Chapter 4 Undermining Unamir

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Chapter 4 Undermining Unamir CHAPTER 4 UNDERMINING UNAMIR 4.1 THE A RUSHA PEACE ACCORDS It was a triumph for international diplomacy when on August 4, 1993, the Arusha Peace Accords between the Rwandan government and the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) were signed. After one year of negotiations and three years of war, the parties agreed upon the power sharing agreement. Through external pressure, the two parties had come to the conclusion of the Peace Agreement, which made it a true victory for foreign diplomacy.l All regional states2 had been involved: the Organization ofAfrican Unity (OAU) had led the negotiations, and Western states had observer status3 or monitored the negoti­ ations from their embassies in Tanzania.4 The peace agreement provided for the so-called Broad Based Transitional Government (BBTG) that would hold power for 22 months at the most, after which elections would follow. This interim government would consist of 21 ministers. The Mouvement Revolutionaire National pour Ie Developpement (MRND) and the RPF would each have five ministers and the Mouvement Democratique Republicain (MRD), the largest opposition party, would have four ministers ofwhich one would be the prime minister during the transition. Faustin Twagiramungu would hold this position. The other seven ministerial posts were to be divided among the rest ofthe parties. The fear for dominance by one party or another was demonstrated by the voting system, which required a majority oftwo-thirds for decisions, meaning 14 votes in favor. 5 Linda Melvern, A People Betrayed. The Role ofthe West in Rwanda's Genocide, pp. 52-53 (2000) (hereinafter Melvern, 2000); Linda Melvern, Conspiracy to Murder. The Rwandan Genocide, p. 59 (2004) (hereinafter Melvern, 2004). 2 Melvern, 2000 p. 52; Burundi, Zaire, Senegal and Tanzania. Id. France, Belgium, Germany and the United States. Id. Britain, Canada, the Netherlands and the EU. Gerard Prunier, The Rwanda Crisis: History ofa Genocide (1959-1994), pp. 192-194 (1995) (hereinafter Prunier). 35 36 The Failure to Prevent Genocide in Rwanda It is argued by some that the failure ofArusha lies in the fact that extrem­ ists were not represented in the Peace Accords.6 The hardliners within the MRND and the new grouping of extremists in the Coalition pour Defense de la Republique (CDR) did not have any power within the transitional institutions. There had been difficult discussions about whether to include or exclude the CDR from the negotiations. The RPF was strictly opposed to the inclusion of the CDR saying that this party was the "fascist separation fraction ofthe MRND." France and Tanzania supported Habyarimana who was in favor ofthe inclusion ofthe CDR. According to the President, the only way to control the CDR was by having them represented in the government. Even the British and American diplomats tried to convince Paul Kagame, the leader of the RPF forces, how­ ever unsuccessfully. Some critics saw Arusha as "a conquest for the RPF;" the CDR was excluded from any position in the interim government, and the RPF Organization ofAfrican Unity (OAU) report, paragraph 8.9; Tor Sellstrom and Lennart Wohlgemuth, The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience, p. 44 (1996) (hereinafter Sellstrom); Prunier, p. 193; Melvern, 2000 p. 54; Joel Stettenheim, The Arusha Accords and the failure ofinterna­ tional intervention in Rwanda, in Words over war: Mediation and arbitration to prevent deadly conflict, p. 18 (M.C. Greenberg et al. (eds.), 2002) (hereinafter Stettenheim)..
Recommended publications
  • Chapter 2 Political Background
    Chapter 2 Political Background Early History The area presently occupied by Rwanda has been inhabited since the 1300s. By the 17th century a kingdom was established inhabited by Hutus, Tutsis and Twa. Rwanda first became a German protectorate in 1884, and under the name Ruanda-Urundi, became part of German East Africa in 1890. After the First World War, it came under Belgian administration under a League of Nations mandate, and after World War II Ruanda-Urundi became a UN trust territory with Belgium as the administrative authority. Towards Independence After the Second World War, Rwanda continued to be administered by Belgium. In 1959, as the independence movement gathered pace, the ruling Tutsi elite formed a political party, Union Nationale Rwandaise. The Belgian authorities encouraged the Hutu majority also to aspire to political power and, in the same year, a rival party, Parti de l’émancipation du peuple Hutu (Parmehutu), was established. As the 1960 local elections approached, Parmehutu initiated a Hutu uprising resulting in the death of many Tutsis and forcing King Kigeri V and tens of thousands of Tutsis to flee into exile in Uganda and Burundi. In 1961 the monarchy was abolished. Independent Rwanda Rwanda achieved independence from Belgium in 1962, with Parmehutu leader Gregoire Kayibanda as President; many more Tutsis left the country and those who remained faced continuing state-sponsored violence and institutionalised discrimination. The most serious eruption of violence at this time was triggered in 1963 by an incursion from Burundi of exiled Rwandan Tutsis and resulted in the death of at least 15,000 Tutsis at the hands of Hutu gangs.
    [Show full text]
  • Dispute Over U.N. Report Evokes Rwandan Déjà Vu by HOWARD W
    September 30, 2010 Dispute Over U.N. Report Evokes Rwandan Déjà Vu By HOWARD W. FRENCH and JEFFREY GETTLEMAN When drafts of a United Nations study recently surfaced accusing Rwandan forces of committing atrocities against Hutu refugees in Congo in the 1990s — crimes that could constitute acts of genocide — the Rwandan government protested vociferously. It even threatened to withdraw its peacekeepers from Sudan and elsewhere if the report was published. The dispute immediately raised some pointed questions. Would the United Nations stand its ground, or would it suppress or alter a report about the past for the sake of the present? But often lost in the debate was a salient déjà vu: The two sides had been in a similar standoff years before. In the fall of 1994, just after nearly a million people had been killed in the Rwandan genocide, a team of United Nations investigators concluded that the Rwandan rebels who finally stopped the genocide had killed tens of thousands of people themselves. But after strong pressure from both Rwanda and Washington and intense debate within the United Nations, the report was never published. Sixteen years later, a 14-page official summary of that investigation paints a disturbing picture of the victorious rebel forces who would form the new Rwandan government. The findings in the 1994 report tell of soldiers rounding up civilians and methodically killing unarmed men, women and children. Several of the allegations are uncannily similar to the scale and tactics depicted in the new United Nations report, expected to be released on Friday, which says that these same Rwandan forces systematically hunted down tens of thousands of refugees fleeing across the Democratic Republic of Congo, as well as attacking local Congolese Hutu.
    [Show full text]
  • The International Response to Conflict and Genocide:Lessom from the Rwanda Experience
    The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience March 1996 Published by: Steering Committee of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda Editor: David Millwood Cover illustrations: Kiure F. Msangi Graphic design: Designgrafik, Copenhagen Prepress: Dansk Klich‚, Copenhagen Printing: Strandberg Grafisk, Odense ISBN: 87-7265-335-3 (Synthesis Report) ISBN: 87-7265-331-0 (1. Historical Perspective: Some Explanatory Factors) ISBN: 87-7265-332-9 (2. Early Warning and Conflict Management) ISBN: 87-7265-333-7 (3. Humanitarian Aid and Effects) ISBN: 87-7265-334-5 (4. Rebuilding Post-War Rwanda) This publication may be reproduced for free distribution and may be quoted provided the source - Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda - is mentioned. The report is printed on G-print Matt, a wood-free, medium-coated paper. G-print is manufactured without the use of chlorine and marked with the Nordic Swan, licence-no. 304 022. 2 The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience Study 2 Early Warning and Conflict Management by Howard Adelman York University Toronto, Canada Astri Suhrke Chr. Michelsen Institute Bergen, Norway with contributions by Bruce Jones London School of Economics, U.K. Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda 3 Contents Preface 5 Executive Summary 8 Acknowledgements 11 Introduction 12 Chapter 1: The Festering Refugee Problem 17 Chapter 2: Civil War, Civil Violence and International Response 20 (1 October 1990 - 4 August
    [Show full text]
  • Where Will Another United Nations Contingent Come from After the One Deployed Now Goes Home Empty-Handed ? [English Translation]
    Kangura No. 56 Editorial Where Will Another United Nations Contingent Come From After the One Deployed Now Goes Home Empty-Handed ? [English translation] Hassan Ngeze Kangura, February 1994 Unamir troops will re- will quickly fade into oblivion with- turn after over thirty of out knowing it. That is why out of the over one hundred newspapers that them have been killed were founded, not more than five have survived. The only reason is that some It is usually said that we predict the take up the profession just to earn a future, but the present revelation by living, without conviction or love of the Kangura is categorical. We have al- profession. ways held that the journalist that the people need is one who is capable of analyzing the time, on the basis of his- How did the Inkotanyi tory, while contemplating the present and predicting the future. By so doing, newspapers cease to ap- he appreciates the good things and dis- pear? approves of the bad. This is how Kan- gura’s articles have become successful. We started the private press in 1985, But credit for the success of Kangura over nine years ago. We [Hassan Ngeze does not go only to a single individual and Vincent Ravi Rwabukwisi] were but equally to the behavior of the jour- the first to realize the need for a pri- nalists and those supporting the pub- vate press. On the spot, we found lication. publications like Kinyamateka, Dia- logue and other government newspa- pers. As we loved the profession, we How does the press were even undaunted by the danger succeed? we incurred, namely death and im- prisonment.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Waning Wars Wax; a Relook at the Failure of Arusha Peace Accord, the Peace Agreement-Implementation Gap and the Onset of the Rwandan Genocide
    Journal of Global Peace and Conflict June 2016, Vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 33-47 ISSN: 2333-584X(Print), 2333-5858 (Online) Copyright © The Author(s). All Rights Reserved. Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development DOI: 10.15640/jgpc.v4n1a2 URL: https://doi.org/10.15640/jgpc.v4n1a2 Why Waning Wars Wax; a Relook at the Failure of Arusha Peace Accord, the Peace Agreement-Implementation Gap and the Onset of the Rwandan Genocide. Edwin Wuadom Warden 1 Abstract The signing of peace agreement does not always end conflicts. Rather, dying conflicts have resurrected after the failure of peace implementation. This article introduces the concept of Peace Agreement-Implementation Gap (PAIG) as an explanation to why waning wars wax after peace agreement. The Arusha Peace Accord (APA) and the infamous Rwandan Genocide is revisited to examine the role of spoilers and incentive incompatibility in the failure of peace agreement. The article argues that the negotiation of the APA was flawed by the exclusion of key stakeholders who later became substantively organised spoilers, thus, undermining the peace agreement. Additionally, with a lack of potential benefit, there was minimal international commitment to the implementation of the APA. Ultimately, the reluctance of strong powers to commit troops in a difficult field coupled with the internal wrangling of local spoilers hindered the successful implementation of the APA, which in turn led to the genocide. Keywords: Spoiler, Rwandan genocide, Peace Agreement-Implementation Gap, Conflict. Introduction In April 1994, war broke out in the Rwanda between Hutus and Tutsis in what later become known as the Rwandan genocide.
    [Show full text]
  • Report on the Rwanda Media Experience After The
    IMS assessment mission: The Rwanda media experience from the genocide International Media Support • Report • March 2003 Monique Alexis, IMS Consultant Ines Mpambara, Co-director of Rwanda’s School of Journalism Contents 1 Introduction ............................................................................. 3 1.1 Background for the mission .............................................................................3 1.2 Mission Objectives..........................................................................................3 1.3 Method and Scope of work ..............................................................................3 1.4 Structure of the report....................................................................................4 2 The Rwandan Context............................................................... 5 2.1 Political background .......................................................................................5 3 The media and the genocide ................................................... 10 3.1 Historical development of the Rwandan media before the genocide .................... 10 3.2 The media during the genocide: the hate media............................................... 14 4 The media after the genocide ................................................. 19 4.1 Reconstruction of a destroyed media sector (1994 - 2003)................................ 19 4.2 Today: Absence of pluralism and constant threats and pressures ....................... 20 4.3 The new Press Law and the High Press Council
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond the Rhetoric Beyond The
    June 1993 Vol. 5, No. 7 BEYOND THE RHETORIC Continuing Human Rights Abuses in Rwanda Table of Contents Introduction.............................................................................................1 Background to the Conflict.............................................................2 The International Commission on Human Rights Abuses in Rwanda ........................................................................................................................3 New Massacres in the Northwest ................................................5 Elsewhere in Rwanda.........................................................................6 Killings in February and March......................................................7 Abuses by the Rwandan Armed Forces......................................7 Living with Fear....................................................................................12 The Displaced.......................................................................................15 Response of the Rwandan Government.................................16 Abuses by the Rwandan Patriotic Front.................................23 The International Role....................................................................25 Conclusion............................................................................................26 Recommendations...........................................................................28 INTRODUCTION More than 300 Tutsi and members of political parties opposed to Rwandan President Juvenal
    [Show full text]
  • ORIGINAL: ENGLISH TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Erik Møse
    International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda ORIGINAL: ENGLISH TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Erik Møse, presiding Judge Jai Ram Reddy Judge Sergei Alekseevich Egorov Registrar: Adama Dieng Date: 18 December 2008 THE PROSECUTOR v. Théoneste BAGOSORA Gratien KABILIGI Aloys NTABAKUZE Anatole NSENGIYUMVA Case No. ICTR-98-41-T JUDGEMENT AND SENTENCE Office of the Prosecutor: Counsel for the Defence: Barbara Mulvaney Raphaël Constant Christine Graham Allison Turner Kartik Murukutla Paul Skolnik Rashid Rashid Frédéric Hivon Gregory Townsend Peter Erlinder Drew White Kennedy Ogetto Gershom Otachi Bw’Omanwa The Prosecutor v. Théoneste Bagosora et al., Case No. ICTR-98-41-T TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION........................................................................................ 1 1. Overview ................................................................................................................... 1 2. The Accused ............................................................................................................. 8 2.1 Théoneste Bagosora ................................................................................................... 8 2.2 Gratien Kabiligi ....................................................................................................... 10 2.3 Aloys Ntabakuze ...................................................................................................... 10 2.4 Anatole Nsengiyumva .............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • An Examination of the Varying Role of the United Nations in the Civil Wars of Rwanda and El Salvador
    University Libraries Lance and Elena Calvert Calvert Undergraduate Research Awards Award for Undergraduate Research 2012 An Examination of the Varying Role of the United Nations in the Civil Wars of Rwanda and El Salvador Vanessa Jaramillo-Cano University of Nevada Las Vegas, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/award Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, International Law Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Repository Citation Jaramillo-Cano, V. (2012). An Examination of the Varying Role of the United Nations in the Civil Wars of Rwanda and El Salvador. Available at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/award/11 This Research Paper is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Research Paper in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. This Research Paper has been accepted for inclusion in Calvert Undergraduate Research Awards by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Jaramillo-Cano 1 An Examination of the Varying Role of the United Nations in the Civil Wars of Rwanda and El Salvador Vanessa Jaramillo-Cano Jaramillo-Cano 2 Special thanks to Dr. John Tuman, Dr. Peter Starkweather, and Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Prelude to Genocide Contents
    PRELUDE TO GENOCIDE contents Prologue xi Acknowledgments xix Abbreviations xxi Introduction 1 one Ceasefire 20 two Law 54 three Power Sharing 84 four Impasse 109 five Endgame 144 six Things Fall Apart 184 Epilogue 231 Chronology 247 Notes 251 Selected Bibliography 307 Index 313 ix ProloGue On the evening of April 6, 1994, a full moon shone on Kigali Hill across the valley from the American residence. My wife Sandra and I had just stepped in from the front porch when we heard a huge boom followed by a smaller explosion. Sandra, accustomed to small-arms fire and gre- nade explosions after three months in country, exclaimed, “That was not a grenade!” Within minutes, the president’s cabinet director Enoch Ruhigira called me from the airport. “They have shot down my president,” he said in a broken voice. “Who is they?” I asked. “The RPF of course!” was his instant and grieving response. We later learned that two air-to-ground missiles hit the Dassault Falcon jet bringing President Juvénal Habyarimana back home to Kigali from a regional summit in Dar es Salaam. Three months earlier, Habyari- mana had been sworn in as interim president under terms of the Arusha Accords, signed August 4, 1993, between the then Government of Rwanda (GOR) and the insurgent Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF).1 When the president perished with all aboard that plane, the two contending par- ties returned to war instead of working out the arrangements of demo- cratic governance and power sharing based on the Arusha principles. A Hutu extremist faction grabbed the reins of government and launched a genocide in which over eight hundred thousand victims were slaughtered within one hundred days.
    [Show full text]
  • Rwanda's Hutu Extremist Insurgency: an Eyewitness Perspective
    Rwanda’s Hutu Extremist Insurgency: An Eyewitness Perspective Richard Orth1 Former US Defense Attaché in Kigali Prior to the signing of the Arusha Accords in August 1993, which ended Rwanda’s three year civil war, Rwandan Hutu extremists had already begun preparations for a genocidal insurgency against the soon-to-be implemented, broad-based transitional government.2 They intended to eliminate all Tutsis and Hutu political moderates, thus ensuring the political control and dominance of Rwanda by the Hutu extremists. In April 1994, civil war reignited in Rwanda and genocide soon followed with the slaughter of 800,000 to 1 million people, primarily Tutsis, but including Hutu political moderates.3 In July 1994 the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) defeated the rump government,4 forcing the flight of approximately 40,000 Forces Armees Rwandaises (FAR) and INTERAHAMWE militia into neighboring Zaire and Tanzania. The majority of Hutu soldiers and militia fled to Zaire. In August 1994, the EX- FAR/INTERAHAMWE began an insurgency from refugee camps in eastern Zaire against the newly established, RPF-dominated, broad-based government. The new government desired to foster national unity. This action signified a juxtaposition of roles: the counterinsurgent Hutu-dominated government and its military, the FAR, becoming insurgents; and the guerrilla RPF leading a broad-based government of national unity and its military, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), becoming the counterinsurgents. The current war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DROC), called by some notable diplomats “Africa’s First World War,” involving the armies of seven countries as well as at least three different Central African insurgent groups, can trace its root cause to the 1994 Rwanda genocide.
    [Show full text]
  • Rwanda's MDR Party Repudiates Faustin Twagiramungu the Democratic Republic Movement Party
    Digital Commons @ George Fox University David Rawson Collection on the Rwandan Genocide Archives and Museum 11-21-1995 Rwanda's MDR Party Repudiates Faustin Twagiramungu the Democratic Republic Movement Party Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/rawson_rwanda (TH) 07. 28. ' 1:14 I 0; DtJ I'U, 1 40UU"'"+Uv"' ,,...,_," Faustin TWAGIRAMUNGU RWANDA (Phonetic: twahgearahMUHNgoo) Prime Minister (since 19 July 1994) Addressed as: Mr. Prime Minister Twagiramungu was bom in Cyangugu in 'Faustin Twagiramungu, a Hutu, heads a five­ southwestern Rwanda in 1946. He holds a degree party coalition government that was formed by the in business administration from the University of Tutsi-dominated Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) Ottawa, a BA in international relations from after it defeated the forces of the interim McGill University, and a MA from the University government formed after the death of former of Quebec. Twagiramungu worked for the President (1973-94) Juvenal Habyarimana, government's transportation parastatal for several according to press reports. Twagiramungu, who years before forming his own transportation leads a faction of the Democratic Republican company in the 1980s. After Habyarimana Movement (MDR), had been designated Prime legalized independent political parties in 1991, Minister of a transition government to be formed Twagiramungu founded the MDR. as part of the Arusha Accord--an agreement between the Habyarimana regime and its Twagiramungu is the son-in-law of opponents, which was signed in August 1993 but independent Rwanda's first President (1962-73), never implemented. Publicly supportive of ethnic Gregoire Kayibanda, who was overthrown by reconciliation, Twagiramungu was forced to flee in Habyarimana.
    [Show full text]