview.

94 Personal interview by the author with Miguelito Paredes , July 19 , 2005.

95 Jimenez interview.

96 Ibid.

97 Gonsalves interview.

98 Montoya interview.

219

CHAPTER 6: RESPONSIBILITY, REPAIR, AND RECONCILIATION

Post-colonial theorist Frantz Fanon’s words aptly articulated the sentiments of colonized peoples: The dominating culture “convince[s] the colonized” to confess the

“inferiority of [their] culture,” to subscribe to Anglo superiority while admitting the

“imperfect character of [their] own biological structure.”1 Since 1848 the Mexican

American population of Texas contended with Anglo colonization and domination. With the creation of the Jim Crow laws in 1876, the abuses of segregation, discrimination, and oppression permeated Texan society, incorporating structural violence into the framework. For almost one hundred years Mexican Americans strove to defend their space within a sea of Anglo customs and mores, but the Jim Crow laws twisted and maimed moral equilibrium between the two groups. From 1920-1965, racially restrictive housing covenants in Texas caused trauma for the minority group and this form of structural violence impacted them most seriously—with the effects still evident in the racial geography of today.2 Marginalized as second-class citizens, they failed to acquire political, economic, or social capital until the advent of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

As the oral histories from Chapter Five revealed, racism traumatized this ethnic group as both UT Voces and Project Aztlan groups voiced their stories. The oral history process established a protected space for them to gain voice, validation, and vindication as it re-conferred the restoration and creation of trust and hope.3 Restorative justice practices (like moral repair) re-configure fractured bonds since it recognizes the

220

requisites of victims, which the position of interviewer achieved. In sum, Margaret Urban

Walker’s framework of moral repair was bestowed on the narrators and potentially the

Mexican Americans of Texas.

Several important steps in the process of restorative justice remain unresolved.

The dominant Anglo society must mitigate the wrong it committed and embrace the burden of responsibility because it oppressed the Mexican American community and destroyed the moral bonds that unified them. A restoration of balance and moral equilibrium will trigger the reconciliation and moral repair processes advocated by ethicist Linda Radzik and Margaret Urban Walker in Chapter Three, particularly to past collective historical injustices. Radzik argued that institutions remain morally accountable and responsible for past wrongs in moral relationships with others. Walker contends that if “the culpability of the perpetrator fails to recognize” the charges plus an

“entitlement to repair,” then feelings of fear, resentment, and indignation continue in those wronged parties.4 A brief look at past restorative justice measures in the United

States will be investigated in the cases of other wronged racial and ethnic groups.

Righting Wrongs: Past US Apologies

The US history on apology is short: it has apologized five times in its history as a nation. In 1988 President Reagan apologized to for placing them in

Internment Camps during WWII and allocated $ one billion dollars in reparations.5 In

1983, the US apologized for hiding Nazi Gestapo agent Klaus Barbie from French authorities after WWII and in 1993 they apologized for overthrowing the King of .

In 1997, the US apologized for the Tuskegee experiment—a medical experiment that infected Black men with syphilis, unbeknownst to them—for failing to treat them with antibiotics, for running the experiment for 40 years, rather than six months as originally 221

planned, and for allowing them to suffer with the disease for years. In 2008 the US House of Representatives formally apologized to African Americans for slavery and the Jim

Crow laws, followed by the Senate a year later. The symbolic apology made no promises for redress.6 In 2000, the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) head, Kevin Gover, apologized for the department’s , relocations, and desolation of tribal cultures and languages.7 In 2009, Pres. Obama signed the Native American Apology Resolution, but made no formal public apology. The resolution reads: “on behalf of the people of the

United States to all Native peoples for the many instances of violence, maltreatment, and neglect inflicted on Native peoples by citizens of the United States.”8 It also stipulated that it would not recognize any claims. As of yet, no calls for redress for the Mexican

American population have been undertaken and I deem it justifiable to use moral repair as a framework because it answers the question about reparations for Mexican

Americans. That said, I now suggest a path for the Mexican Americans of Texas to pursue to attain responsibility, repair, and reconciliation.

A New Framework for Responsibility, Repair, and Reconciliation

While I am not an ethicist, I synthesized the frameworks of ethicists Margaret

Walker and Linda Radzik as discussed in Chapter Three to create a new paradigm of restorative justice: moral relationship neo-genesis. I propose Radzik’s reconciliation theory of atonement best applies to past collective historical injustices like the ones existing for the Mexican American community of Texas. My new paradigm, moral relationship neo-genesis, seeks to rectify ongoing collective historical wrongs caused by institutions by re-fusing broken moral ties and synthesizing them into new creations with the goal of achieving atonement, redemption, and apology in the process. In moral relationship neo-genesis, institutions must accept responsibility for past infractions, 222

amend or repair the wrongs committed in the past, and atone by demonstrating regret, shame, or empathy. Walker’s framework of moral repair amends, restores trust and hope, and rectifies a wrong. Moral relationship neo-genesis also reconstructs the groundwork supporting moral relationships and enables survivors to proceed from a state of trauma to a state of moral equilibrium, confident that others will honor societal expectations.9 Since past historical wrongs continue to persist into the present and future, they require atonement or redemption, which Radzik’s theory established.10 Institutions, such as the

State of Texas, remain morally obligated to fulfill their moral pact to the Mexican

American population, offer atonement, and reconstruct past, present, and future moral ties in an equitable fashion.

Responsibility

Moral repair’s first task secures responsibility upon guilty parties and three institutions remained at fault: the State of Texas, the county of Bexar and the city of San

Antonio. Anglo power structures imposed de jure and de facto segregation practices upon

Mexican Americans during the Jim Crow era, subjugating them into second-class citizens. They suffered five major abuses: racially restrictive housing covenants, school segregation based on language and race, police brutality and state terror, the denial of a trial by a jury of their peers, disfranchisement, and a lack of political representation due to gerrymandering.11 The collective injustices committed by the formal and informal everyday functions of Texan institutions afflicted Mexican Americans for decades, and

Anglo officials in concert with citizen groups demonstrated their attitudes of disdain and contempt through them. Walker identified this form of hostile disrespect for another group as “normative contempt,”12 and the subaltern group found themselves without recourse. This betrayal to corroborate an injured party’s abuse corresponds to the term 223

“normative abandonment”13 and given the circumstances, normative contempt and abandonment solidified and justified oppressive measures as a function of these three institutions.

These institutions instigated, implemented and legalized racially restrictive housing covenants and the results impacted all facets of Mexican American life to this day. The housing covenants passed in Bexar County and San Antonio, corralled Mexican

Americans into their ethnic enclaves on the West side and South side of San Antonio.

The educational, political, economic, legal and social systems participated in the process with full complicity of all branches of the governmental structure.14 From as early as

1922, the wealthy Anglo neighborhoods of Olmos Park, Alamo Heights, and Terrell Hills actively practiced these restrictive policies and the housing covenants prevailed across

Texas until 1964. The results of segregation endured, coloring local landscapes even into the present.15 Indeed, long-lasting traumatic effects of the racially restrictive covenants upon Mexican Americans require acknowledgement.

Racially restrictive housing covenants harshly oppressed Mexican Americans and the State of Texas, Bexar County and the city of San Antonio share responsibility for their failure to treat them as equal moral agents. They must acknowledge and address past injustices, accept responsibility, and restore themselves as upright partners of the moral community. These institutions must demonstrate their commitment to the equality, self- respect and ethical status of Mexican Americans by holding themselves to a higher standard thus instilling trust and hope among those wronged. Governmental institutions must reunite severed moral relationships and show compliance with valid declarations against them. If these institutions demonstrate respect, care and concern, humility and willingness to repair the damages inflicted by these racially restrictive housing covenants, 224

they re-instate their positions as morally trustworthy agents and reassure vindication. The barrier of normative contempt is demolished and a path for moral repair blossoms.16

Moral Repair: Voice, Validation and Vindication

Victims require a voice to tell their version of the truth, according to Walker, and as I argue, oral history effectuates fulfillment of this goal. Oral history provides the means to uncover the truth about racial and ethnic oppression since authoritarian practices, language barriers, and fear silenced scores of Mexican Americans. The group deserves public confirmation for their forthrightness in declaring their tales about discriminatory practices in Texas society and fairness that their stories be heard in an impartial, unbiased manner.17 Once victims voice their stories to an oral historian, they obtain validation. By voicing their oral histories, the oral historian validates their traumatic experiences, and victims receive vindication, fully justified in the truthfulness of their stories, no longer feeling the injury and insult of normative abandonment-or failure of the community to validate a victim’s claim.18

For Mexican Americans who lived in San Antonio during the Jim Crow era, the emotions of resentment and indignation created by traumatic racism never received vindication because perpetrators—in this case the Anglo bureaucracy of Texas—failed to affirm their “entitlement to repair.”19 Clearly one can appreciate how the oral history process grants voice, validation, and vindication to confirm moral repair.20 The oppression caused by racially restrictive housing covenants merits a hearing for these injustices require reparation and apology as part of the atonement process.

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Reparations for the Mexican American Community in San Antonio

In response for the injustices committed by the racially restrictive housing covenants enacted by local authorities, I am advocating several reparative measures.

Firstly, I am appealing for the formation of Proyecto Aztlan—a Mexican American Oral

History Institute and Archives that will be dedicated to the multi-cultural history of the

Mexican American community of San Antonio and Texas. Unlike the Institute of Texan

Cultures, which highlights the diverse ethnic enclaves from all that surround the area, the institute will have as its primary focus the multi-racial Mexican American peoples of San Antonio. It will include all facets of Mexican historiography, most especially the amended Chicano versions. I propose partially modeling Proyecto Aztlan after the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture in New York and the Voces

Oral History Collection at the University of Texas at Austin. The Schomburg Center filled a gap for African Americans when it was instituted in 1925 as part of the New York

Public Library system. In 1926 the Carnegie Foundation purchased bibliophile Arturo

Schomburg’s collection of African works that he collected to disprove the notion of

Black inferiority.21 In like manner the University of Texas, Austin’s Nettie Benson Latin

American collection houses several important projects such as the Voces Oral History

Project. This project specializes in the study of Mexican Americans in the military. The collection’s founder, Maggie Rivas Ramirez, realized a silence existed in WWII stories of soldiers of Mexican descent.22 Both these entities encourage the study of their group’s culture, history and literary works.

I propose that Proyecto Aztlan be located in the heart of the Mexican American neighborhood (barrio)—similar to the Guadalupe Cultural Arts Center—so residents may benefit from its programs. I would prefer if it could be housed within the Cultural Arts 226

Center since it is already a hub of involvement. The collection will highlight the history and oral histories of those voices Anglo historians sought to erase and should instill a sense of cultural pride in the accomplishments of the community. In order for oppressed members to attain moral repair, the Institute will provide the means for those who have been traumatized or victimized in any way by the varied forms of structural violence, to gain voice, validation, and vindication. By giving their testimonios or oral histories, the

Mexican community will voice their stories of oppression in order for community restoration, growth, and moral repair to occur. In this manner, the collective goal of moral relationship neo-genesis can indeed take place.

The Institute will have several display areas with at least one exhibiting the life stories gathered from the community. Displays will include various types of audio-visual presentations that include photographs, artwork, or copies of historical documents, excerpts from written transcripts, or non-fiction short stories developed from the testimonios. Some exhibits could highlight varied artifacts gathered or donated to the

Institute that possess historical/cultural merit. With the archives also within the space, exhibits featuring any special collections could be underscored, such as music, culture, art, authors, or Mexican American political or community leaders.

After a number of oral histories have been compiled, a website can also be developed so others may download the oral history interviews—audio or transcript form, podcasts, photos, historical documents and the Mexican history of San Antonio. This venue will increase awareness of the Institute and what it offers in terms of historical, cultural, and social value. Lastly, a Center for Research will be within the space whereby researchers can benefit from the collected body of knowledge.

227

Funding remains a problem in these instances and I propose that the City of San

Antonio, the County of Bexar and the State of Texas furnish the seed money, as a means of reparation, for a Foundation to be set up in perpetuity so the existence of the cultural center and library will not be in danger of budget cuts or shortfalls. I propose that it serve as a museum, library and cultural center to secure eligibility for grant programs from various foundations. Several means of generating funds could also be initiated such as annual fundraisers, a Friends Society, audio and video sales, books and classes promoting community oral history and narrative writing and any classes that will benefit barrio members. A book compiling different narratives could be published and sold as a means of funding for the center. Another goal would be a mini-documentary highlighting testimonios from the narrators.

My second proposal for reparations involves the development of a school curriculum regarding the history of the Mexican people of Texas from the earliest days to present day. In particular, I suggest the creation of a graphic novel, Somos Tejanos! (We are Tejanos) for youngsters that mimics the infamous Texas History Movies comic book previously published by Mobil Oil Company. This comic book would depict Mexicans in a positive light, and would chronicle their historical achievements as a people. This curriculum would be made available through the Texas Historical Society, Proyecto

Aztlan, and LULAC. It would be offered to school districts around the state. The era surrounding the Alamo should be revised to include the information regarding the

Centralist/Federalist factions that originally began the political unrest and the viewpoint should include the struggle for Mexican lands that the United States, vis a vis Manifest

Destiny, was committed to colonizing. The revisionist historiography would stand as a rebuttal to the version that Anglo historians, the Daughters of the Texas Revolution, and 228

other tourist attractions preach as a fight for freedom against the forces of a tyrannical ruler, as most Anglo Texan histories assert. In this manner, perhaps Mexican American school children can reach a new conclusion about Texas history, realizing Mexicans were not an army of bloody, inhumane soldiers but that they too fought to protect their land and rights.

My third proposal for reparation calls for the Mexican American women of San

Antonio to gain voice. With the exception of one extraordinary woman, Emma Tenayuca, many historical women of the past faded into oblivion. For that reason, collectively, they deserve recognition. I propose a statue and fountain in honor of the women who helped build Bejar. The statue should feature three women—indigenous, Black and Spanish23— holding hands in a circle to highlight the cooperation from the three races to attain the initial prosperity and success of the new colony. It should be located in a public space, and I suggest it be located downtown near La Villita or the Alamo, where all can appreciate its historical importance. The statue will cause visitors and residents alike to pause and reflect on Mexican American womens’ positive impact, replacing for a moment the one-sided version of Texas history purported as truth by the dominant power.

In this way, Mexican American women may also receive voice, validation, and vindication to attain moral repair.

My final recommendation concerns Mexican American veterans. I know that San

Antonio was home to five Armed Forces facilities. I think it only fitting that a plaque or memorial be placed in honor of the Mexican American servicemen who fought and died for the United States at Fort Sam Houston’s Cemetery. Mexican American servicemen are grossly under-recognized for their military service.

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Moral repair leads to moral relationship neo-genesis. It offers injured parties the likelihood of receiving reparative actions, atonement and apology, representing what

Mexican Americans of San Antonio sorely lack. A moral relationship depends upon others to take responsibility and to intervene when others neglect to behave correspondingly. Based upon the research data, this type of relationship was non-existent in San Antonio society, evidenced by past racially restrictive housing covenants. Race- based trauma survivors residing in San Antonio’s Mexican American community must proceed from a state of harm and injury to a state of reconciliation.24

Reconciliation

The reconciliation theory of atonement pertains to amending historical wrongs such as those that oppressed the Mexican American community. Past inequities leach into the future, requiring atonement or redemption by new actors within institutions. Radzik insists that despite the time era, society must oblige organizations to act in morally responsible ways. For my purposes, moral relationships ethically bound the State of

Texas, Bexar County and the city of San Antonio to their minority constituents. However, these institutions failed in their responsibility, hence wrongdoing occurred. Therefore as moral representatives they must make amends. Institutions act as free agents guided by norms and subjected to moral expectations; if they falter in their duty, necessity dictates they re-establish themselves as trustworthy within the moral community. The same holds for Texas. In order to attain moral reconciliation, the State’s obligation to its citizens demands a re-establishing of mutual respect and removal of the harms caused by the unjust actions that instigated the distrust and resentment.25

Historically guilty institutions such as the Texas Rangers serve as a perfect example. New members of this group will probably object, proclaiming their innocence. 230

Several objections should be taken under consideration: the unfairness of being held responsible for injustices committed by Texas lawmakers decades before, the inequality of why non-perpetrators should be obligated to atone for historical wrongdoings and the differing standards and attitudes of times past. Voluntary units such as Texas state, county, and local governments were morally responsible and bound to fulfill the institution’s responsibilities in the past, but what about new associates? Upon joining a group, Radzik asserts, members acquire the responsibility and obligation to answer to the institution’s historical guilt, as they now belong to it. As a consequence, non-perpetrators from the Texas Rangers should acknowledge the unaddressed history of injustice and damaged moral relationships from past wrongs.26

One must consider the genocidal laws instituted by the early Texas Republic and the subsequent official formation of the Texas Rangers to implement the indigenous extermination policy. Likewise Texas turned a blind eye to lynching of African

Americans by this group, but also neglected to recognize the egregious crime of lynching of Mexican Americans by the Texas Rangers. “Los Rinches,” as the Mexicans called them, have never recognized these hangings according to historians Carrigan and Webb:

The most systematic abuse of legal authority was by the Texas Rangers. Their

brutal repression of the Mexican population was tantamount to state-sanctioned

terrorism. Although the exact number of those murdered by the Rangers is

unknown, historians estimate that it ran into the hundreds and even

thousands....The reality is that the legal system not only failed to protect Mexicans

but served as an instrument of their oppression. Only under pressure from the

federal government were local and state authorities willing to investigate acts of

mob violence. Even when these investigations were carried out, they inevitably 231

failed to identify those responsible. As a result, almost no white man was ever

made to stand trial for the lynching of a Mexican.27

Carrigan and Webb estimated the number of Mexican Americans killed surpassed that of

African Americans as their data shows the number of Mexican Americans lynched was

473:100,000 versus the African American number of 52.8:100,000. To date no acknowledgement, much less an apology has been issued.

With the increased hatred towards those of Mexican origin aroused by racist politicians, the New York Times published an Op-Ed entitled “When Americans Lynched

Mexicans” by historians Carrigan and Webb that reminded “Americans” of the forgotten injustices against those of Mexican descent in the United States.28 To the argument that these attitudes towards Mexican Americans represent a by-gone era, I concede some attitudes have changed, but too many remain. Clearly, this hatred and the risks it involves intensify as “Americans” forced the yoke of scapegoat status upon Mexican Americans once again as demonstrated by the campaign and beyond.29 These negative attitudes held by Whites across the United States threaten to brim over like a hot cauldron into a state of normative contempt. Clearly, normative contempt allows the dominant White majority to disconnect themselves from the responsibility of resolving wrongs. Once again Anglos dehumanize Mexican Americans, and no longer consider the necessity of treating them as equals, thus the attitudes of normative contempt persist.30 The jury is still out on whether or not these attitudes will prevail, but they remain a viable research topic for others to pursue.

Indeed, the time for the Texas Rangers to atone for past historical injustices remains long overdue. While Radzik called upon atonement, she denounced humiliating non-perpetrators, stating that feelings of guilt, remorse, or repentance should be avoided. 232

Instead, feelings of regret, grief, shame, or empathy exemplified preferred atoning responses. In this case, regret, grief, or empathy represent valid responses to be shown by non-perpetrators belonging to the Texas Ranger group as they characterize compassionate, intimate participation and expressions of acknowledgment for faultless members. Radzik suggests non-perpetrating institutional members express these emotions to consummate moral atonement for historical wrongdoing, which previous Rangers definitely committed. Granted, others view current Rangers with suspicion for their group affiliation, but feelings of regret don’t imply personal wrongdoing, Radzik insists, because regret occurs in non-perpetrators. Although not a mark of judgment, grief also denotes an appropriate response because it exhibits caring and personal involvement while shame addresses whether or not current members share in the beliefs, behaviors, and character of the group. Empathy typifies the final emotion institutions like the Texas

Rangers should demonstrate, as their group violated more than a moral rule since they harmed or killed many innocent people.31 Numerous objections surface about the differing standards of the times versus modern day values, but Radzik questions the institutions themselves.

One must query why Texas allowed its state, county and local officials to continue with its wrongdoing? For example, the State persisted in its discriminatory practices despite changes in Civil Rights laws in 1964. The Civil Rights era enacted laws against disenfranchising African Americans. Yet those laws discriminated against

Mexican Americans for longer periods than African Americans as the US District Court established and admitted. Political gerrymandering continued to affect minority political representation in Texas and some argue it persists.32 Present day officials may claim the previous administrations were duty-bound to follow the laws of the state. Additionally, 233

educational disparity in poverty-stricken minority districts continues present day due to the 1973 United States Supreme Court ruling of San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez that stated education is not a constitutional right.33

Structural violence in the forms of environmental racism and racial stereotyping exploited Mexican American residents from San Antonio’s Westside and Southside over the decades. Faced with a cancer cluster, victims, activists, and researchers blamed Kelly

Air Force base’s egregious dumping of toxic substances into open pits that infiltrated underground aquifers. San Antonio officials contradicted the community’s claims by discrediting test results and disallowing its designation as a Superfund cleanup site and failed to acknowledge institutional guilt as Radzik suggests. It should be mentioned that although the topic of Kelly Air Force Base’s environmental racism charge warrants greater investigation, I cannot take it up here.34 Racial stereotyping plagues Mexicans

Americans as trauma studies conducted by Williams et al. indicated they remained at greater risk for this type of caustic racism. Latinos with darker phenotypes (typically dark skinned indigenous or Afro-Latino) suffered recurrent traumatic episodes of racial discrimination resulting in decreased life outcomes.35

In essence, contemptuous attitudes remained unchanged—even modern day legislation against those of Mexican heritage continues. A contemporary instance of structural violence—in particular the law passed in April 2010 by Arizona demanding proof of citizenship for undocumented immigrants—represents a topic that merits further investigation by other researchers as it directly impacts several Hispanic populations on the basis of racial stereotyping. At this juncture in time, institutions appear reluctant to admit wrongdoing as negative attitudes persist towards those perceived as undocumented immigrants.36 It only remains to be seen whether or not mass deportations under the 234

current administration will occur as they did during the 1930s and 1950s when citizens and immigrants alike were deported to Mexico.37 At this juncture in time, Mexican

Americans and the community at large must remain hyper-vigilant in promoting, protecting, and guarding the interests of its weakest minority group members to protect them from victimization.38

Moral Relationship Neo-Genesis: Apology

The broken moral relationships require repair and apology and represent part of the atonement process; therefore a formal apology should be offered to the Mexicans of

San Antonio by a prominent member of State, county, or local government such as the

Governor, county official or mayor. Currently I am unaware of any forms of repair such as formal apologies or acknowledgements by any governmental agencies that have been offered to Mexican Americans. Officials could display feelings of regret, grief, shame, or empathy as acceptable atoning reactions for they convey benevolent, personal involvement and are unobjectionable acknowledgments for faultless members. An apology should not contain excuses or counter-accusations as these do not encourage reconciliation.39

Several cases that require apology come to mind. State, county and local officials should acknowledge and address the following historical wrongs committed: racially restrictive housing covenants-segregation; deportation of Mexican Americans in 1920s and 1950s; policy brutality, lynching, genocide, pogroms; political gerrymandering; disfranchisement; educational inequality. The inequality that existed and that still exists for Mexican Americans remains a direct result of the racially motivated laws of the State.

It is my hope that my proposal will be accepted, especially as concerns apology. With the rise of younger Mexican Americans in politics—the new faces of Mexican American 235

politics has changed for the better. Perhaps the new political order will appreciate the value of such measures as I am advocating.40

Radzik and Walker argue that institutions guilty of wrongdoing must repair the relationship rent by racism and fully atone. Since these institutions meted out the discriminatory laws and enforced them, their members remain morally obligated to offer redress for past injustices. Duty-bound to help their group fulfill their responsibility—in this case the city and county—members such as the mayor, city council, and state/national congress people should offer atonement for wrongs committed since they chose to share in the identity of the guilty group. Institutions must apologize for past historical injustices as they symbolize those parties capable of such an act.

Apologies made, the task of reuniting severed ties requires re-fashioning into the new paradigm of moral relationship neo-genesis. I reiterate the importance of not merely re-bonding broken inequitable ties. Instead, moral relationship neo-genesis represents a new order, a new formation, a new fusion of equal partners demonstrating respect, neither subordinate to the other or in deference to the other. In this manner, mutually equitable unions will occur. Hope exists that the Mexican Americans of San Antonio and Texas will achieve atonement and moral repair to create a new moral model through moral relationship neo-genesis so they may finally begin to redress past and present wrongs as they look towards a more egalitarian future.

End Notes Chapter 6

1 Frantz Fanon, "On National Culture," in Colonial Discourse and Post-Colonial Theory, eds. Patrick Williams and Laura Chrisman (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994) 45.

236

2 Clack, “What Side;” Foy, “Detached;” Gambitta, Milne, and Davis, “Politics.”

3 Felman and Laub, “Testimony” 75-76; Walker, Moral Repair, 15

4 Walker, Moral Repair, 18-19

5 “Report on Redress: The Japanese American Internment,” accessed October 31, 2017, http://restorativejustice.org/rj-library/report-on-redress-the-japanese-american- internment/7758/#sthash.S2HVEsDU.dpbs.

6 Danny Lewis, “Five Times the United States Officially Apologized,” May 20, 2016, accessed October 31, 2017, https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/five- times-united-states-officially-apologized-180959254/.

7 Matt Kelly, “Indian Affairs Head Makes Apology,” September 8, 2000, accessed October 31, 2017, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp- srv/aponline/20000908/aponline153014_000.htm.

8 Rob Capriccioso, “A Sorry Saga: Obama Signs Native American Apology Resolution; Fails to Draw Attention to It,” January 13, 2010, accessed October 31, 2017, http://indianlaw.org/node/529.

9 Walker, Moral Repair, 6, 12-13, 15-19, 23, 165, 191, 226.

10 Radzik, Making Amends, 77, 184-188, 195-196.

11 Carroll, Felix Longoria; Clifton v. Puente, 1948; De Leon, Mexican Americans, 69; Gomez, 1943b; Oltorf, “Minority Report;” Reyna, 1948; Southside School Parents, 1948; United States District Court, W.D. Texas, Austin Division, "Graves V. Barnes Et Al.," Austin: Westlaw, 1972.

12 Walker, Moral Repair, 35, 226.

13 Ibid.

14 Carrigan and Webb, “Lynching” 2003, 412-418; Clifton v. Puente, 1948; Court of Civil Appeals of Texas, 1926; Court of Civil Appeals of Texas, 1930; Garwood, “Court Ruling” Atlanta Daily World; Gross, "The Caucasian Cloak," 340-341; Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 114, 262; In re Rodriguez, 81 F. 337 Westlaw (1897); Sanchez, “Good Neighbor,”1948; “Jim Crow, King Cotton,” The Pittsburgh Courier.

15 Russell, “Integration Difficult,” sec.1B, Express-News. In an article from the San Antonio Express-News, the paper reported racial segregation ran deep in the San Antonio community, despite numerous efforts by the Department of Housing & Urban Development (HUD) to integrate the city. San Antonio Housing Authority officials

237

defied the rulings to implement segregation, arguing they failed compatibility with the San Antonio locale.

16 Radzik, Making Amends, 77, 184-188, 195-196.

17 Walker, Moral Repair, 15.

18 Ibid., 209. Walker defined normative abandonment as a failure of the community to validate the victim’s claims. Claims made by an injured party may be ignored, or treated as unimportant. In some cases, charges may be refuted and perpetrators are sheltered instead. In the worst case, blame will rest upon the already traumatized individual. This normative abandonment in and of itself represents an added injury to the innocent victim.

19 Ibid, 19.

20 Ibid, 5, 18-19.

21 “About the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture,” New York Public Library, accessed February 15, 2015, https://www.nypl.org/about/locations/schomburg.

22 22 VOCES Oral History Project, Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas at Austin, accessed March 20, 2013, http://www.lib.utexas.edu/voces/about-project-bg.html.

23 It should be noted that many in San Antonio consider the Canary Islanders the “true” pioneers of San Antonio, but in reality it was the wives of the Mestizo soldiers who accompanied them to colonize the area.

24 Radzik, Making Amends, 185;Walker, Moral Repair, 6, 12-19, 23, 165.

25 Radzik, Making Amends, 77, 184-185.

26 Ibid.,195-196.

27 Carrigan and Webb, “Lynching,” 415-416.

28 These lynching statistics were from 1848-1879. William Carrigan and Clive D. Webb, “When Americans Lynched Mexicans,” New York Times, sec. A, February 15, 2015; Carrigan and Webb, “Lynching,” 2003, 414-416; Lamar 1839, 4; Radzik, Making Amends. 29 Janell Ross, “From Mexican Rapists To Bad Hombres, The Trump Campaign In Two Moments,” Washington Post, October 20, 2016.

30 Buitron, “Tejano Identity;” Walker, Moral Repair, 227-229. 238

31 Radzik, Making Amends, 187-188, 195-196; See Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela for an example of a chief assassin in state government taking the initiative to apologize to families wronged in South Africa, to commence the forgiveness process. Pumla Gobodo- Madikizela, "Remorse, Forgiveness, and Rehumanization: Stories from South Africa." Journal Of Humanistic Psychology 42, no. 1 (2002): 7-32.

32 Ross Ramsey, “Analysis: A Peculiar Way to Disenfranchise Voters,” Texas Tribune, November 9, 2015. Article discusses the 23rd Congressional District that stretches from San Antonio east to El Paso and south to the Mexican border as being one of the most volatile in Texas if not the nation. Ramsey cites how this district flip-flops between Republican and Democrats and how this instability denies voters in this district any true political representation in Washington, hence the disfranchisement.

33 Beverly Araujo and Lusia Borrell, "Understanding the Link between Discrimination, Mental Health Outcomes, and Life Chances among Latinos," Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 28, no. 2 (2006); Radzik, Making Amends;United States District Court, “Graves v. Barnes, 1972.

34 Don Finley, "Liver Cancer in Bexar County a Puzzle," Express-News, 2007, http://mysanantonio.com/news/metro/stories/MYSA09167.01BLiver_Cancer.33f665e.ht ml, accessed September 20, 2010; Greg M. Schwartz, "Crime Scene Cleanup," San Antonio Current, 2009, http://www.sacurrent.com/sanantonio/crime-scene- cleanup/Content?oid=2285971, accessed September 20, 2010; Steve Lerner, "San Antonio, Texas: Contamination from Kelly Air Force Base Is Suspected of Causing Sickness and Death among Residents in Adjacent Latino Community," Bolinas, CA: The Collaborative on Health and the Environment, 2007, https://www.healthandenvironment.org/docs/Kelly_AFB_Final.pdf; Brenda J. Mokry, Health : Health Outcome Data Evaluation, Kelly Air Force Base, San Antonio, Bexar County, Texas, Final Report. Atlanta, GA: Department of Health and Human Services Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry, 2005; Roddy Stinson, "Decade after Kelly AFB Expose, Health Questions Still Being Asked." San Antonio Express-News, 2007, 01B, mysa.com, accessed September 20, 2010.

35Williams, David R., Harold W. Neighbors, and James S. Jackson. "Racial/Ethnic Discrimination and Health: Findings from Community Studies." American Journal of Public Health 93, no. 2 (2003), 200-01.

36 Randal C. Archibold, "Arizona Enacts Stringent Law on Immigration," New York Times, April 24, 2010, http://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/24/us/politics/24immig.html?mcubz=1. Recent anti- immigration legislation passed in Arizona threatens and discrimination of those of Mexican heritage, despite their citizenship status. Arizona police officers are now allowed to detain anyone suspected of residing in AZ without documentation. Resident aliens must carry proof of their legal status, otherwise, they will be charged with a misdemeanor. Obviously, Mexican Americans with stronger racial/ethnic phenotypes will be profiled and subjected to greater discrimination. 239

37 Araujo and Borrell, “Understanding Link;” Archibold “Arizona,” 2010; Codina and Montalvo, “Chicano Phenotype,” 1994; De Leon, Mexican Americans, 1993, 176; Montalvo and Codina, “Skin Color,” 2001, 321-41; Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans, 383; Williams, Neighbors and Jackson, 2003, 200-06.

38 Archibold, “Arizona,” April 24, 2010; Bill Chappell, “Arizona Sheriff Joe Arpaio Hit with Federal Contempt Charge,” NPR.org, October 26, 2016. Stereotyping of those individuals with stronger racial phenotypes now occurs once again as in the past due to anti-immigration legislation passed in Arizona in 2010. This law threatens intimidation and discrimination of Hispanics, despite their citizenship status. Arizona law allows police officers to detain anyone suspected of residing in AZ without proper documentation based upon their physical appearance. Resident aliens must carry proof of their legal status, otherwise, they will be charged with a misdemeanor. Recent events in 2016 by the federal court system filed criminal contempt charges against Sheriff Arpaio for disobeying a judge’s orders to desist racial profiling.

39 Radzik, Making Amends, 189;Walker, Moral Repair, 28

40 Clack, “What Side” 2002; Luis L. Duplan, 1943; Edgewood v. Scott, 2011; Gambitta, Milne, and Davis, “Politics;” Ramos, 2001, 1; Reyna, “Students Denied Entry;” Sanchez, “Good Neighbor;” Richard Schragger, “San Antonio v. Rodriguez and the Legal Geography of School Finance Reform,” in Civil Rights Stories, ed. Myriam Gilles & Risa Goluboff, 1. 2008. SSRN. https://ssrn.com/abstract=1590405; Andy Kroll, January 23, 2015, “The Power of Two: Inside the Rise of the Castro Brothers. The Atlantic. https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/01/the-power-of-two-inside- the-rise-of-the-castro-brothers/440034/.

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CONCLUSION

My research study examined the Jim Crow historical era of 1876-1965 and the oral history portion was a qualitative one that gathered oral histories from Mexican

Americans who grew up in San Antonio, Texas during the Jim Crow era. I sought to determine if oral history could bestow victims of structural violence, in this case the

Mexican Americans of Texas, with the transitional/restorative justice process of moral repair. After extensively researching the history of Texas for all aspects of the Jim Crow laws and practices and their application to Mexican Americans, this group of narrators demonstrated they had been traumatized by racist de jure and de facto Jim Crow laws and practices before 1965 and merited further study. The narrators shared numerous instances of racist encounters they had experienced in a variety of settings. The discovery I made from my analysis was a minority community torn apart and fragmented by structural violence. I expected to see these results, but not on such a wide range and from all the narrators in both the Project Aztlan and UT Voces groups. No one was left unscathed; those narrators that were mistaken for Anglos because of their blond hair and blue eyes also suffered discrimination. Based upon the literature, I expected this minority community to be in need of restoration and reparation, and my expectations were met.

To date, no oral historian had studied the trauma of racism on Mexican Americans by the Jim Crow laws and practices, as it was an area ignored by Anglo scholarship. A lack of awareness on the part of many exists, as few know that Texas applied de-facto segregation upon its Mexican American citizenry. My study investigated the racial and

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socio-cultural history of Texas noting how these laws and practices traumatized the

Mexican American population. What I also discovered was that the vestiges of Jim Crow continued to affect them in unexpected areas.

I arrived at my conclusions about the oral histories from Project Aztlan and the

UT Voces group through the historical research I conducted, from trauma studies, and from transitional justice models. Several assumptions undergirded my study: that race and ethnicity are social constructs, that structural violence was embedded in the legal framework and institutions of Texas, both de-jure and de-facto. I concluded that the oral histories demonstrated several things: first, that the narrators and the community were victims of structural violence caused by the trauma of racism. Second, that the Jim Crow laws directly impacted individuals/community through racially restrictive housing covenants, segregation of public facilities, school segregation, job discrimination, and poll taxes. Third, that it established that the Mexican American community required redress. How could the oral history process assist victims? I concluded that the oral history process acted as a means of Margaret Urban Walker’s restorative justice method of moral repair. Oral history reunited the Project Aztlan narrators’ fractured moral relationships because they voiced their stories and had their claim validated and legitimated by the oral historian. By legitimating their claims, the oral history process provided narrators with a sense of vindication. The final step of reconciliation occurred when they gained vindication by being offered this form of reparation.

I concluded my study with a list of measures to assist the Mexican Americans of

Texas (San Antonio in particular) with reparatory processes. Linda Radzik’s reconciliation theory of interpersonal atonement fit the situation that existed in San

Antonio and Texas. This model specialized on societies crushed by human rights 242

violations of the past and sought apology from non-perpetrators belonging to historically guilty groups, in this case the state of Texas and the Texas Rangers, the county of Bexar, and the city of San Antonio. The atonement theory required apology, victim-centered respect, and a promise to alleviate the injustice. It is my hope some or all of these measures will be instituted for the benefit of Mexican Americans.

My findings challenge the history of Texas as proposed by Anglo historians.

Mainstream historians erased, downplayed or failed to acknowledge the racism shown against Mexican Americans in Texas and neglected to credit Mexican Americans with many or any historical contributions. My findings add to the body of literature on the history of racism in the Mexican American minority community such as the work performed by Arnoldo De Leon, David Montejano, Theresa Acosta, Matt Meier,

Feliciano Ribiera, Rodolfo Acuna, Richard Buitron, Jesus de la Teja, Laura Gomez,

Cynthia Orozco, Martha Menchaca, and Raul Ramos. My findings document how the Jim

Crow laws and practices affected the Mexican Americans of Texas, thus adding to the body of historical literature. As of this date, no one has performed an in-depth historical study of the Jim Crow era and Mexican Americans.

My findings add to the body of literature on structural violence by Johan Galtung and Paul Farmer. With the discovery of the new knowledge about the Jim Crow laws/practices and the effects of structural violence on the Mexican American community, its implications bring to the forefront that the laws/practices affected the

Mexican American community greater than Anglo literature suggests or admits. One must also consider the length of time the laws and practices affected the minority group as they remained for a longer period of time than most people realize, almost 100 years, if

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taken from period of 1879-1965, or longer if from 1836-1965, from time of the Alamo and the Texas Republic.

My findings also add to the body of oral histories of Mexican Americans living under Jim Crow laws. The major oral history study by Maggie Rivas Riviera from the

University of Texas, Austin Voces study originally focused on World War II Latino and

Latina veterans. The study expanded its breadth and now includes all Latino and Latina veterans from any period. Baylor University situates the largest and most comprehensive oral history program in the state and runs the Texas Oral History Association within its jurisdiction. They direct a major oral history training program and contain dedicated space to house oral histories and archival materials. My work adds to their body of knowledge. My work also adds to the oral histories from the University of Texas at San

Antonio and the Institute of Texan Cultures, especially because those programs focus on elite figures across the state rather than the non-elite.

I also highlighted potential study areas such as: Mexican Americans and the effect of environmental racism from Kelly Air Force Base’s toxic triangle. The Westside barrio area, which enveloped the now defunct Air Force base, was discovered to contain a toxic waste dump from years of chemicals being indiscriminately tossed there. As a result, cancer cases and deaths spiraled out of control and the area is considered a cancer cluster.

Residents are poor, under-educated and lack any political capital, thus their voices have not been heard. Another area that warrants further research would be to investigate the deleterious effects of the graphic novel Texas History Movies on multiple generations of

Mexican Americans that read it as part of the public school’s history curriculum.

Several different areas of scholarship will also benefit from my research: Oral history, Mexican American history, Texas history, and restorative justice. Oral historians 244

need to know the implications about what oral history offers to victims of trauma in the form of voice, validation, and vindication. Chicano historians need to know another scholar adds to the body of Chicano history, expanding its breadth on racism and structural violence in the Mexican American community. Historians need to take into account the experiences of Mexican Americans and how the Jim Crow laws and practices affected their lives in the past, present, and future. Ethicists focusing on minority communities requiring restorative justice will benefit as I’ve opened up another study area to pursue. Victimized much like African Americans, although not slaves, the

Mexican Americans nevertheless suffered the injustices of the Jim Crow system. In the past African Americans, Japanese Americans, and tribal peoples were considered the only group in need of redress by the Anglo government. My study demonstrated Mexican

Americans deserve acknowledgement for suffering under the Jim Crow laws/practices for over 100 years. The Project Aztlan study in concert with the UT Voces study was a good sample size and my analysis looked at a good representational slice of the MA community to prove the case for apology.

A continuation of the study would be in order, gathering oral histories from across

Texas to document the oppressive and lasting effects of the Jim Crow laws on Mexican

Americans throughout Texas. It should focus in particular on racially restrictive housing covenants and their past, present and future effects on the racial geography, Mexican schools, punishment or class segregation for speaking Spanish, and the utilization of

“IQ/Achievement” tests by Anglo school districts to limit or block Mexican American access to college prep programs or higher education, or to shuffle them to vocational programs.

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My study utilized a plethora of historical archive sources and I conducted my archival research from 2009-2010. I came to appreciate the broad range of research material at UT Austin’s Nettie Benson Latin American collection and the Dolph Briscoe

Center for American History with its Bexar Archives. I discovered that San Antonio lacks many historical resources on Mexican Americans, but am glad for the San Antonio Public

Library’s Mexican American section and their Texana/Genealogy collection to help fill a gap. As for the University of Texas at San Antonio, their branch of The Institute of Texan

Cultures archives contained one Mexican American oral history: labor leader Emma

Tenayuca.

One discovery saddened me: the dearth of scholarship on or by Mexican

Americans. A silence on the accomplishments of Mexican Americans in general also distressed me. With an eye on the future, as San Antonio’s Mexican American population grows, it is my hope that the University of Texas at San Antonio and other universities in

San Antonio will collect more oral histories on Latinos/Latinas and information on them and by them to equal the Nettie Benson Latin American collection. More importantly, my hope lies in future generations of Mexican Americans to access higher education, a dream they were once denied, so they may continue to improve and add to scholarship on this important minority group.

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APPENDICES

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Appendix A

Terminology

African American: A person with roots related to any of the Black racial groups of Africa. This term remains more contemporary in usage. Previously Whites called this group Negroes, but the minority group considers this term offensive. I will primarily defer to using the term Black as it refers to Black slavery that existed in the territory and state of Texas.

Anglo: Anglo refers to any English-speaking White person who is non-Mexican, non-Latino or non-Hispanic. For my purposes it includes Anglo Saxons or any White- skinned person from the United States or other European countries. Many study participants used the terms Anglo, White, Caucasian and American interchangeably. For my purposes I use Anglo to denote those individuals considered “White.”

America, American or Americano/a: It should be noted that the term

America/American includes Canada, Mexico, and every country all the way south to

Argentina. It also includes the terms North America, Central America, and South

America. Contemporary “American” citizens cannot be categorized by physical appearance due to the multiple peoples that make up the population of the US, however this was not the case after the fall of in the 1830s. Mexicans viewed those

English-speaking White people from the US as “Americanos.” This term denoted any

English-speaking White person from the United States. Many Mexican Americans still use American or Americano as synonymous for Anglo, White, or Caucasian, most especially within the Mexican American community and my narrators.

Barrio: A Spanish word for neighborhood. I use it to refer to the Mexican

American neighborhoods on San Antonio’s West side and South side. 248

Bejar or Bexar or San Antonio de Bejar: The original name for San Antonio during the Mexican colonial era. Anglos changed Bejar to Bexar and it became the name of the county where San Antonio remains the county seat.

Black: In the contemporary sense, any person of the African race or heritage. For my purposes it also refers to Black slaves who either fled to Mexico or who were slaves in pre and post Revolutionary Texas or the USA.

Caucasian: A term that most Whites use for self-labeling purposes that infers whiteness. In biological/anthropological terms the term represents a race of humankind that contains a vast number of peoples from Europe, North Africa and Asia. but as a racial group, includes peoples of different hues throughout the world. In legal terms, the

Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo granted citizenship to Mexicans after the Mexican

American War of 1846—considering them to be of the —which proved difficult for most Mexicans to prove in the courts. See Rodriguez v. Texas, 1897. Note:

Although Spaniards, Mexicans, Latinos, or Hispanics (and other ) supposedly came under the Caucasian umbrella the courts highly disputed this fact during the Jim

Crow era, especially for dark-skinned individuals. I acknowledge this term includes many peoples from all areas of the world, but again, for my purposes—during this time era, I used it within the whiteness context.

Chicana/o: Descriptor for Mexican Americans, usually from the 1960s onward.

For some, Chicano/a retains within its context a sense of ethnic pride, (Cesar Chavez and

La Raza Unida) while for others it represents a negative connotation. Several historians self-label themselves as Chicano/a historians, inferring that they specialize in Mexican

American history.

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Civil Rights Act of 1964: This act of Congress broadened the powers of the federal government to guarantee all citizens’ civil rights, especially African Americans.

This act assisted Mexican Americans also. The act created the Equal Employment

Opportunity Commission, prohibited discrimination in employment based upon race or gender and insisted upon equality of treatment in private businesses, like theaters, dining, and hotels and in public areas like beaches, pools, restrooms and water fountains. School desegregation proved a tougher nut to crack as school districts clung to the old ways, as did housing. The Civil Rights Act of 1968 centered on discrimination in housing, eradicating the racially restrictive housing covenants that banned certain minorities from neighborhoods.1

Coahuila-Tejas: The name for the northern Mexican state during Mexican colonial times, later known as Texas.

Cosmic race: The Mexican nation takes on the responsibility of forming what

Jose Vasconcelos called “the cosmic race:” the amalgamation of all four races into a new fifth race. Vasconcelos considered the Spaniards’ as creating a new race with the treasures of the indigenous and Black races. 2 They paved the way to a new racially inclusive humanity unlike the United States with its White Supremacist notions.3

De facto segregation: Segregation by common practice, or by private choice—as in the Terrell Wells Swimming pool case in San Antonio, where the court struck down the discrimination arguments based upon the rights of privately owned businesses to refuse service or admission to whom they pleased in their establishment.4 These practices proved stubborn to eradicate, and are still in covert practice in some areas of USA.

De jure segregation: Segregation of peoples based upon laws—as in Plessy v.

Ferguson—whereby rail road companies had to provide a separate rail car on all trains 250

specifically for the use of Blacks—and should be equal to that of Whites—hence the ruling.5 These laws were supposed to have been eliminated by the

Civil Rights Act of 1964, but many existed beyond that date.

Greaser: A derogatory term coined by racists for a person of Mexican heritage.

Hispanic: An individual with Spanish language or cultural origins. It includes anyone who comes from Spain or any of the Spanish colonies. The United States Census

Bureau began using Hispanic in 1970 to clump together all Spanish-speaking peoples regardless of their country of origin.6 The term represents various ethnicities and races within its context and seeks to homogenize all who retain Spanish ancestry under a common identity—usually in a subordinate role in contrast to Whites.

Jim Crow laws (): These racial segregation laws arose from the Black

Codes that had been in effect from the 1800s to the end of the Civil War in 1865. During the Reconstruction period from 1865-1876, the Black Codes abated as troops implemented reformation of the South’s governmental system. When government oversight ceased, the racially biased laws crept back into practice. Jim Crow laws enforced the separation of Blacks and Whites in public facilities like schools, government buildings, transportation, restaurants, theaters, water fountains and bathrooms. Many of these Jim Crow (Juan Crow) laws applied to people of Mexican descent. Some laws— known as racially restrictive housing covenants—restricted minorities from living in certain areas. The dissolution of most of these laws occurred in 1964 with the Civil

Rights Act.

Latino/a: An individual of Latin American origins. It includes anyone who comes from Central or South America. The United States Census Bureau clusters

Latino/Hispanic/Spanish together eliminating the country of origin. Latino/a represents 251

various ethnicities and races under a common identity. Some writers further delineate into Afro-Latino/a to include black roots as some seek to erase this historical truth.

Mestizo/a, Afro-Mestizo/a: A person of mixed racial ancestry. The term Mestizo refers to a mixture of two or more groups—Indigenous, Spanish, or African. Several authors expand the term to include Afro-Mestizo/a, acknowledging the fusion of Spanish,

Black and/or indigenous backgrounds. Blacks from Mexico had been introduced as slaves during colonial times although some participated in the Aztec Conquest (1519). Some disregard the African roots of Mestizos, while others view this oversight as a racist historical omission.

Mexican: A person from Mexico. During the years after the USA takeover of

Tejas, Anglos lumped Mexicans and Mexican Americans together without considering

US citizenship status and the term became a racial slur to represent anyone with a

Spanish surname or dark skin. Currently, some Mexican Americans use it to self-label all people of Mexican heritage.

Mexican American: A citizen of the United States of Mexican heritage. To avoid confusion, after the takeover by the USA of Mexican Tejas and the Treaty of Guadalupe

Hidalgo, I use the term Mexican American to refer to all people of Mexican heritage living in Texas.

Native American: An original dweller of lands in the Americas. The terms

Native American, tribal peoples, or indigenous peoples will be used synonymously to represent the group. These terms include a multitude of different tribes from the

Algonquin to the Comanche to the Yaqui of Mexico. For my purposes, it includes those tribes that inhabited the Tejas territory, pre/post USA annexation.

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Phenotype: For my purposes, phenotype refers to skin color and physical features, in particular of Mexican Americans. Exhibiting a wide variance from light skinned Europeans to indigenous peoples of Mexico to Africans, this racial/ethnic group contains mixtures of Whites, Indians, and Blacks. Phenotyping refers to the act of assigning life chances based upon an individual’s skin color or physical features. The darker the hue, the worse the life chances, or the greater the racism experienced as described by several research studies.

Peon: The lower, peasant class in Mexico of Mestizo background, usually those that worked the land. They held one of the lowest positions in Spanish society.

Racially restrictive housing covenants: A type of Jim Crow law, these local ordinances prohibited minorities from living in certain neighborhoods in an effort to segregate Blacks or Mexican Americans from living near Whites. The Anglo population in San Antonio used these ordinances to effectively confine minorities to certain geographic areas of the city—the effects of these laws are still visible.

Spaniard: A native of Spain. In the New World, Spaniards enjoyed the uppermost tier of the hierarchal ladder of race and class. Their children—called criollos or creoles—didn’t enjoy the same social status, but were nonetheless at one of the top tiers of the social ladder.

Tejas: Spanish word for the territory of Texas, during colonial times under

Spanish/Mexican rule. For clarity’s sake, I use Tejas to refer to the Mexican colony, and

Texas to refer to the Republic, and state.

Tejana/o: This word contains multifaceted levels of meaning. 1. During Mexico’s rule of Texas, a Mexican resident of Coahuila-Tejas. The term included all citizens within this framework, not only Spaniards, but Afro-Mestizos, Mestizos, tribal groups 253

and the various combinations. 2. During the Republic of Texas’s rule, and US rule, this term came to signify those people of Mexican descent that were residents of the state. 3.

The contemporary use of this term represents a Mexican American citizen who resides in the state of Texas and denotes a sense of ethnic/cultural/state pride.

Texan: This term has multiple layers of meaning. 1. During Republic/US annexation: An Anglo who resided in Texas of settler/citizen status. The term denoted those with White skin color. 2. More recently, any citizen from the State of Texas, regardless of race, color or ethnicity.

Texas: Refers to the Republic of Texas, or the State of Texas that was annexed into the United States in 1846. For the sake of clarity, I will use the term Tejas when discussing the Mexican colony and Texas for the Republic, and the USA state, unless otherwise noted.

Texas Republic: The genesis of the Texas Republic occurred in 1836 when its

Anglo leaders declared secession from Mexico. The Republic lasted ten years.

US, USA or United States of America: It should be noted that the term United

States can also include los Estados Unidos de Mexico or the United States of Mexico. I use USA for ease of purpose and in keeping with the Mexican states.

White: A person of Anglo Saxon origin. This term denotes any white-skinned

English-speaking person from the United States, including those of European origin, who is of non-Mexican, non-Latino/a or non-Hispanic origin. It is used synonymously for the term Anglo, American, and Caucasian most especially within the Mexican American community.

.

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1 . Matt S. Meier and Margo Gutierrez, Encyclopedia of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2000), 54-55.

2. Jose Vasconcelos, “The Cosmic Race,” in The Mexico Reader, ed. Gilbert M. Joseph and Timothy J. Henderson (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002), 17-19.

3. John C. Calhoun, “Address to Thirtieth Congress” in National Era, January 6, 1848, ProQuest. In an 1848 Congressional address, Calhoun said US belonged to the White race.

4. "Terrell Wells Swimming Pool et al. v. Rodriguez," Court of Civil Appeals of Texas, San Antonio, 1944, LexisNexis; Mark V. Tushnet, "Segregation." Dictionary of American History, ed. by Stanley I. Kutler, 3rd ed. vol. 7, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 2003. 301-304. US History in Context, http://ic.galegroup.com/.

5. "Plessy V. Ferguson," Records of the Supreme Court of the United States, Washington, DC: National Archives, May 18, 1896, 163, http://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?doc=52&page=transcript; Tushnet, “Segregation,” 301-304.

6. Oboler, Ethnic Labels, vii.

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Appendix B

Example 1:

Table 1

Mexican and African American Victims of Lynching per 100,000 of Population

Mexican African American Time Period Lynching Victims Lynching Victims Per 100,000 Per 100,000

1848-1879 473 52.8

1880-1930 27.4 37.1

Table 2 The Lynching of Persons of Mexican Origin: Lynchings of Mexicans by State

State Number of Lynchings

Texas 282 California 188 Arizona 59 New Mexico 49 Colorado 6 Nevada 3 Nebraska 2 Oklahoma 2 Oregon 2 Kentucky 1 Louisiana 1 Montana 1 Wyoming 1

In William D. Carrigan and Clive Webb, "The Lynching of Persons of Mexican Origin or Descent in the United States, 1848-1928," Journal of Social History 37, no. 2 (2003) 414- 415, accessed 22-01-2010, JSTOR.

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Example 2: Census Report of the Jurisdiction of Bexar, 1783.

Manuel Delgado, Census Report of the Jurisdiction of Bejar, 1783, Bexar Archives, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, Texas.

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Example 3: Mirabeau Lamar to Texas Congress, 1838. “Extermination and extinction of Indians of Texas”.

Mirabeau Lamar to Texas Congress, 1838, House Journal, Third Congress, Archives and Information Services Division, Texas State Library and Archives Commission. Austin, Texas.

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Example 4: NO DOGS, NEGROS, MEXICANS.

This old restaurant sign (unframed) was from the Lonestar Restaurants Assn. Dallas, Tx.

Feb 20, 1942.

NO DOGS, NEGROS, MEXICANS. Lonestar Restaurant Association, Dallas, Texas.

Printed “Jim Crow” sign, n.d., Black History Collection, Manuscript Division, Library of

Congress (024.00.00). http://www.loc.gov/exhibits/civil-rights-act/segregation- era.html#obj024

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Example 5: Discrimination. Dimmitt, Texas.

This is a small, west Texas wheat town with practically no permanent Spanish-American population. The sign is meant for the migratory agricultural worker. 1949.

Russell Lee Photograph Collection, (rwl14646_0038), Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, San Antonio Gallery, http://www.cah.utexas.edu/ssspot/detail.php?work_urn=urn%3Autlol%3Alee.rwl14646_ 0037&city=sanantonio&keywords=&page=.

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Example 6: US Census Bureau listing “Mexican” as a Racial Category.

“For the first and only time, ‘Mexican’ was listed as a race. Enumerators were to record all persons who had been born in Mexico or whose parents had been born in Mexico and who did not fall into another racial category as ‘Mexican.’”

US Census Bureau, “Statistics of Mexican, Indian, Chinese and Japanese Families,” Table 27, 1930,199, https://www.census.gov/history/www/through_the_decades/index_of_questions/1930_1. html

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Example 7: Reclassification of Mexicans as White by US Census Bureau, 1940.

(Figures for white population in 1930 have been revised to include Mexicans who were classified with ‘Other races’ in the 1930 reports. Figures for 1850…not shown where less than 0.1 or where base is less than 100. Sex ratio not shown where number of females is less than 100).

US Census, “Characteristics of the Population: Table 4-5-Race by Nativity and Sex, for the State: 1850 to 1940,” 762, https://archive.org/stream/sixteenthcensuso24unit/sixteenthcensuso24unit_djvu.txt

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Archival Sources

Adams, John Quincy. John Quincy Adams Letter. Natchez Trace Collection: Louisiana Purchase. Dolph Briscoe Center for American History. The University of Texas at Austin. Austin, Texas.

Burleson, Commander-in-Chief Edward. Volunteer Army of Texas. The Fall of Bejar. Broadside Collection. Vandale Collection. Dolph Briscoe Center for American History. University of Texas at Austin. Austin, Texas.

Calderon, Miguel. Report of the Consul General of Mexico in San Antonio, Texas to the Good Neighbor Commission of Texas at Their Metting Held on March 26th, 1948. George I. Sanchez Papers. Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection. General Libraries. University of Texas at Austin. Austin, Texas.

Commonwealth of Massachusets. Resolutions of the General Assembly of Massachusetts, Adverse to the Annexation of Texas to the United States. Broadside Collection. Dolph Briscoe Center for American History. University of Texas at Austin. Austin, Texas.

Cortina, Juan Nepomuceno. “Proclamation of 1859.” History Resource Center. http://galenet.galegroup.com.ezproxy.fau.edu/servlet/HistRC? locID=gale15691.

Delgado, Manuel. Census Report of the Jurisdiction of Bejar, 1783. Bexar Archives. Dolph Briscoe Center for American History. University of Texas at Austin. Austin, Texas.

Duplan, Luis L., Consul of Mexico. Letter to George I. Sanchez from Mexican Consul. In George I. Sanchez Papers. Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection. General Libraries. University of Texas at Austin. Austin, Texas.

“From The Rio Grand: The Border War-United States Troops in Mexico-the Recent Fight.” New York Times, April 2, 1860, 1. ProQuest Historical Newspapers.

George I. Sanchez Papers. Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection. General Libraries. University of Texas at Austin. Austin, Texas.

Gomez, Modesto. LULAC: Letter to George I. Sanchez re: defendant Serapio Sanchez. George I. Sanchez Papers. Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection. General Libraries. University of Texas at Austin. Austin, Texas. 263

___. LULAC: Letter to Mr. G. Louis Joughin, November 20, 1943. George I. Sanchez Papers. Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection. General Libraries. University of Texas at Austin. Austin, Texas.

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