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Dispute Over U.N. Report Evokes Rwandan Déjà Vu by HOWARD W
September 30, 2010 Dispute Over U.N. Report Evokes Rwandan Déjà Vu By HOWARD W. FRENCH and JEFFREY GETTLEMAN When drafts of a United Nations study recently surfaced accusing Rwandan forces of committing atrocities against Hutu refugees in Congo in the 1990s — crimes that could constitute acts of genocide — the Rwandan government protested vociferously. It even threatened to withdraw its peacekeepers from Sudan and elsewhere if the report was published. The dispute immediately raised some pointed questions. Would the United Nations stand its ground, or would it suppress or alter a report about the past for the sake of the present? But often lost in the debate was a salient déjà vu: The two sides had been in a similar standoff years before. In the fall of 1994, just after nearly a million people had been killed in the Rwandan genocide, a team of United Nations investigators concluded that the Rwandan rebels who finally stopped the genocide had killed tens of thousands of people themselves. But after strong pressure from both Rwanda and Washington and intense debate within the United Nations, the report was never published. Sixteen years later, a 14-page official summary of that investigation paints a disturbing picture of the victorious rebel forces who would form the new Rwandan government. The findings in the 1994 report tell of soldiers rounding up civilians and methodically killing unarmed men, women and children. Several of the allegations are uncannily similar to the scale and tactics depicted in the new United Nations report, expected to be released on Friday, which says that these same Rwandan forces systematically hunted down tens of thousands of refugees fleeing across the Democratic Republic of Congo, as well as attacking local Congolese Hutu. -
The International Response to Conflict and Genocide:Lessom from the Rwanda Experience
The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience March 1996 Published by: Steering Committee of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda Editor: David Millwood Cover illustrations: Kiure F. Msangi Graphic design: Designgrafik, Copenhagen Prepress: Dansk Klich‚, Copenhagen Printing: Strandberg Grafisk, Odense ISBN: 87-7265-335-3 (Synthesis Report) ISBN: 87-7265-331-0 (1. Historical Perspective: Some Explanatory Factors) ISBN: 87-7265-332-9 (2. Early Warning and Conflict Management) ISBN: 87-7265-333-7 (3. Humanitarian Aid and Effects) ISBN: 87-7265-334-5 (4. Rebuilding Post-War Rwanda) This publication may be reproduced for free distribution and may be quoted provided the source - Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda - is mentioned. The report is printed on G-print Matt, a wood-free, medium-coated paper. G-print is manufactured without the use of chlorine and marked with the Nordic Swan, licence-no. 304 022. 2 The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience Study 2 Early Warning and Conflict Management by Howard Adelman York University Toronto, Canada Astri Suhrke Chr. Michelsen Institute Bergen, Norway with contributions by Bruce Jones London School of Economics, U.K. Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda 3 Contents Preface 5 Executive Summary 8 Acknowledgements 11 Introduction 12 Chapter 1: The Festering Refugee Problem 17 Chapter 2: Civil War, Civil Violence and International Response 20 (1 October 1990 - 4 August -
Who Belongs Where? Conflict, Displacement, Land and Identity in North Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo
Who Belongs Where? Conflict, Displacement, Land and Identity in North Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo CITIZENSHIP AND DISPLACEMENT IN THE GREAT LAKES REGION WORKING PAPER NO. 3 MARCH 2010 International Refugee Social Science Rights Initiative Research Council C ITIZENSHIP AND D ISPLACEMENT IN THE G REAT L AKES W ORKING P APER NO. 3 Background to the Paper This paper is the result of a co-ordinated effort between staff from the International Refugee Rights Initiative (IRRI) and the Social Science Research Council (SSRC). The field research was carried out by Joseph Okumu and Kibukila Ben Bonome, and the paper was drafted by Lucy Hovil of IRRI. Deirdre Clancy and Olivia Bueno of IRRI, Josh DeWind of SSRC, and Bronwen Manby of AfriMAP, the Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project of the Open Society Institute, reviewed and edited the material. The field research team would like to express its gratitude to all those who participated in the study, in particular those displaced by the conflict. Citizenship and Displacement in the Great Lakes Region Working Paper Series The paper is the third in a series of working papers that form part of a collaborative project between the International Refugee Rights Initiative, the Social Science Research Council, and civil society and academic partners in the Great Lakes region. The project seeks to gain a deeper understanding of the linkages between conflicts over citizenship and belonging in the Great Lakes region, and forced displacement. It employs social science research under a human rights framework in order to illuminate how identity affects the experience of the displaced before, during, and after their displacement. -
Kitona Operations: Rwanda's Gamble to Capture Kinshasa and The
Courtesy of Author Courtesy of Author of Courtesy Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers during 1998 Congo war and insurgency Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers guard refugees streaming toward collection point near Rwerere during Rwanda insurgency, 1998 The Kitona Operation RWANDA’S GAMBLE TO CAPTURE KINSHASA AND THE MIsrEADING OF An “ALLY” By JAMES STEJSKAL One who is not acquainted with the designs of his neighbors should not enter into alliances with them. —SUN TZU James Stejskal is a Consultant on International Political and Security Affairs and a Military Historian. He was present at the U.S. Embassy in Kigali, Rwanda, from 1997 to 2000, and witnessed the events of the Second Congo War. He is a retired Foreign Service Officer (Political Officer) and retired from the U.S. Army as a Special Forces Warrant Officer in 1996. He is currently working as a Consulting Historian for the Namib Battlefield Heritage Project. ndupress.ndu.edu issue 68, 1 st quarter 2013 / JFQ 99 RECALL | The Kitona Operation n early August 1998, a white Boeing remain hurdles that must be confronted by Uganda, DRC in 1998 remained a safe haven 727 commercial airliner touched down U.S. planners and decisionmakers when for rebels who represented a threat to their unannounced and without warning considering military operations in today’s respective nations. Angola had shared this at the Kitona military airbase in Africa. Rwanda’s foray into DRC in 1998 also concern in 1996, and its dominant security I illustrates the consequences of a failure to imperative remained an ongoing civil war the southwestern Bas Congo region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). -
ORIGINAL: ENGLISH TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Erik Møse
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda ORIGINAL: ENGLISH TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Erik Møse, presiding Judge Jai Ram Reddy Judge Sergei Alekseevich Egorov Registrar: Adama Dieng Date: 18 December 2008 THE PROSECUTOR v. Théoneste BAGOSORA Gratien KABILIGI Aloys NTABAKUZE Anatole NSENGIYUMVA Case No. ICTR-98-41-T JUDGEMENT AND SENTENCE Office of the Prosecutor: Counsel for the Defence: Barbara Mulvaney Raphaël Constant Christine Graham Allison Turner Kartik Murukutla Paul Skolnik Rashid Rashid Frédéric Hivon Gregory Townsend Peter Erlinder Drew White Kennedy Ogetto Gershom Otachi Bw’Omanwa The Prosecutor v. Théoneste Bagosora et al., Case No. ICTR-98-41-T TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION........................................................................................ 1 1. Overview ................................................................................................................... 1 2. The Accused ............................................................................................................. 8 2.1 Théoneste Bagosora ................................................................................................... 8 2.2 Gratien Kabiligi ....................................................................................................... 10 2.3 Aloys Ntabakuze ...................................................................................................... 10 2.4 Anatole Nsengiyumva ............................................................................................. -
CR 2005/7 Cour Internationale International Court De Justice Of
CR 2005/7 Cour internationale International Court de Justice of Justice LA HAYE THE HAGUE ANNÉE 2005 Audience publique tenue le lundi 18 avril 2005, à 10 heures, au Palais de la Paix, sous la présidence de M. Shi, président, en l’affaire des Activités armées sur le territoire du Congo (République démocratique du Congo c. Ouganda) ________________ COMPTE RENDU ________________ YEAR 2005 Public sitting held on Monday 18 April 2005, at 10 a.m., at the Peace Palace, President Shi presiding, in the case concerning Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Uganda) ____________________ VERBATIM RECORD ____________________ - 2 - Présents : M. Shi, président M. Ranjeva, vice-président MM. Koroma Vereshchetin Mme Higgins MM. Parra-Aranguren Kooijmans Rezek Al-Khasawneh Owada Simma Tomka Abraham, juges MM. Verhoeven, Kateka, juges ad hoc M. Couvreur, greffier ⎯⎯⎯⎯⎯⎯ - 3 - Present: President Shi Vice-President Ranjeva Judges Koroma Vereshchetin Higgins Parra-Aranguren Kooijmans Rezek Al-Khasawneh Owada Simma Tomka Abraham Judges ad hoc Verhoeven Kateka Registrar Couvreur ⎯⎯⎯⎯⎯⎯ - 4 - Le Gouvernement de la République du Congo est représenté par : S. Exc. M. Honorius Kisimba Ngoy Ndalewe, ministre de la justice et garde des sceaux de la République démocratique du Congo, comme chef de la délégation; S. Exc. M. Jacques Masangu-a-Mwanza, ambassadeur extraordinaire et plénipotentiaire auprès du Royaume des Pays-Bas, comme agent; M. Tshibangu Kalala, avocat aux barreaux de Kinshasa et de Bruxelles, comme coagent et avocat; M. Olivier Corten, professeur de droit international à l’Université libre de Bruxelles, M. Pierre Klein, professeur de droit international, directeur du centre de droit international de l’Université libre de Bruxelles, M. -
The Banyamulenge Tutsi Survivors of the Gatumba Refugee Camp Massacre
© 2007 Center for Applied Linguistics The contents of this publication were developed under an agreement nanced by the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration, United States Department of State, but do not necessarily represent the policy of that agency and should not assume endorsement by the Federal Government. The U.S. Department of State reserves a royalty-free, nonexclusive, and irrevocable right to reproduce, publish, or otherwise use, and to authorize others to use, this work for Government purposes. The Banyamulenge Tutsi Survivors of the Gatumba Refugee Camp Massacre Lubumbashi, and other Congolese cities were attacked, killed, and later imprisoned (in some cases for their own The Need for Resettlement safety). From 1999 to 2000, the United States accepted for in the United States resettlement some of these imprisoned families, who had The resettlement of the Gatumba massacre survivors is, in been referred to U.S. refugee officials by the United Nations essence, a humanitarian rescue mission of a group of people High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). These individuals for whom there are no other good options. became the core of the current Banyamulenge community in There are three internationally accepted solutions to a refu- America. gee situation. The first and best solution is for the refugees to After the peace agreement in 2003 between the various return to their own homes, safely and voluntarily. The second- rebel movements and the Congolese government, Congolese best solution is for them to integrate into the communities Tutsi hoped that they would no longer be discriminated where they have fled; these are often places that are familiar against and subject to violence. -
Rwanda's Hutu Extremist Insurgency: an Eyewitness Perspective
Rwanda’s Hutu Extremist Insurgency: An Eyewitness Perspective Richard Orth1 Former US Defense Attaché in Kigali Prior to the signing of the Arusha Accords in August 1993, which ended Rwanda’s three year civil war, Rwandan Hutu extremists had already begun preparations for a genocidal insurgency against the soon-to-be implemented, broad-based transitional government.2 They intended to eliminate all Tutsis and Hutu political moderates, thus ensuring the political control and dominance of Rwanda by the Hutu extremists. In April 1994, civil war reignited in Rwanda and genocide soon followed with the slaughter of 800,000 to 1 million people, primarily Tutsis, but including Hutu political moderates.3 In July 1994 the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) defeated the rump government,4 forcing the flight of approximately 40,000 Forces Armees Rwandaises (FAR) and INTERAHAMWE militia into neighboring Zaire and Tanzania. The majority of Hutu soldiers and militia fled to Zaire. In August 1994, the EX- FAR/INTERAHAMWE began an insurgency from refugee camps in eastern Zaire against the newly established, RPF-dominated, broad-based government. The new government desired to foster national unity. This action signified a juxtaposition of roles: the counterinsurgent Hutu-dominated government and its military, the FAR, becoming insurgents; and the guerrilla RPF leading a broad-based government of national unity and its military, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), becoming the counterinsurgents. The current war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DROC), called by some notable diplomats “Africa’s First World War,” involving the armies of seven countries as well as at least three different Central African insurgent groups, can trace its root cause to the 1994 Rwanda genocide. -
Hutus Aiding Tutsis During the Rwandan Genocide: Motives, Meanings and Morals
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 10 Issue 2 Article 8 10-2016 Hutus Aiding Tutsis during the Rwandan Genocide: Motives, Meanings and Morals Daniel Rothbart School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University Jessica Cooley George Mason University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Rothbart, Daniel and Cooley, Jessica (2016) "Hutus Aiding Tutsis during the Rwandan Genocide: Motives, Meanings and Morals," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 10: Iss. 2: 76-97. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.10.2.1398 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol10/iss2/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hutus Aiding Tutsis during the Rwandan Genocide: Motives, Meanings, and Morals Daniel Rothbart School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University Fairfax, Virginia, USA Jessica Cooley Affiliate, Program on Ethics and Conflict School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University. Fairfax, Virginia, USA Abstract: During the Rwandan genocide of 1994, Hutu extremists who launched a propaganda campaign to demonize Rwandan Tutsis, accusing them of planning to exterminate Hutus. Embracing the propaganda, gangs of Hutus went on a killing rampage, rooming the streets and ravaging Tutsis who fell prey to their assaults. Yet, the framing of Hutus as perpetrators cannot capture the work of those Hutus who actively offered assistance to Tutsis. -
Rwandan Genocide, 1994
Rwandan Genocide, 1994 Where? Rwanda is about the size of Maryland, located near the center of Africa. According to the 1991 national census, the population of Rwanda was 7.7 million, with 90 percent of the population ethnic Hutus, 9 percent Tutsi, and 1 percent Twa, or pygmy. When? Rwanda gained independence from Belgium in 1961. The Belgians set up a Hutu-run government under which Tutsis were treated as lesser citizens.. The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) formed in 1985 to demand an end to social discrimination against the Tutsis. RPF rebels invaded Rwanda from Uganda in 1990, reigniting hatred against the Tutsi and starting a low- level civil war. The Rwandan genocide took place over a time span of only 100 days, between April and July 1994. Who? Perpetrators: Most of the killing was carried out by two Hutu radical militant groups: the Interahamwe and the Impuzamugambi. Armed, backed, and led by the government of Rwanda (MRND), the Interahamwe was comprised largely of young Hutu men brainwashed by the “Hutu Power” ideology. The most unsettling co- perpetrators of the genocide, however, were those Rwandan civilians who collaborated with and supported the genocide. Neighbors killed neighbors, students killed teachers, and teachers killed students. Victims: Killed alongside the Tutsi people were Hutus who sympathized with their Tutsi neighbors and resisted by defending, hiding, or providing aid to their Tutsi neighbors. How? Decades of discrimination and fear for a loss of power paved the way to genocide. The Hutu-led government provided arms, planning, and leadership for the militias. It also funded the RTLM “Hutu Power” radio broadcast, the primary source of “brainwashing” for the Rwandan civilians who also took part in the genocide. -
Rwanda's MDR Party Repudiates Faustin Twagiramungu the Democratic Republic Movement Party
Digital Commons @ George Fox University David Rawson Collection on the Rwandan Genocide Archives and Museum 11-21-1995 Rwanda's MDR Party Repudiates Faustin Twagiramungu the Democratic Republic Movement Party Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/rawson_rwanda (TH) 07. 28. ' 1:14 I 0; DtJ I'U, 1 40UU"'"+Uv"' ,,...,_," Faustin TWAGIRAMUNGU RWANDA (Phonetic: twahgearahMUHNgoo) Prime Minister (since 19 July 1994) Addressed as: Mr. Prime Minister Twagiramungu was bom in Cyangugu in 'Faustin Twagiramungu, a Hutu, heads a five southwestern Rwanda in 1946. He holds a degree party coalition government that was formed by the in business administration from the University of Tutsi-dominated Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) Ottawa, a BA in international relations from after it defeated the forces of the interim McGill University, and a MA from the University government formed after the death of former of Quebec. Twagiramungu worked for the President (1973-94) Juvenal Habyarimana, government's transportation parastatal for several according to press reports. Twagiramungu, who years before forming his own transportation leads a faction of the Democratic Republican company in the 1980s. After Habyarimana Movement (MDR), had been designated Prime legalized independent political parties in 1991, Minister of a transition government to be formed Twagiramungu founded the MDR. as part of the Arusha Accord--an agreement between the Habyarimana regime and its Twagiramungu is the son-in-law of opponents, which was signed in August 1993 but independent Rwanda's first President (1962-73), never implemented. Publicly supportive of ethnic Gregoire Kayibanda, who was overthrown by reconciliation, Twagiramungu was forced to flee in Habyarimana. -
Chapter 4 Undermining Unamir
CHAPTER 4 UNDERMINING UNAMIR 4.1 THE A RUSHA PEACE ACCORDS It was a triumph for international diplomacy when on August 4, 1993, the Arusha Peace Accords between the Rwandan government and the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) were signed. After one year of negotiations and three years of war, the parties agreed upon the power sharing agreement. Through external pressure, the two parties had come to the conclusion of the Peace Agreement, which made it a true victory for foreign diplomacy.l All regional states2 had been involved: the Organization ofAfrican Unity (OAU) had led the negotiations, and Western states had observer status3 or monitored the negoti ations from their embassies in Tanzania.4 The peace agreement provided for the so-called Broad Based Transitional Government (BBTG) that would hold power for 22 months at the most, after which elections would follow. This interim government would consist of 21 ministers. The Mouvement Revolutionaire National pour Ie Developpement (MRND) and the RPF would each have five ministers and the Mouvement Democratique Republicain (MRD), the largest opposition party, would have four ministers ofwhich one would be the prime minister during the transition. Faustin Twagiramungu would hold this position. The other seven ministerial posts were to be divided among the rest ofthe parties. The fear for dominance by one party or another was demonstrated by the voting system, which required a majority oftwo-thirds for decisions, meaning 14 votes in favor. 5 Linda Melvern, A People Betrayed. The Role ofthe West in Rwanda's Genocide, pp. 52-53 (2000) (hereinafter Melvern, 2000); Linda Melvern, Conspiracy to Murder.