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Receiving News from the Seat of War: Dublin Audiences Respond to Boer War Entertainments Denis Con Don*

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Receiving News from the Seat of War: Dublin Audiences Respond to Boer War Entertainments Denis Con Don* Earll· Popular Visual Cui/lin! Vol. 9, No. 2, May 20 II , 93- 106 Receiving news from the seat of war: Dublin audiences respond to Boer war entertainments Denis Con don* School oj'Englis h. Jl!ledia and Theatre Studies. National Unil·ersif)· o( Ireland. Marnoolh. Ireland The Boer war and its popu lar representations were uniquely content ious in Ireland. On th e one hilnd . lrelilnd WilS il pmt of th e United Kingdom. one of the 'horne countries· of th e British empire, with il popu lmion thilt contributed significantly to th e imperia l project. most prominently represented in re lation to th e Boer Will' by Lon.J Roberts. commander of British forces in South Africa in 1900. On the other hilnd . th e majority of th e Irish populmion supported a nmional ist politics whose chief aim at the turn or the century was to gain 'horne rule' for th e country and which SilW the war against the South African republ icsasanother instilnce ofBritish aggression against a small popu lation determined to assert its independence. This led to a pro-Boer fever among il nationalist population thC'tt was ill disposed to th e jingoistic pro-war sentiments expressed in much of popu lar culture coming from Britain. Boer Wilr entertainments in Dubl in were frequ ently contentious. prompting reflection on the possible ideological uses or new media forms. Keywords: Boer war films: audiences; nationalism; unionism: Dublin; Ireland; South Africa Introduction The Superintendents of the "B" and "G" Divisions ca lled on Mr Patterson th e n1<1nil ger of the "Daily lndependem·• and pointed out to him the probabi lity of serious rioting if he perseveres in his Magic Lantern display. They told him that in the event of rioting he might be incriminmed as th e Magic Lantern display should be regarded as th e primary ca use. He received them very civilly, and said he was very much alarmed last evening. that his Directors would meet at 2 o'clock and that he would place th e matter before th em and recommend that the display be discontinued, and that on this night the only thing that would appear, would be an announcement thm in deference to public ord er th e Magic lantern wou ld be discontinued. (CBS/ 1899/20225Ai S) Dated 20 October 1899, tllis otTicial report by John J. Jones, chief commissioner of the Dublin Metropolitan Police (DMPl, to the Undersecretary for Ireland indicates something of the uniquely contentious responses of Irish audiences to popular repre­ sentations oft he second Anglo-Boer war of 1899-1902. Since 13 October, the moder­ ate nationalist frish Dailr fndependent had been using a magic lantern to project on a wall of its offices in central Dublin war telegrams and images that included the Boer *Emat 1: Denis.j .condon(amu im. ie ISS N 17-16- 0654 print, ISSN 17-16- 0f>62 o nlin~ ..:-. : 0 11 T:.ylor & Fr:.m.·i s 001: I 0.1080 17-160o5-1.2u 11 .57 103-1 hllp:/,www.i n l'onn:. worl d.com 94 D. Condon A. NIGHTLY SOENE IN TRINITY STREET. Figure I. Spectators watch for news of the Boer war projecteu by magic lantern onto the offices of the Irish Dailr Independent. Courtesy of National Library of Ireland. leaders and the sites of the famous British defeats of Laing's Nek and Majuba Hill during the first Anglo-Boer war ( 1880-1) (Figure l ). Although the use by newspapers of projected images to draw a crowd has been noted by other scholars (Lacasse 201 0). this instance of the provocative juxtaposition of projected news and historical images oft-he war by a daily newspaper, the paper's promotion of the display in its own pages, and the differing responses of members of the Dublin public that prompted police Early Popular Visual Culture 95 intervention provide an early indication of how a complex interweaving of established and new media forms would be used to represent the war and inflect local interpreta­ tions of it. Given that the magic lantern display was already a part of nineteenth-century visual culture, arguments about the novel experiences of the Boer war that new media forms introduced to turn-of-the-century popular culture have been made particularly in relation to the advent of moving pictures in Britain. 'The war itself straddled the end of the old and the begirllling of the new century, and marked the end of a tradition dominated by the manual transcription of information and impressions', writes Simon M Popple; 'New media based on the tecluwlogies of the camera and the telegraph 0 altered not only the speed with which the war could be covered but also the nature of -N ~ the representation' (Popple 2002: 13- 14). However, the speeds of photographic and ~ 5 telegraphic transmission were not yet synchronous. Although the realistic and > dramatic possibilities of moving pictures would make them an important part of the z0 mediation of the Boer war as it progressed, it would not have been possible for the \0 N Independent to show still or moving images of the war itself so soon after its begin­ N ';!: ning. The long build-up to the war made it possible for film production companies to 00 have camera operators in South Africa, but the speed with which images of the war 0 (;j could appear on screens in Britain and Ireland was, in addition to the difficulties of filming a guerrilla war, dependent on the two-week voyage that it took to ship films from what was often called 'the seat of war'. The telegraph, by contrast, although it could not transmit photographs, could relay information extremely quickly between the parts of the empire suitably connected. So, although war subjects were included on the progranm1e of films being shown by the cineograph projector at Dublin's Lyric Theatre of Varieties in the week following the outbreak of hostilities, these films were from the Spanish-American war, which had been underway for nearly a year and a half. When the advertisement for the turn claimed that 'All Important News from the Seat of War arriving during the Performance will be Aruwunced Nightly on the Cineograph' (Evening Telegraph, 17 October 1899: 1), however, the war referred to was the one in South Africa, and war telegrams were projected by magic lantern in a similar manner to the display at the Independent at the same time. Reviews of the Lyric shows do not mention the telegrams, but one notice suggests that Irish music hall audiences had an appetite for war scenes and, significantly given the later range of contentious reactions to British patriotic imagery, reacted positively to a film show designed to invoke US patriotism: [T]he audience were tre.1ted to a moving representation of incidents in the late Spanish­ A merican war, appropriately introduced by ''Ya nkee Doodle" from the orchestra. The pictures were extremely vivid, and in the views which showed a bit of the fight for Sa n Juan Hill there were some situations which roused the audience to an unusual pitch of enthusiasm. (Freeman's Journal, 17 October 1899: 6) The interchange between these two media contexts of newspaper and theatre recalls Ian Christie's argument that the 'new media' of photographic illustration, telegraphy and film were at the time of the Boer war 'finding their place amid the established media of print and performance' (Christie 2008: 90). Concerned like Popple with the place of moving pictures in the contemporary mediascape, Christie argues that film historians ought not assert the simple novelty of the medium but should instead show 'how film borrowed from and echoed the themes expressed in other media, and how in doing so it negotiated its place in the hierarchy of media consumption - and thus 96 D. Condon contributed to popular sentiment' (Christie 2008: 90). These points are also, of course, relevant to discussion of Boer war entertainments in Ireland, but the British and Irish contexts differed markedly. Most crucially, Irish popular nationalism defined itself against the kind of British popular nationalism examined by Popple and Christie. Furthermore, wlule British filnm1akers produced films designed to appeal to the patri ­ otism of British audiences - and exllibitors enhanced these features in performance ­ few Boer war subjects were produced in Ireland, and jingoistic display elicited strong expressions of disfavour from many Irish audiences. Nevertheless, Irish nationalism represented only a majority and not all of the M Irish population, and other factors relating to Ireland's colorlial status complicated 0 how a particular audience nlight respond to overt celebrations of Britishness. Irish -N ~ opirlions on the war and its portrayals in both established and new media forms map ~ 5 quite closely onto the country's political divisions based on class and religion. The > social elite in Ireland were still largely Protestant at the turn of the century, but z0 outside the north -eastern corner of Ireland - where a large Protestant working class \0 N supported the urlion with Britain and greeted Boer war pictures with displays of N ';!: loyalty - the small -farming and urban working and lower-nliddle classes were 00 0 predonlinantly Catholic and nationalist. Tllis resulted, in the case of Boer war magic (;j lantern shows in provincial Ireland, in what Niamh McCole (2007: 254) calls a clear 'binarism of response' that ranged from the enthusiasm of urliorlist members of an audience to the demonstrations and 'clever remarks' of nationalist ones. McCole stresses, however, the role of the lecturer in mediating the content of the slides and nlitigating negative audience reaction, a factor that would also be crucial in the exllibition of entertairm1ents with moving pictures (McCole 2007: 254-6).
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