Personal Names in the Western Roman World.
Proceedings of a Workshop convened by Torsten Meißner, José Luis García Ramón and Paolo Poccetti, held at Pembroke College, Cambridge, 16–18 September 2011
edited by Torsten Meißner
Studies in Classical and Comparative Onomastics I
2012 Bibliographische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutschen Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliographie; detaillierte bibliographische Daten sind im Internet unter hp://dnb.ddb.de abruar.
Torsten Meißner (editor): Personal Names in the Western Roman World. Personal Names in the Western Roman World. Proceedings of a Workshop convened by Torsten Meißner, José Luis García Ramón and Paolo Poccei, held at Pembroke College, Cambridge, – September
Studies in Classical and Comparative Onomastics, edited by Torsten Meißner: Volume . ISSN: - ISBN: ----
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Printed in Germany Preface ...... ix
General Topics and Methodology . Heikki Solin: Do We Need a New Latin Onomasticon? ...... 3 . Marie-érèse Raepsaet-Charlier: ‘Decknamen’, Homophony, Assonance: an Appraisal of Consonance Phenomena in Onomastics of the Roman Empire ...... 11 . Monique Dondin-Payre: Les processus d’adaptation des onomastiques indigènes à l’onomastique romaine ...... 25
Italic Languages . Katherine McDonald: Do Personal Names in South Oscan Show Influence from Greek? ...... 41 . Paolo Poccei: Personal Names and Ethnic Names in Archaic Italy ...... 59 . Giovanna Rocca: L’onomastica nelle iscrizioni del Piemonte orientale ...... 85 . José Luis García Ramón: Antrophonymica Italica: Onomastics, Lexicon, and Languages in Contact in Ancient Italy: Latin and Sabellic names with /Op-/ and /Ops-/ ...... 109
Latin and Greek . Frédérique Biville: Un défi pour l’anthroponymie latine: Les noms grecs féminins en -o ...... 127 . Felicia Logozzo: Greek Personal Names in Southern Italy: Aspects of Continuity and Differentiation ...... 141
Celtic and Germanic . Patrick Sims-Williams: Celtic Personal Names ...... 151 . Jürgen Zeidler: Gallo-Roman Aristocracy and the Gaulish Language ...... 167 . Torsten Meißner: Germanic and Celtic Naming Traditions ...... 179 . Daniel Kölligan: Germanic Personal Names in Latin Inscriptions: Names of the Germani cisrhenani and the Ubii ...... 199
Minor Languages . Dan Dana: La différenciation interne de l’onomastique thrace ...... 223 . David Stier: On the Linguistic Situation of Roman-period Ig ...... 247
07 José L. García Ramón Anthroponymica Italica. Onomastics, Lexicon, and Languages in Contact in Ancient Italy: Latin and Sabellic names with /Op-/ and /Ops-/*
1. A series of personal names, namely praenomina (P) and gentilicia (G), aested in Latin and in Sabellic languages, have in common a first syllable /Op-/ and /Ops-/, which may be recognized as underlying the different spellings aested in the epigraphical texts as well as in the Latin literary sources. e dossier shows a considerable variety of form- ations, which for most of them display current derivative suffixes, some of them charac- teristically onomastic. In any case, some of the forms aested reflect an odd combination of current suffixes while other names simply remain obscure. e basic form underlying the different types that may be stated using a first, purely formal approach, are as in Table I, which includes Latin and Sabellic names successively in alphabetical order.
Lat. Opellius (§ .) Lat. Opiter (P) (: Ὀπίτερος § .) Lat. Opsturius (G) and probably Ostorius, Ostorius (§ ) Lat. ᾿Οπίτωρ (P), Ὀπιτώριος (G) (§ .) O. ouries (G) /Opto:r-/ (: Optorius) (§ .) O. úpfals-, ufal(i)ies (G) /Opfals-/ (: Ofalius, Ofel(l)ius, Offelius, § ) O. oπιεσ (G) (§ .), úppiis… (P) /Opijo-/ (: Oppius) O. upils, úpil (P) /Opi(:)lo-/ (: Opillus), O. úpiḷ[iú]m (G) /Opi(:)l-ijo-/, O. úp]illiunị s-̣ (G) /Opi(:)lio:n-ijo-/ (§ .) O. úpsim, οψιον (P), úpsiis, úpsim, úpsiiúí (G) /Opsijo-/ (: Opsius) (§ )
Table 1: Latin and Sabellic names in Op-, Ops- NB. Latin forms matching Sabellic names are given in brackets. is is simply a statement of facts and does not mean that this is necessarily a Sabellic form in Latin.
e aim of this article is to establish the appurtenance of each of the different types to one (or, in some cases, more than one) lexical item, and to determine their types of formation and, eventually, their meanings. Τwo points must be stressed at the outset. First, purely formal similarity does not prove etymological connection or common belonging to the same lexeme: this is the case in e.g. Lat. Opiter and ᾿Οπίτωρ (§§ , .) or in Lat. Opstorius, Ostorius (§§ , ) and O. ouries (: Optorius). Secondly, it is obvious that the status of the person bearing the name within the society, his geographical origin and its implications
* It is a pleasant duty to express my gratitude to Alan J. Nussbaum and Michael Weiss (Cornell) for their remarks and criticism, as well as to Karolina Gierej and especially Lena Wolberg (Köln) for their invaluable help in the material preparation of the manuscript.
Torsten M (ed): Personal Names in the Western Roman World, Studies in Classical and Comparative Onomastics 1, (Berlin: 2012): pp. 109–123. José L. García Ramón
in all respects are certainly of interest for the synchronic connections in the Roman and Italic history. However, these aspects have nothing to do with (and are of no help for) the etymology and with the linguistic characterization of the name.
2. A theoretical starting point of this research is the rejection of the wide-spread tendency to favour the economy of hypothesis. is can hardly work for personal names with /op-/, whatever their structure may be: they may a priori be traced back to, at least, four IE different lexemes, which are all, to a different extent, reflected in Italic languages:¹ (a) IE*h₃ep- ‘(to work, produce in) abundance’, *h₃épes- ‘abundance’ (: PItal. *op-,*op- s-). As to IE *h₃ep- cf. Lat. ops ‘richness’, ‘aid’ (and fem. theonym Ops, Opis), opēs ‘financial resources’ (and cōpis ‘rich’ vs. inops ‘poor’). As to *h₃ép-es- cf. Lat. opus ‘work’ : Ved. ápas- ‘id.’ (and apás- ‘active’), Av. huuāpah- ‘having good riches’, also Hi. ḫappina- ‘rich’, Skr. ápnas- ‘property’, YAv. afnaŋhaṇt- ‘rich in properties’. As to PItal. *op- cf. the denominative *opes-ā-, assured by O. opsa- : Lat. operāre ‘to build, prepare’ (perf. ʳᵈ sg. O. úpsed / upsed / uupsed, .pl. -ens, impv. ʳᵈ sg. U. osatu, with perf. pret. ptc. U. oseto- (*opes-eto-).² (b) IE*h₁op(i)- /*h₁ep-í (: PItal. *op-)³ ‘thereupon, in addition, later’, ‘back, behind’, ‘on, over’, e.g. Gk. ὀπί/ἐπί, ὄπισθεν ‘behind’, with an obscure variant *ops- (ὀψέ ‘late’), Hi. appan ‘behind’, appa ‘backwards’, Lyc. epñ ‘back, aer’ (§ .). e form is reflected in Lat. ob (and obs °), but with a different meaning ‘to(wards), in front o’, e.g. obdō ‘to place something as a barrier’ (*°dʰh₁-o/e-), oscen ‘a (song-)bird giving omens by its cry’ (*obs-can-) ostendere (*obs-tend-) ‘to show, reveal’ (also as a preposition taking the accusative ‘because o’), as well as in Sabellic, cf. O. úp, op ‘in, to’, ‘beside’, ooserclom-e (*op-seritlo-, cf. Lat. obseruaculum),⁴ also as a preposition ‘at’, ‘apud’ (with ablative). (c) IE*h₁op-/*h₁p- ‘to take’ (: PItal. *op-/*ap-), e.g.⁵ Hi. ēp-/app- ‘seize’, Ved. perf. ā´pa ‘has taken’ (also pres. apnóti AV) : YAv. āpa. In Italic, cf. Lat. apiō ‘fasten, aach’, apiscor ‘to reach’, also optāre ‘to choose, wish’,⁶ optiō ‘choice’, U. impv. upetu /ope:-/ ‘should select’ (*h₁op-éie̯ -),⁷ O. hipid ‘should take’. (d) IE*h₃ek-̯ ‘to see, get in sight’ (: Gk. ὄσσομαι etc.), *h₃ek-s-̯ (-s- desiderative rather than -s-extension) fut. ὄψομαι, YAv. āxšaiia- ‘to watch, guard’‚ Ved. ī´kṣ-a- (*h₃i-
1 Whether the lexemes are otherwise reflected in Latin or in Sabellic is in itself irrelevant, as isolated names may be an unus testis of inherited terms which had been lost in the Italic languages and replaced by others. 2 O. ui- semantically matches ops ‘help’ (gen. ueis in ueis pidum ‘quid opis’ ‘some help’) and pl. opēs ‘resources’ (nom. pl. uhis ‘opēs’), as shown by W a: ff. 3 For a detailed analysis cf. H , M D . 4 U Wörterbuch s.v. ooserclom (p. f. ‘vielleicht “Ort, wo man beobachtet”… zu servā- sta seri- …’). 5 It matches * . op- P IEW (‘auswählen, den Vorzug geben, vermuten’). 6 Lat. opīnārī ‘to think’, which is usually assumed to belong to optāre, may be a denominative to an adjective *op-eino̯ - ‘having a thought / expectation’ (Alan Nussbaum per lieras electronicas): according to him, *op-eino̯ - is a possessive compound of the type ἔν-θεος, where the second member °eino- is the noun seen in the phrase en manom einom ‘for a good thought, for a good intention’ of the Duenos inscription. 7 W a: ff. Anthroponymica Italica …
h₃ks-ó/é̯ -) ‘id.’. e lexeme is reflected in Italic only in nominal forms, namely Lat. oculus.
For some of the forms included in the types set up in § one single interpretation, at the exclusion of all others, oen turns out to be impossible. is is characteristically the case with the names with initial /Ops-/ (§ ), actually reflecting the lexical items (a) and (b), which have forms with both /op-/ and /ops-/, cf. Gk. ὀπί, ὄπισθεν and ὀψέ, as well as Lat. ops and opus, operāre : O.U.ops(a)-.
3. Before going into the discussion of the different names, an important point regard- ing those with /Ops-/ and with /Op(e)lo-/ must be stressed: they may belong to (a) *h₃ep- (Lat. ops), *h₃épes- (Lat. opus) fit into the paern of the Caland system, as shown by some instances (s. Table ):
CéC-es- CeC-s-ó- *-(e)lo/eh₂- *u̯ét-es- *u̯et-s-ó- *u̯et-elo-⁸ Gk. ἔτoς Ved. vatsá- ‘yearling, cal’⁹ U. (ϝ)ἔτελoν ‘id.’, Lat. uitulus, uesuna- ‘Lady of the Year’¹⁰ uitellus
*ud-es- *ud-s-ó- Loc. ὕδει (Hsd.) Ved. útsa- ‘source, spring, fountain’
*nébʰ-es- *nebʰ-s-ó- *nebʰ-eleh₂ Hi. Nēpiš ‘sky’ –- νεφέλη ‘cloud’ (Welsh nyfel, Gk. νέφoς ‘cloud’ ON njōl ‘darkness’)
*h₂éu̯-es- ‘wind’ *h₂eu̯-s-ó- *h₂eu̯-elo/(e)h₂- [Hom. δυσαής ] –- ἄελλα, Welsh awel ‘wind’
*déu̯h₁-es- ‘sinking’ *deu̯h₁-s-ó/éh₂- *déu̯h₁-elo/eh₂- Av. daoša-tara- ‘evening’ *δέ(F)ελoς (A. δείλη) ‘late Ved. doṣā´- ‘id.’ aernoon’¹¹ Table 2: Some derivations in the Caland system
8 Cf. the place-name O. Vitel(l)iú ‘Italia’ (U. uitlu- :*u̯et-(e)lo-, cf. Gk. (ϝ)ἔτελον, ἔταλον beside Goth. wiÞrus ‘lamb’), and also the gentilicia Vetlius, Vitlius, Vetulius, Vitulius and Vitullius (Istria). 9 Actually ‘of the current year’ (cf. CLuv. ušša- ‘year’, HLuv. u-sa/i-, Lyc. uhe/i-), Ved. vatsará- ‘year’ (pari° ‘complete year’, sam° ‘course of the year’), also ‘fih (sixth) year in the cycle of five (six) years’, beside Skt. vatsalá- ‘aached to her cal’. 10 As per W a: ff.: PSab. *u̯es(s)ọ̄nā-, U. dat. vesune (also Marsian) from *u̯etsōnā- ‘Herrin des Jungviehs’ (H. Rix apud M : f.). 11 Cf. also Myc. e-u-de-we-ro /E⁽ʰ⁾u-dewelo/ (place name), Hom. εὐδείελον (<ει> for metrical lengthened /e/). On IE *deu̯h₁- (Gk. aor. ἔδῡν) cf. G R –: f. José L. García Ramón
Accordingly, one may assume for *h₃ep(es)- a system with¹²
*h₃épes- *h₃eps-ó- *h₃ep-elo- Lat. opus → /Opsio-/ /Op-elo-/
e Italic evidence for *CVC-so/ā- in the framework of the system is scanty, but clear. As to the type *CVC-s-ó- cf. O. úpfals as the outcome of *op-fallo- either from *opfalso-, namely *°fals-s- (cf. θάλος ‘sprout’) or from *op-fal- (cf. Lat. °f°lōs, O. Fluusaí ‘Florae’, as suggested by M. Weiss, cf. § ).
4. Let us start with names that allow for an interpretation as belonging with certainty to one of the lexical items mentioned in § . In what follows it will be argued that Lat. Opellius and O. úppiis (: Lat. Oppius) belong to (a) *op(es)-, Lat. Opiter to (b) *op(i), ᾿Οπίτωρ to (c) op-/ap- , O. ouries (: Optorius) to (d) *ok-.̯
4.1. e names with /Op-elo-/ (Lat. Opellius) and /Op-ijo-/ (Oscan, Lat. Oppius), and /Opi(:)lo-/, /Opillo-/ (O. úpils, Lat. Opillus ) are unmistakably derivatives of (a) /op-/ ‘richness’ (type Lat. ops, -is). Lat. Opellius may be interpreted as an *-iio-̯ derivative of */Op-ello-/, the outcome of *op-el-elo-, a diminutive in *-(e)lo-¹³ of a derivative *op-elo-. is form is actually not aested, but may be safely assumed in the framework of the Caland system.¹⁴ e type /Op-ijo-/ (O. úppiis¹⁵ P, oπιεσ P/G : Lat. Oppius), well aested among the Frentani, and in Campania (Cumae, Capua, Pompei), Sicily (Entella), Latium (Prae- neste),¹⁶ reflects a *-iio-̯ derivative of PItal. *op-. e type O. upils, úpil (P) in Samnium, Campania, Cumae, and Capua,¹⁷ also Lat. Opillus, conceals the basic form on which have been formed the derivatives /Opi:lijo-/ (O. úpiḷ[iú]m G) and /Opi(:)lijo:n-ijo-/ (O. úp]illiunị ṣ ). is basic form may be traced back either to *op-n-elo- or to *opī-lo-. Anyway, under either scenario the geminate
12 A first member of compound *h₃opi° (opi°) is a priori also possible, although there is no clear evidence for it. 13 Cf. Lat. catellus (*kat-el-elo-) beside catulus. 14 A connection with opulus ‘small tree, a kind of maple’ (: ‘Acer opalus’) may be mentioned here, but remains open. is term, assigned to the Mediolanenses by Varro, is probably Celtic. 15 With strong articulation of /p/ in the context /___ jV (by secondary yotisation of /i/ (/__ijV: /opijo-/), on which cf. G R . 16 οπιεσ (G) Lu , úppiis (P) Cp , upii[s] Po (P/G), uppieis Cm C (gen.). For the data cf. S : , S : . 17 Cf. upils (P) Cm , úp(i)l Sa . tSa ; úpil(eís) Cp . (gen.), úpiḷ[iú]m (G) Po , [úp]illiunị ṣ (G) Cm . Cf. S : , S : . 18 is -n- points either to a -r/n- heteroclitic (R : ) or to a stem in -r- (Hi. ḫāppar, dat.- loc. -ari ‘business, compensation’) beside another in -(e)n- (Hi. ḫappina- ‘rich’, adj. ḫappinant- matching Lat. opulentus as per S : ff.). Anthroponymica Italica …
Opillus phonetically (cf. *sig-n-elo- > sigillus).¹⁹ Under this assumption, Sabellic /Opillo-/ would be a borrowing from Latin. A putative base form *opī-lo- could be interpreted as a derivative in -lo-²⁰ (i.e. transpos- able as *h₃epih₁-lo-) built on a deinstrumental stem *opī- (*-ih₁-), like opīmus ‘fat’, ‘rich’ (*opī-mo-) or Gk. πῑ-μελής ‘id.’. In any case, cogent evidence for a stem *opi- or for *opı̄ (and for a ‘Transponat’ *h₃ep-ih₁) is lacking.²¹ Another possibility remains open if one alternatively assumes that O. upil- conceals /Opi:lo-/, namely that it could be the out- come of *opii-elo̯ - (an -(e)lo-diminutive of *opiio-̯ ).²² In this case, Lat. Opillus could either reflect the outcome of an -(e)lo-diminutive of *opīlo- (*opīle-lo-), or be a formal variant of /Opi:lo-/ with a geminate.
4.2. e MN Opiter, gen. -t(e)ris is epigraphically aested (Venetia, Istria, Campania) and also found in the Grammarian tradition.²³ It is probably the same as Ὀπίτερος, the name of a Latin consul (cf. Diod. Sic. Bibl. Hist. ..: μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Ἀθήνησι μὲν ἦρχεν Ἀλκαῖος, ἐν Ῥώμῃ δὲ ὑπῆρχον ὕπατοι Ὀπίτερος Λουκρήτιος καὶ Λεύκιος Σέργιος Φιδηνιάτης) may be connected with (and be the Greek counterpart o) Opiter.²⁴ Lat. opiter was understood as a designation of a son born aer the father’s death, and having a living grandfather.²⁵ On the strength of this meaning, opiter has been explained as a compound *au̯o-pater-(auus, pater) ‘whose father is a grandfather’. However, a (non- urban) development *au > ō is excluded in view of the short scansion of /o-/ in Silius Italicus (.. sternuntur leto atque Opiter, quos Setia colle).²⁶ In fact, the MN Opiter may be analysed as a relic adjective *op-tero- ‘the one aer/behind’ (: OHG aara, s. below, a contrastive *-tero-formation built on (b) *op(i)- ‘later’ as I have tried to show.²⁷ e ‘Entgleisung’ of *op-tero- into the ʳᵈ declension (cf. gen. -t(e)ris instead of opitrī) is the result of a secondary connection (‘Gelehrtenetymologie’) with pater. is interpretation fits into word-formation paerns. Lat. -ter as the outcome of contrastive *-tero- is regular, cf. for instance, Alter, Dexter, Magister, Minister, Noster (all of them used as names too). To these names may be added the isolated Praenomen Ferter (Ferter Resius Rex Aequeicolus ILLRP : Rome, ˢᵗ cent. BC),²⁸ which may easily be
19 W : . 20 Adjectives in -(°)lo- are also frequent from verbal roots (e.g. figulus), but this is hardly conceivable in this type of lexeme. 21 e possibility of an independent instrumental in -ī (*-ih₁) to an -o-stem (as Hi. nakkī- ‘heavy, important’, i.e. *‘with heaviness’) to nakki- (ntr.) ‘heaviness’ and *nakka- ‘violence’ (W : ) must remain hypothetical. 22 A. Nussbaum per lieras. In this case, opīmus would remain apart. 23 Gen. Opiteris or Opitris (GL II ), abl. Opitre[?] Festus p. L, also gen. Opetris in abbreviations (S : f.). 24 e MN Ὀπίτωρ is surely not connected with Opiternius (or Opicernius as per S : ), the name of a Faliscan (Liv. .) nor with Gr. Ὀπίτης (Il. .), a derivative of ὄπις ‘looking at’, ‘revenge’ (cf. Hom. Δηι-οπίτης). 25 Cf. e.g. Lib.praen.: Opiter
equated with Hom. φέρτερος ‘beer, prominent’ (*bʰér-tero-), and connected with Hom. φέρτατος and φέριστος (: MN Φέριστος Plut.), which matches in turn JAv. (º)bairišta- (x) ‘prominent’ (cf. especially the use as voc. bairišta : Hom. φέριστε: all of them are in fact referred to prominent persons or gods).²⁹ e semantics of ferter are continued by names such as Melior, Optumus/Optimus, Bonus, also Excellens, Egregius. As to the semantics let us remember the conclusive evidence for the temporal reading of IE *h₁op(i)-.³⁰ e most striking parallel for Lat. Opiter is found in Germanic, namely PGmc. *aara- ‘aer’, also ‘behind’ (IE *(h₁)op-tero-) : OHG aero ‘the following, the one aer, later’ (aeren ‘posterius’), also NHG Aer ‘anus’, OHG aerôro ‘id.’, ‘the second’, superl. arôsto ‘the last one’, az aerôsten ‘finally, at the end’, as well as adv., prep. aer, aeri, superl. arôst ‘finally, at the end’ (‘postremum’).³¹ e fact that the German forms do not allow the reconstruction of *op- ex Germanico ipso is no major problem, given the full match of the sense and the unmistakably evidence from Greek and Ly- cian, which unequivocally speak for *(h₁)op-. As to Greek, cf. ὀπίστατος ‘last’ (Suda ὀπίστατον: τελευταιότατον), ὀψέ ‘aerwards, late’ (: Aeol. ὄψι), ὄψιος ‘late’, ὄψιμος ‘late in coming’ (Hom.), ὀψίγονος ‘younger’ (Hom.+).³² Lycian, the only Anatolian language where IE *o is reflected differently from *a, yields conclusive evidence for *h₁op-, loc. *h₁op-(e)n-Ø, namely epñ ‘back’, ‘aerwards’ (: Hi. āppan ‘aer’), epte ‘thereaer’ (: Hi. āppanda ‘back(wards)’, also Hi. āppananda ‘aerwards’), adj. epri ‘later’, and especially Lyc. epñnẽne/i- ‘younger brother’ (dat.sg. epñnẽne/is), which matches Hi. EGIR-az-zi ŠEŠ-ni ‘o younger brother!’. Cf. also Hi. āppananda ‘aerwards’ and CLuv. apparanti- ‘future’, HLuv. apara(n)ta- ‘in the future’. ΙΕ *(h₁)op(i)- ‘aer’ occurs otherwise in forms with other suffixes, namely *-ero- (IIr. *áp-ara- ‘(here)aer’: Ved. ápara-, aparám,³³ OP apara-, YAv. apara-zāta- ‘born later, as the second’ Yt. .), and *-tiio-̯ (Hom. ὀπίσ(σ)ω ‘later, Hi. āpe/izzi(ia)-̯ , namely āppiziiaš-̯ ‘the youngest (son)’ KBo . obv. /).³⁴
: s. v. Fertor [‘Ferter auf dem Stein’]). OLat. Ferter, beside gentilicium Fertrius (At. Fertrio CIL I², . fits into the paern -ter :: -trius (pater :: patrius), whatever the origin of -ter may be, and cannot in any event be compared with the agent noun fertor (U. ařfertur) the gentilicium of which is Fertōrius (vasa arretina CIL XI , -) according to the type -tor :: -tōrius (Sertor :: gentilicium Sertōrius). 29 G R forthcoming. 30 e local reading will be referred to in footnotes for the sake of clarity. 31 Goth. ara (*-trō from IE *-troh₁ : OIc. aptr) is also temporal ‘πάλιν, δεύτερον’ (G R : ff.). With local reading cf. Goth. aaro ‘ὄπισθεν’, ‘ὀπίσσω’, auma ‘ἔσχατοι’, aumist ‘id.’, also adv. ‘ἐσχάτως’, also ara ‘εἰς τὰ ὀπίσσω’. 32 ‘Eine nicht mehr aufzulösende Mischung von idg. *ap(o)- und *op(i) enthaltende Formen’ (L & S s.v. aer). 33 As opposed to pronoun ‘the later one’, ‘the one aer’ (: ápi, as the opposite to pū´rva-), adverbial purā´ ‘before’ (RV II .), adyá ‘today’ (I . et al.), nūnám (I . et al.). 34 From IE *(h₁)opi-tiio-̯ *(h₁)op-tiio-̯ (O , with reference to other senses of āpe/izzi(ia)-̯ ‘backmost, hindmost, last, of lowest rank’, but Ved. aptyá- RV I . ‘being outside’); on ὀπίσσω cf. G R : (aliter D -). Ved. ápatya- (n.) ‘offspring, descendence’, apatya-sā´c- ‘accompanied by descendence’ may be considered as secondary within Indo-Aryan, later than the merging of the reflexes of *h₁op(i)- and *(H)apo/u- ‘away, o’ (Gk. ἀπό, ἀπύ, ἄψ, Lat. ab, abs°), superl. apamá- (X .) ‘the last, far away’, connected with HLuv. apami- ‘west(ern), HLuv. apara- ‘aer, behind’. e same applies to Ved. ápañc- ‘being in the rear, western’, YAv. apaša ‘back(wards)’ and adv. Ved. *ápācā from *-n̥k-éh₁̯ . Anthroponymica Italica …
To sum up: Lat. Opiter matches formally PGm *aara- and has spectacular semantic parallels in Lyc. epñnẽne/i- ‘younger brother’ (dat.sg. epñnẽne/is), Hi. āppiziiaš-̯ ‘the youngest (son), HLuv. apara- ‘aer, behind’, Ved. ápatya- ‘offspring, descendence’, and YAv. apara-zāta- ‘born later, as the second’. e obsolete epithet Opiter has been re- placed within Latin by posterior (Posterius, Posterius also as cognomen). e paern is recognisible in the superlative postumus (Postumus, Postimus as praenomen cf. Postumus cognominatur post patris mortem natus Varro ling. ., Festus p. L), and finds a rather imaginative explanation by Serv. ad Aen. . Postumus est post humationem parentis creatus.³⁵
4.3. Ὀπίτωρ (Dion. Hal. ..) and Ὀπιτώριος (Cass.Dio ) are transmied as the praenomen of a consul,³⁶ and consequently allow to assume the existence of Lat. Opitor*, Opitōrius*. Any connection between Ὀπίτωρ (: Opitor*) and Opiter (§ .) must be ruled out in spite of the apparent similarity, as Italic, unlike Greek, does not show any evidence for agent nouns in -ter- Ὀπίτωρ (: Opitor*) could reflect an agent noun in -tor- of the root (c) *h₁op-/ *h₁ep- ‘take’ (Lat. ad-ipiscor, co-epī, optō, -āre), clearly reflected in U. upetu /ope:-/ (*h₁op-éie̯ -), according to the paern monitor :: monēre, as kindly pointed out to me by M. Weiss.³⁷
4.4. e Oscan gentilicium ouries (matching Optorius in Latin inscriptions) points to an agent noun *h₃ék-tor̯ , PSab. *oor- ‘over-seer’,³⁸ which has a clear parallel in Gk. ὀπτήρ ‘spy, scout’ (Od. +). Less clear is, in any case, the oen assumed connection of O. ouries with the obscure South Picenaean term oorim CH A (Crecchio), which has perhaps the sense of ‘spectatorium’ (G. Meiser) or ‘auguraculum’ (A. Calderini)³⁹ and could be traced back to a neuter *ok(e)tor-ii̯ om.̯ An interpretation in this sense may be in order and fit into the etymology proposed, but the context remains too obscure for us to recognize the exact meaning of the term.⁴⁰
35 Cf. also Isid. orig. .. Posthumus (sic) uocatur eo, quod post humationem patris nascitur, id est post obitum. 36 Dion. Hal. .. Μετὰ δὲ τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἐκεῖνον ὕπατοι καθίστανται Σπόριος Κάσσιος Οὐεκελλῖνος ἐπικαλούμενος καὶ Ὀπίτωρ Οὐεργίνιος Τρικάτος. Cass. Dio μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Σπούριός τε Κάσσιος καὶ Ὀπιτώριος Οὐεργίνιος ὑπατεύοντες τοῖς Σαβίνοις ἐσπείσαντο. 37 Per lieras electronicas. e possibility of a ‘short form’ /Opi-tor-/ of a compound opitulus (cf. opitulus Iuppiter et Opitulator dictus est, quasi opis lator P. Fest. p. ), cf. opi-tulor, -ārī ‘to give help/assistance’ (Cato, Plaut.+; -ō, -āre Liv. Andr.), i.e. /-tor-/ (to opi-tulus , or /-or-/ (to opit-ulus) like Gk. Κάσ-τωρ (καστι° : κέκασμαι), Νέστωρ (Νεστι° : νέομαι) finds very slight support within Italic, e.g. Stator, beside Statius to a putative *Stāt(i)°, as per Weiss. 38 e identification of PSab. *oor with U. uhtur interpreted as ‘observer, controler’ (W : with reference to a lecture held by Jürgen Untermann; cf. the more cautious formulation that is found in U Wörterbuch ‘vielleicht “Aufseher, Kontrollbeamter”’) is not to be preferred to the traditional identification of U. uhtur with Lat. auctor (W a: f.) which is strongly supported by the Indo-European phraseology, as I have tried to show (G R b). 39 M : , C : n., ff.). In any case the form cannot be a feminine agent noun. 40 Cf. most recently V forthcoming. For other views cf. U Wörterbuch f., s.v. José L. García Ramón
5. Other names remain irreducible. is is, in fact, the case wit the type /Opsijo-/ (: Lat. Opsius), reflected in O. úpsim, οψιον (P), úpsiis, úpsim, úpsiiúí (G),⁴¹ which may belong both to (a) PItal. *op(e)s)- and to (b) PItal. *op- ‘back, later’. On the one hand, O. /Ops-ijo-/ could reflect an *-iio-̯ derivative of *op-s-o-, itself an internal derivative of *op- es- (Lat. opus), like *u̯et-s-ó- (and *u̯et-el-o-) beside *u̯ét-es- (cf. § ).⁴² On the other hand, it could be understood as a Greek name matching ὄψιος ‘id.’ (Pind.), which is actually well aested as such (῎Οψιος Aica ᵗʰ cent.+, Lucania, ᵗʰ cent., Myc. o-pi-si-jo /Opsio-/), namely as an -iio-̯ derivative of ὀψέ, ὀψι°.⁴³ Other Greek derivatives⁴⁴ are also aested as names in Italy, e.g. ῎Οψιμος⁴⁵ (Regio, Bruium, /ᵗʰ cent.+: Hom. ὄψιμος).
6. For two of the names with /Op(s)-/ some alternatives are more or less plausible and deserve consideration. is is the case with Lat. Opstorius (and Ostorius) and O. úpfals (§ ). e gentilicium Opsturius (CIL ., Samnium), Opstorius (Africa Consularis) takes a special position. It is, in my opinion, not to be kept apart from Ostorius (CIL . Pompei; Campania, Rome),⁴⁶ also name of a Sabinus eques (Tac. Ann. ., . et al.), which most probably reflects a simplification /pst/ > /st/. e name, with its unexpected in Opstur- in Samnium, may be considered as Sabellic, as inherited */o:/ yields PSab. /u:/, noted ). In any case one may assume that the putative Sabellic /-tu:r/ (from *-tōr), as still recognizable in Opsturius, should have been remade on the Latin model (whence Opstorius and Ostorius). On the assumption that all variants go back to *opstōr-iio-̯ , i.e. to a derivative of *opstōr /opstor-/, the name may be aached to three of the lexical items in § and allow for three explanations: () as the outcome of *op-stator- (Lat. *opstitor) from *(h₁)op-sth₂-tor- ‘who stands over’ (i.e. having prominence or authority) either with regular syncope of the second syllable or with haplology of old /a/.⁴⁷ e interpretation is supported by clear parallels in Latin and Greek. On the one hand, the simplex stator (also praenomen Stator), the title of an official servant aached to provincial governors, later to the Emperor (Cic.+, inscriptions), also a cultual epithet of Iuppiter.⁴⁸ On the other hand, Class. Gk. ἐπι-στάτης ‘one who is set over, commander’⁴⁹ (drama, prose), also ‘president, chairman’ (of the βουλή and the ἐκκλησία, of the prytans) in ᵗʰ-century
41 Cf. úpsim (P) Cm , úpsiis (G) nSi g, úpsim Cm , οψιον Lu . , úpsiiúí Si (dat.). 42 e same suffix is used for a ‘short-form’ of όψίγονος ‘late born’. 43 Whether both forms may be traced back to *opti- or *optio-̯ must remain open at this point. 44 Cf. also ῎Οψινος (Eretria ᵗʰ/ʳᵈ cent.: ὀψινός Late Greek), ᾿Οψιάδης (Aica, ca. +, Boeotia, Oropos ᵗʰ/ʳᵈ cent.). 45 For instance Κλ(αυδιῳ) Οψιμω απελ[ευθερω Καισ̣ (ΜΝ of a manumied). For the dossier cf. Sο : under ‘Tage, Teile des Tages’. 46 Cf. also Óstorius, Ostórius (S : ). 47 Another possibility would be laryngeal loss in compounds, but then one would expect ⁺opsor like Consus from *kom-dʰh₁to- (Michael Weiss per lieras electronicas). 48 Cf. Var. gram. statorem … quod haberet … statuendi … potestatem. e parallel with Zeus Epistaterios in Crete (Hsch.) is clear. 49 Originally ‘one who stands near or by’ aested once in Homer (οὐ σύ γ’ ἂν . . σῷ ἐπιστάτῃ / ἅλα δοίης Od. ., for which cf. the gloss ἐπιστάτῃ · μεταίτῃ. ἀπὸ τοῦ <ἐφίστασθαι> τῇ τραπέζῃ (Hsch.). Anthroponymica Italica …
Athens (Aristotle), as well as the Hesychian glosses ἐπιστατῆρες· ἀγορανόμοι. καὶ οἱ τῶν ποιμνίων νομεῖς and Ἐπιστατήριος· Ζεὺς ἐν Κρήτῃ, which perfectly match the assumed Lat. *opstitor-. If we assume that *op-stator- is Sabellic, it may be at best explained as the reflex of syncope (cf. U. ustite ‘station’⁵⁰ as the locative of *op-statūto-⁵¹).⁵² () as the outcome of *h₃ek-s-tor-̯ , i.e. the agent noun of IE *h₃ek-s-̯ , actually an inher- ited desiderative or -s- present (cf. Gk. future ὄψομαι). e stem may show second- ary lengthening of the root vowel as is aested in Avestan (YAv. aiuui.āxštar- ‘ob- server, controler’, cf. also °āxšaiia- ‘to observe, control’), or be directly transposable as *h₃e-h₃ek-s-̯ (beside Skt. desider. ī´kṣate ‘he wants to see’ from *h₃i-h₃k-s-̯ ).⁵³ If this interpretation is correct, Sab. and/or Lat. /opstor-/ turns out to be the only evidence for IE *h₃ek-s-̯ aested in Italic. However, strictures against the reliability of an unus testis for reconstruction are certainly not compelling.⁵⁴ () as the outcome of an atypical agent noun *op(e)s-etor⁵⁵ (with both short /e/ vowels syncopated) which would have been built on the perfect active stam *ops-o/e- (O. ʳᵈ sg. perf. upsed, úpsed pl. u(u)psens, Vest. ośens, also perf. ptc. U. oseto Um from *op(e)s-eto-) beside PSab. *ops-ā- ‘erect, build’ (denominative *opes-ā- : O. úpsannam, U. osatu, etc., Lat. operāre). An agent noun *op(e)setor- created in the productive way from the second form of the perf. ptc. *opso/e- is certainly possible, but the possibility is, to my mind, not especially cogent. In fact, as the agent noun of the ‘normal’ verb *ops-ā-, ⁺op(e)sā-tor- (: Lat. operator) would be expected, which would fit into the current paern, cf. O. salauatur ‘saluātor’ to *salu̯ā- (: Lat. saluāre), beside the ‘normal’ perfect passive participle *op(e)sā-to- (Lat. operatus) in O. upsatuh Si et al. To sum up: Opsturius, Op(s)torius point to /Opstōr/, namely PSab. */opstu:r/, which may be equally traced back either to *op-sta-tor- (*h₁op-sth₂-tor) or to *oks-tor-̯ (*h₃ek-s-tor-̯ ), possibly also to PSab. *ops(e)tor-.
7. e Oscan praenomen úpfals, aested in the Sabellic area (Frentani, Campania [Capua, Pompeii, Cumae]), as well as in Lucania, Petelia, Sicilia,⁵⁶ and the gentilicium uφaliies (Frae ᵗʰ-ᵗʰ cent.) clearly point to an original /Opfallo-/. e form is reflected
50 W a: , aer Ribezzo. 51 Anyway, the existence of three /t/ makes haplology conceivable as well. 52 If the name were specifically Latin, i.e. *opstitor (with /i/ for */a/), then haplology is an obvious solution, cf. portorium ‘toll’ (*portitorium), stipendium ‘cash payment, income’ (*stipipendium), cee ‘give here!’ (.pl. *kedate, cf. cēdere ‘to go, proceed’, antestārī ‘to call as a witness’ (*āntitestārī). Some counterexamples with retained /stVt/, namely U. statita (: Lat. statūta-), Lat. institor ‘shop- keeper’, obstetrix ‘midwife’, and the theonym U. prestota, x prestata (*prai-sta̯ ̌tā-[M : f.] Praestita matching Stata Mater) may be explained in terms of prophylactic analogy to avoid ⁺statta, ⁺instor, ⁺obstrīx, ⁺presta. 54 Aer a critical review of the alleged dossier, B. V, forthcoming, stresses the inherent difficulties of associating /af-/ in O. aiím, a designation for a physical or mental characteristic of the des- tinatee of a curse, or Vestin. comaas, a divine name or epithet (D : ff.) with *h₃ek-̯ ‘to see’. 55 is possibility is pointed out to me by Alan Nussbaum per lieras electronicas. 56 Cf. ụ́pfals Cp , upfals Cp , (gen.) upfaleis Cp , upfalleis Cm ., C, úff̣[alleís] Fr , úpf(alleís) Po . Cf. S : ; : f. and especially W b: . José L. García Ramón
in Lat. Ofalius (G: ⁿᵈ cent. BC, unknown origin) and ῎Οφαλλος (Lipara), Uφale (indirect Greek and Etruscan tradition respectively), as well as in Ofellus (C: Hor. Sat. .) and Ofelius, Offelius, Offellius (G).⁵⁷ As M. Weiss observes, /pf/ is preserved in Campania and Samnium, but assimilated to /ff/ among the Frentani and in the dialects underlying the forms noted as Ofalius and ῎Oφαλ(λ)ος. In his insightful study of the name, M. Weiss⁵⁸ has made evident that O. úpfals con- ceals /op-fallo-/ from *op-falso- (with a geminate /ll/ from secondary /-ls-/),⁵⁹ this being a compound, the members of which actually admit two interpretations each. As to *°falso-, this surely reflects a derivative of the type C(V)C-s-ó- (like Ved. vat-s-á-, cf. § ), to be ex- plained either (a) as the outcome of *dʰalh₁-s-ó-⁶⁰ ‘flourishing’ (Gk. θάλος ‘shoot, scion’, Gk. θαλερός : Arm. dalar), with syncope, or (b) as the last stage of *bʰlh̥ ₃-es-ó- ‘(having) blooming’ (PItal. *fal-es- ‘bloom, flourishing’ from *bʰleh₃- ‘to bloom’, cf. nom. *bʰléh₃os > *flōs [Lat. flōs, O. Fluusaí ‘Florae’], gen. *bʰlh̥ ₃- > *falesos), likewise with syncope. Irrespective of whether /°fal-(e)s-/ may be connected with Gk. θάλος or with Lat. flōs, its meaning is the same; the crucial question remains what the first member of the com- pound actually was. Formally, it may be connected both with (a) Lat. ops ‘richness’, ‘help’, and with (b) PSab. *op-. In the framework of the first interpretation, M. Weiss⁶¹ inter- prets the name as ‘having a flourishing which is wealth’, i.e. ‘flourishing with wealth’, and refers to Plaut. Cist. nisi quid mi opis di dant disperii, where quid opis matches O. pidum ueis) and especially to the collocation florēre opibus (e.g. Cic. Verr. . cum Sicilia florebat opibus et copiis, Liv. .. florentes opes). e collocation is certainly an eleg- ant argument in favour of this interpretation, the only inconvenience being the oddness of such a compound within Latin. More aractive is, in my opinion, the connection of the first member with PSabell. *op- (Osc. úp) ‘near’,‘at’, with the old sense aested in Gk. ὀπι(°), ἐπί(°): PItal. *op-fal(e)s- (O. */op-falso-/) would be a compound of the type ἔν-θεος, i.e. ‘having a flourishing which is on him’. is possibility finds actually support in the aested Greek names Ἐπι-θάλης (Delphi a. , Delos ca. , …) and Ἐπ-άνθης (Assos in road, ˢᵗ c. AD), which offer a perfect parallel with first member op°/ep° and with two second members (°θάλης, °άνθης) which match the two possibilities assumed for */°falso-/.
Conclusion 8. is contribution has dealt with the personal names of Latin and Sabellic languages for which a first syllable /Op-/ or /Ops-/ may be assumed on the basis of the forms aested in the epigraphical sources (and oen with varying spellings) and in the literary texts. On the basis of a purely formal approach (their spelling and word formation), it has been
57 W b: . 58 W b: ff. 59 O. úpfals shows /-als/ from */-alsVs/ (whence */-allVs/ > /-alls/ > /-als/, without assimilation), as against the current rule for */-VlVs/ where there is regular assimilation of secondary /ls/ aer the syncope, namely > /-Vls/ > /-Vll/ > /-Vl/, as aested in O. Mutíl (from *muti-l-o-s), aídil (from *aidī-l-i-s̯ )(W b: ). 60 PItal. *°falso- could also reflect *°dʰh₂el-s-o-, but Gk. θαλερός : dalar point to a root with final -h₁ and a proto-from *dʰh₂elh₁-s-o- is hardly cogent. 61 W b: f. Anthroponymica Italica … possible to identify seven basic forms (some of which also represented by derivatives), which are aested either in Latin or the Sabellic languages, or in both. For all of them an aempt has been made to establish their appurtenance to one (or, in some cases, more than one) lexical item(s) and, eventually, the meaning of the same. It turns out that the names with /Op-/ or /Ops-/ may be traced back to, at least, four lexical items, all of Indo- European origin. e results of our inquiry may, in short, be summarized as follows. Some of the names may be easily recognized as belonging to a given lexical item. (a) to *op(es)- ‘riches’ belong three names. On the one hand, /Op-ello-/ (Lat. Opellius) from *op-el-elo-, a diminutive of *op-elo-(§ .). On the other hand, /Op-ijo-/, an Oscan name (O. oπιεσ, úppiis : Lat. Oppius, § .). Finally, /Opil(l)o-/ (O. upils, úpil : Lat. Opillus), with derivatives úpiḷ[iú]m and O. úp]illiunị ṣ -): the basic form may conceal the outcome either of *op-n-elo- (a Latin diminutive in *-elo- to *op-n-, cf. Ved. ápnas- ‘property’: in this case O. /Opillo-/ would have been borrowed from Latin) or of *opī-lo- (i.e. a derivative in -lo- to a deinstrumental stem *h₃epih₁-lo- (?), like Lat. opīmus ‘fat’, ‘rich’ from *opī-mo-: Lat. Opillus should go back to a diminutive *opīl-elo-), or of a diminutive *opii-elo̯ - (in this case, Lat. Opillus could be a variant of /Opīlo-/ with geminate (§ .); (b) to *op(i) ‘on, aer’ belongs */Opi-tero-/ ‘born later’ (Lat. Opiter, maybe Ὀπίτερος), a contrastive derivative (§ .); (c) to *op-/*ap- ‘to get’ belongs */Opi-tor-/ (᾿Οπίτωρ, Ὀπιτώριος in Greek historians), to be interpreted as an agent noun, probably Sabellic (§ .); (d) to *ok-̯ ‘to see’ belongs */Optor-/ (O. ouries : Lat. Optorius), an agent noun (§ .). Some other ones may belong to more than one lexical item. is is the case with: /Ops-io-/ (O. úpsim, οψιον, úpsiis, úpsim, úpsiiúí : Opsius), which may belong to (a) *op(e)s-, as an *-iio-̯ derivative of *op-s-ó- in the framework of the Caland system, as well as to (b) *ops- (Gk. ὀψέ) and match ὄψιος ‘id.’ (Pind.), MN ῎Οψιος, Myc. o-pi-si-jo (§ ). /Opstōr/, namely PSab. */opstu:r/ (aested as Lat. Opsturius, Opstorius and prob- ably Ostorius), which may belong to (b) *op(i) (*op-sta-tor-), or to (d) desiderative *oks-̯ (agent noun*oks-tor-̯ from IE *h₃ek-s-tor-̯ ), eventually also to (a) *op(es)- , namely PSab. *ops(e)tor- (§ ). /Opfals-/ (O. úpfals -, ufal(i)ies : Ofalius, Ofel(l)ius, Offelius) which seems to have as the first member (b) *op(i)-, with a clear parallel in the Greek names Ἐπι-θάλης and Ἐπ-άνθης (§ ). As to their origin, some of these names are Sabellic, even if they occur in Latin inscriptions: this is the case in /Op-ijo-/ (O. oπιεσ, úppiis : Lat. Oppius), */Opi-tor-/ (᾿Οπίτωρ), /Opstōr/ (Lat. Opsturius, Opstorius , and probably Ostorius), and /Opfals-/ (O. úpfals-, ufal(i)ies : Lat. Ofalius, …): to these may belong /Ops-ijo-/ (O. úpsim, οψιον, … : Lat. Opsius), which may be also Greek. Other names do not allow for identification as Latin or as Sabellic. It thus turns out to be evident that the dossier of names with /Op-/ and /Ops-/ is a fairly heterogeneous one and that it allows to recognize a possible appurtenance to at least four putative lexical items, all of them of Indo-European origin and represented in the Italic area. It must be stressed again that the origin may be established for most of them on the strength of the linguistic analysis and is fully independent of the type of name (praenomen, cognomen, gentilicium) and of the position in the society of the person who bears it. José L. García Ramón
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W b: W, Michael: ‘Two Sabellic praenomina’, in: K et al. : –. W : W, Chlodwig: ‘Jungavestisch aiβiiāxšaiia’, in: E & L : . W : W, Paul: ‘Der altindische vr̥kī´-Typus und hethitisch nakkī-: Der indogermani- sche Instrumental zwischen Syntax und Morphologie’, Die Sprache , [], –. [email protected] José L. García Ramón Universität zu Köln Gesetzt in ‚Linux Libertine‘ und ‚Biolinum‘
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