The Economic Basis for Continuity in Historic Western Shoshone Identities

Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 13, No. 1, pp. 3-14(1991). Seed-Eaters and Chert-Carriers: The Economic Basis for Continuity in Historic Western Shoshone Identities RICHARD O. CLEMMER, Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of Denver, University Park, Denver, CO 80208. B•Y "historic Western Shoshone identities," I in an area around Jarbidge and Goose Creek refer to those I found in a short but intensive where there had lived, according to legend, a and productive six-week field season in summer race of giants that ate people and whose ghosts' of 1989. I call these identities historic, rather might still be encountered by the lone traveler; than contemporary, because they do not seem to Watatikka, 'seed-eaters'; Tokoitikka, 'snake- be products of contemporary political condi eaters.'' tions. Rather, they seem to either have arisen Steward (1938) made it quite clear that or persisted during the historic period, ca. 1880 throughout the Great Basin, groups of people to the present. Some might call this the "res living in specific areas were called by specific ervation period," but since less than 40% ofthe names, or identities, associated with the areas in Western Shoshone population was living on which they lived. These idenfities reflected reservations until well into the 1970s, that food sources, items of technology, or char designation is somewhat inappropriate. acteristics of specific areas. For example. These identities were aboriginal, but that is Steward (1938:71) noted that Railroad Valley not the point I wish to stress. Steward (1938: Shoshone called Southern Paiute ''Tavinai,'' 248) flatly denied these identities had any (Tapenii, 'sun-plural' or eastern-dwellers). significance. My purpose, then, is to ascertain Some of these names were applied to more than why they persisted during a period in which one group—for example, Tipattikka, 'pine-nut they would be expected to disappear, or why eaters.' This name was applied to Shoshones in they became more important when, if Steward the Reese River-Austin area, but it also was was right, they had not been so aboriginally. applied by Owens Valley Shoshone to the First of all, what were they? They are too Tubatulabal, and by people living north of the numerous to list here, but among them are Austin area to the Grouse Creek Shoshone in Goshute, or Kusiutta, named for the frequent northern Utah. Some, or perhaps most, of the dry dust storms in their territory and for their groups also applied the names to themselves, proximity to the Utes; Tosawihi, 'white knife although it is not clear from Steward's ethno carriers,' (White Knife Shoshone), named for graphy whether the custom was universal their use of white flint-like rock from the aboriginally (cf. Thomas et al. 1986:279-283). Tosawihi quarry area and for their frequent Although Steward was able to elicit much habitation of that area; TiPattikka, 'eaters of information on these identities and their pine-nuts,' so called for their heavy dependence parameters in the 1930s, there are any number on that food item as an important resource; of reasons for predicting their disappearance by Akaitikka, 'eaters of northern salmon'; that time. First of all, these identities, Niwitikka, 'people-eaters,' so named, not according to Steward, did not denote bands and because they ate people, but because they lived had no formal institutions associated with them. 4 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY Their bases were entirely geographic. In a nomic institutions that would subsume any pre sense, you were what you ate and where you existing identification with off-reservation areas. lived. Steward's insistence on the nonexistence Within a generation or two at the most, of bands and fixed territories among the Tosawihi, who constituted the bulk of Sho Western Shoshone has led to some lively shones at Duck Valley, would surely have debates (see Steward 1970; D. Fowler 1966; become "Sho-Pais"; Watatikka (Wata = Arte and C. Fowler 1982 for summaries). Never misia biennis seeds and other unidentified food theless, little additional information on the seeds [Steward 1938:21, 309]) in Ruby Valley nature of these food-named and area-named and along the South Fork of the Humboldt groups has been forthcoming, aside from C. would come to identify as "Temoke Sho Fowler's (1982) work with the Northern Paiute, shones," and so forth. An analogy with to be discussed below. Thus, Steward's asser another Basin group, the Southern Ute, tion that the identities were meaningless in terms strengthens this prediction: the Southern Utes of population units or political relationships did have bands with strong band leadership remains problematical but certainly is not to be (Clemmer 1989). The chiefs of the three south dismissed. There is every reason to believe that ern bands, the Weeminuche, Capote, and Tabe- with a shared culture and language, and a kin guache, along with their families, all settled at ship system that allowed for maximum flexibil Ignacio. But by the 1960s, band identification ity, these identities would be unstable, had become virtually nonexistent as a meaning amorphous, and ephemeral from the very start. ful factor in influencing the leadership or power Second, a hundred years of social, structure of the tribe (Johnson 1963:120). In economic, and political change would have the early 1980s, I encountered only one man, a made food- and area-named identities super little over a hundred years old, who identified fluous. Steward (1955:57-58) gave this assess himself with one of the bands (Capote). We ment of Western Shoshone culture change. would expect, then, that the dichotomy between reservation-based Western Shoshones and non- The Western Shoshoni were spared the more crucial difficulties experienced by Indians who reservation-based people would break apart any had a fairly tightly-woven fabric of community preexisting identities, and the conditioning of cuhure. When miners and ranchers entered lifestyles by either reservation situations or off- their country a century ago, individual families reservation, wage-labor situations would com readily attached themselves to white commun ities. When their native hunting and gathering plete the process. resources were depleted, they worked for wages sufficient to maintain their very low standard of THE CONSULTANTS living. Most Western Shoshoni . were only loosely tied to any definable locality or Imagine my surprise, then, when I found cohesive social group, for there were no these identities alive and well in 1989, community bonds beyond kinship and friend especially at Duck Valley, where the Tosawihi ship. Persons commonly wandered from place identity was known and proclaimed. I inter to place. Western Shoshoni acculturation has come about . through face-to-face viewed 52 individuals: 22 females and 30 association with whites. The individual males. The 40-50 age cohort yielded the largest families were quite free to adjust to changed number of interviewees (10) but the 50-60, circumstances. 60-70, and 70-80 age cohorts had nearly equal Third, it seems likely that persons who had representation. The largest number of inter reservation experiences would quickly become viewees was at Owyhee (17), with Battle integrated into reservation political and eco Mountain (10) and Lee (8) running close HISTORIC SHOSHONE IDENTITIES seconds. The greater frequency of interviewees Tosawihi individuals did see "Paiute" as over 40 years of age reflects the fact that submerging and denying every variety of Sho generally they knew more than those under 40 shone identity. In other words, you cannot be and referred me to others who tended to be in Paiute and also be Shoshone! No one claimed the same age cohort or older.' "Sho-Pai" or "Duck Valley Indian" as an For various reasons that I will detail here, identity. Two interviewees flatly denied the the research design focused on Tosawihi existence of the "Sho-Pai Tribe" as anything identity. Twelve interviewees identified them but a legal fiction. selves as Tosawihi. They, in turn, identified Other identities perceived by Tosawihi and another 10 interviewees as Tosawihi who did not consultants and applied to specific Shoshone identify themselves as such. In all, however, individuals were "Bruneau Shoshone"; more than half (55%) of those interviewees "Akaitikka" or "Fish Eaters"; "Tokoitikka" or identifiable as Tosawihi were self-identified as "Snake Eaters"; "Niwitikka," "Weiser Valley such. (Many more individuals whom I was not Paiute," "Northern Paiute," "McDermitt able to interview were identifiable as Tosawihi Paiute," "Paddy Cap Paiute," "Other Paiute," on the basis of known kin ties.) "Goshute," "Those Shoshones in Utah" (near The most frequent additional identities for Portage; most likely Akaitikka, Grouse Creek, self-identified Tosawihi were "Western Sho and Promontory Point Shoshones, cf. Madsen shone" and "Shoshone." Those Tosawihi not 1980:94-98; Clemmer and Stewart 1986:531), identifying themselves as Tosawihi most fre "Chinese," "Basco" (Basque), and quently identified themselves as "Indian" and "Bannock." One consultant said the Bannock second most frequently as "Western Sho also were called "Andavich," or "enemy." shone" or, simply, as "Shoshone." I found individuals self-identifying them Besides "Tosawihi," self-attributed eth selves in all categories except "Bruneau nicities were "Temoak Shoshone," "Amer Shoshone," "Northern Paiute," "McDermitt ican," and "Paiute," as well as what might be Paiute," or "Other Paiute," and I did not called other "old identities" such as interview any individuals identified by others as ''Watatikka," or "Tipattikka." One man "Chinese" or "Bannock." The four individ identified himself as "a person from Long- uals identified by others as various kinds of Mountain-Lying-Down," a former village near Paiute also identified themselves as Paiute, but Austin (Steward 1938:102), that Steward wrote without an area-specificity, aside from one as "Gu.vadakiiahunupi." Of a possible 10 that individual who identified himself as "Weiser might have had some claim to the label, only Valley" Paiute.

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