PROOF

Contents

Notes on the Contributors vii

Introduction 1

1 The Men of Property: Politics and the Languages of Class in the 1790s 7 Jim Smyth

2 William Thompson, Class and His Irish Context, 1775–1833 21 Fintan Lane

3 The Rise of the Catholic Middle Class: O’Connellites in County Longford, 1820–50 48 Fergus O’Ferrall

4 ‘Carrying the War into the Walks of Commerce’: Exclusive Dealing and the Southern Protestant Middle Class during the Campaign 65 Jacqueline Hill

5 The Decline of Duelling and the Emergence of the Middle Class in 89 James Kelly

6 ‘You’d be disgraced!’ Middle-Class Women and Respectability in Post-Famine Ireland 107 Maura Cronin

7 Middle-Class Attitudes to Poverty and Welfare in Post-Famine Ireland 130 Virginia Crossman

8 The Industrial Elite in Ireland from the Industrial Revolution to the First World War 148 Andy Bielenberg

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9 ‘Another Class’? Women’s Higher Education in Ireland, 1870–1909 176 Senia Pašeta

10 Class, Nation, Gender and Self: Katharine Tynan and the Construction of Political Identities, 1880–1930 194 Aurelia L. S. Annat

11 Leadership, the Middle Classes and Unionism since the Late-Nineteenth Century 212 N. C. Fleming

12 William Martin Murphy, the and Middle-Class Politics, 1905–19 230 Patrick Maume

13 Planning and Philanthropy: Travellers and Class Boundaries in Urban Ireland, 1930–75 249 Aoife Bhreatnach

14 ‘The Stupid Propaganda of the Calamity Mongers’?: The Middle Class and Irish Politics, 1945–97 271 Diarmaid Ferriter

Index 289

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Jim Smyth

Political rhetoric in Ireland in the 1790s – the sharply conflicting vocabularies of reform and disaffection, liberty, innovation. nation, con- stitution, and Catholic relief – was saturated by the assumptions, platitudes and invective, in short by the ‘languages’ of ‘class’. Correlations between social position and political affiliation are scarcely stable or clear-cut, but to contemporaries, as to later historians, it seemed apparent that there were indeed alignments between the two. Conservatives routinely understood challenges to the established order in the idiom of class, just as radicals and reformers often diagnosed society’s ills in terms of a corrupt, unjust and ‘monopolising’ aristo- cratic elite. And in Ireland, inevitably, class antagonisms overlapped and interpenetrated with religious divisions – Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter. We must then attend to the languages of class when considering the conduct of politics in the late eighteenth century. Immediately, how- ever, difficulties – interpretative, conceptual and linguistic – arise. How is ‘class’ determined? By wealth, land, property, birth, status or occupa- tion, or by some combination thereof? A glance at the written word in this period – in almost any conceivable genre, from printed ser- mons, to travel books, to political pamphlets – reveals the profusion, descriptive imprecision, blurred demarcations and sheer instability of the terminology of class. In addition to classes, these include ‘ranks’, ‘orders’, ‘sorts’, ‘degrees’, ‘stations’, ‘estates’ and ‘interests’. Each of these terms infers relationships, all more or less hierarchical, between socio- economic groups. Hierarchies might be simple binaries (rich and poor), tripartite (aristocracy, middling sort, lower orders) or more nuanced (nobility and gentry, commercial and professional, working poor and indigent). To the conservative mind, hierarchy, and thus inequality, was

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God-given, immutable and beneficent. Or so the theory ran, for in the age of the , of public disorder and political upheaval, comforting metaphors of deference and subordination could no longer disguise nor suppress anxieties about social, even revolutionary, change.

New languages

Language change provides a strong index of social and cultural change and the erosion of traditional social and economic stratifications desta- bilised the nomenclature used to categorise them. In Penelope Cor- field’s formulation in late eighteenth-century Britain, ‘ “ranks” ...were “serried”, [and] “orders” ...were neatly aligned’, whereas ‘the mutual relationship of one “class” with another was conceptually much more fluid’.1 ‘Classes’, unlike traditional ‘ranks’, ‘orders’, ‘degrees’ and so on, were made not inherited; mutable social constructs not fixed and ‘nat- ural’ social structures.2 Significantly, in these years the usage of ‘class’ was on the increase and with it a concomitant sense of the possibilities of mobility and change. Moreover, these languages packed a normative charge, saluting the upper echelons of society for their ‘gentility’ and denigrating the lower for their ‘vulgarity’.3 Poverty, deemed inescapable, was attributed to individual moral failings – sloth, drunkenness, igno- rance, lack of initiative and the like.4 From an opposing standpoint – articulated, for example, by the – the labouring poor were industrious, indispensable and exploited, aristo- crats idle and parasitic, and the commercial classes the true font of wealth and prosperity.5 Images of class pulsated with positive or pejo- rative connotations. In important ways, political conflict represented a conflict of representation. In the matter of ‘class’, Ireland’s 1790s boast a celebrated exam- ple of verbal ambiguity: ’s reliance on ‘that numerous and respectable class of the community, the men of no property’. The mean- ing of that seemingly straightforward proposition has long since been contested. Historians and political activists on the left have read the phrase literally: by ‘men of no property’, he meant what would later be called the working class.6 Tone’s modern biographer, on the other hand, contends that that simple interpretation ignores late eighteenth- century linguistic conventions. ‘Property’, she argues, referred ‘first and foremost [to] landed property’. Tone’s ‘men of no property’ were, in fact, ‘the middle classes’.7 Yet, if that is so, it would have surprised his ‘middle class’ contemporaries, particularly Catholics of that description. In 1793, an MP sympathetic to the Catholic cause noted that leading Catholic Committeemen, such as John Keogh (retired silk mercer) and

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Edward Byrne (wealthy sugar-baker), ‘hold all the Catholic property in their hands, and hav[e] the great stake in the country’. And, avoiding any possible confusion, he further states that ‘the much greater part of the landed property is in Protestant hands’.8 That same year, Tone himself refused to confine ‘property’ to land. Refuting accusations that the Catholic Committee were guilty of ‘exciting discontent, tumult and sedition’, he insisted that

It is more peculiarly their interest to preserve peace and good order than that of any other body of men in the community. They have a large stake in the country, much of it vested in that kind of prop- erty which is most peculiarly exposed to danger from popular tumult. The General Committee would suffer more by one week’s disturbance than all the members of the two houses of parliament.9

Marianne Elliott may have been led astray by the word ‘respectable’. How, after all, could such a positive adjective be applied to the wretched lower orders? During the debates on the Act of Union in 1800, Tone’s old friend, the moderate Whig MP Peter Burrowes appeared to con- firm such class derision when he wondered how could it be that Lord Castlereagh, arch-enemy of Jacobinism, having got up pro-union peti- tions and resolutions by ‘frantic canvas’, ‘should dive into cellars and climb into garrets, to solicit plebian signatures against the ancient con- stitution of Ireland – that he should set on foot a poll of the populace of Ireland against its constitution – that he should blacken the columns of the government prints with the names of day labourers of the lowest description.’10 Pointed irony should not be discounted here. Certainly, radical propaganda of the 1790s is replete with altogether more affir- mative rhetoric. The United Irishmen asserted ‘The necessity of giving political value and station to the great majority of the people’. These types of formulation may be read as primarily political, as examples of the Whig and republican language of inclusive citizenship. However, they also had implicit social resonance, sometimes made explicit, as when the United Irishmen asked ‘Who makes the rich?’ and answered ‘The poor. What makes the shuttle fly, and the plough cleave the furrows? – The poor. Should the poor emigrate, what would become of you, proud, powerful, silly men?’ ‘The spirit of our laws is aristocratic’, they assert elsewhere, ‘and by no means calculated for the protection of the poor’, instancing the game laws, Stamp Act and criminal code.11 More obliquely, but unmistakably, radicals asserted the moral ‘sta- tion’ of the lower classes by subverting and co-opting ’s notorious denigration of them as ‘the swinish multitude’. Thomas

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Spence’s Pigs Meat: Lessons for the Swinish Multitude is only the best known of the many English publications which redeployed Burke’s epi- thet ironically. In Ireland, used the phrase in that manner in a 1795 pamphlet, while the rebel army which marched on Antrim town on 7 June 1798 struck up a song, ‘The Swinish Multitude’.12 To be sure, middle-class radical attitudes towards ‘the people’ could be patronising and ambivalent. For instance, prominent United Irish- men opposed the proto-trade unionism of workers ‘combinations’.13 As a number of them were themselves employers, especially in the tex- tile trades, that is hardly surprising. Yet, if they embraced the term ‘democrat’, and assumed ‘natural’ leadership of their social ‘inferiors’, as occupants of the middle rank they faced two ways. They too were subject to obloquy from their ‘aristocrat’ social ‘betters’. As with ‘the people’, the designations ‘democrat’ and ‘aristocrat’ should be understood in the first instance as political. As Wolfe Tone put it, ‘The French revo- lution became the test of every man’s political creed and the nation was fairly divided into two great parties, the aristocrats and the democrats.’14 But also like ‘the people’ these words and ‘parties’ were freighted with social meaning. In Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution of France, the mid- dling sort fared little better than the swinish multitude. ‘The state’, he observed, ‘ought not to be considered as nothing better than a part- nership agreement in trade of pepper and coffee, calico, or tobacco, or some other such low concern’.15 Later, he ridiculed the concept and slogan ‘Protestant Ascendancy’ by scorning its ‘bourgeois-commercial origins’ in Dublin Corporation.16 An eighteenth-century Irish elite tradition of fostering commerce and improvement thus mixed promiscuously with a contradictory disdain for upstarts and trade.17 Like radical contempt for the idle rich, none of this was new, but at certain crunch moments dur- ing the prolonged crisis of the 1790s, the languages of class antagonism moved to the centre of public debate.

Catholic agitators of the middling rank

In December 1791, a serious conflict, which would have momentous consequences, erupted within the Catholic Committee. The immedi- ate causes of this dispute lay in the founding of the Catholic Society in Dublin, in October that year, and the publication of a pamphlet by one of its number, Dr Theobald McKenna. The society’s membership drew on the urban commercial classes (with a sprinkling of physicians), or, as the Lord Lieutenant, Westmorland, saw it, consisted ‘of fifty or sixty of the most violent agitators’.18 McKenna’s pamphlet broke with

October 9, 2009 17:33 MAC/PSMC Page-10 9780230_008267_03_cha01 PROOF Jim Smyth 11 convention to demand full emancipation. Tellingly, it also insisted upon the entitlement of Catholic ‘property’ to political representation com- mensurate with ‘its natural weight’.19 Up until that point, Catholic campaigning had been dominated by a handful of titular peers, senior clergy and minor gentry, whose petitions and declarations had been couched in a language of loyalty, obedience and supplication to his Majesty and his ministers. Now, a more assertive, self-confident style emerged, a style which government readily identified with ‘men in the middling rank in Dublin’, and which government hoped to ‘induce’ the ‘considerable Catholics’ to ‘discountenance’.20 In the longer term, the clash between the ‘considerable Catholics’ and the new, energised men of ‘the middling rank’ can be read as a political manifestation of a century-long process of economic and social develop- ment: Maureen Wall’s ‘rise of the Catholic middle class’.21 Wall’s justly influential thesis has since been modified. Protestants, it turns out, con- tinued to dominate the commanding heights of finance and trade.22 Nevertheless, a Catholic middle class had arisen; by 1791, its political weight had begun to tip the balance of power within the Catholic Com- mittee and, just as importantly, there were widespread perceptions that a prosperous, bustling set of Catholic businessmen – merchants, doctors, printers, brewers and textile manufacturers – had arrived on the political scene. did not welcome their arrival and persuaded the ‘con- siderable Catholics’, in the person of Lord Kenmare, to publicly repudi- ate McKenna, precipitating a split in the committee. On 17 December, the Kenmarite minority seceded. The Dublin leadership followed up by mounting a brief, vigorous, vitriolic, nationwide and successful cam- paign against ‘Lord Lickspittle, the Kerry traitor’. The ‘popular party’ within the committee demonstrated its ability to mobilise public opin- ion as effigies of the nobleman were burned in Dublin city and counties Leitrim and Roscommon, and declarations of support came in from , Drogheda and elsewhere.23 The Kenmarites were swiftly routed and with their prelatic allies returned, chastened, to the committee in the spring of 1792. The committee now presented a united front and worked effectively with the Catholic Church, but traditional codes of social deference and authority had received a shock from which they would never entirely recover. In October, John Keogh contemptuously dismissed certain bishops as ‘old men used to bend to power’; while a month later Westmorland complained that ‘the violent attacks and threats of the democratic leaders of the Catholics have forced the clergy into cooperation with their plans and the gentry into acquiescence’.24

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Nor did the matter rest there. At the beginning of 1792, the British government sponsored a Catholic Relief Act in an attempt to conciliate Ireland’s majority community and preempt an alliance between it and the reformers, especially the northern Dissenters. The bill was carried, but the strategy backfired. Catholics were more infuriated by the abuse showered upon them in the parliamentary debates, than grateful for the limited concessions passed into law. One speech, in particular, rankled. On 20 February, Sir Boyle Roche, doyen of the lurid mixed metaphor, stood in the House to ask:

Who were they ...who affected to be the representatives of the Roman Catholics of Ireland? Were there amongst them any of the ancient nobility, or of the gentry of Ireland? Was there a single man of respectability or character? No, not one. There was indeed, Mr Edward Byrne, a sugar baker, a seller of wines and other com- modities ...there was another, John Keogh; who was he? Why, he was a retailer of poplins in Dame Street ...as for the rest of them, they were so obscure, that he could neither recollect nor describe them. Were these the representatives of the Roman Catholic nobility and gentry? No. Was there a respectable name among them? No. These fellows ...represented themselves, and misrepresented the Roman Catholics of Ireland. Neither the Catholic nobility, the Catholic gen- try, nor the Catholic clergy, had anything to do with it, and he considered it to be both an insolent and degrading petition.25

The Catholic Committee, he continued, were composed of nothing more than ‘turbulent shopkeepers and shop lifters’. A few days ear- lier, a pro-government newspaper had levelled a similar accusation against the committee characterising them as ‘a small popish faction in Dublin, who by fraud and cabal, have attempted to give themselves an importance to which they have no claim’.26 The committee responded by organising countrywide delegate elec- tions to a National Convention that enjoyed a more ‘democratic’ mandate than parliament itself and placed the leadership’s claims to rep- resent their fellow Catholics beyond dispute. Meanwhile, they engaged their detractors head on. After confirming its concern for the welfare of the poor, the committee went on to affirm its claim to property and respectability:

When, therefore, it is asserted, that we are only the unlettered, poor, mechanical members of our persuasion; we deny it only because it is

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not the fact ...But when it is considered, that it is not this committee alone, who are represented as destitute of property, character and knowledge ...the principal merchants of so many trading cities, the householders of all the parishes of this capital, the landed proprietors of so many counties, are involved in this indiscriminate reproach of meanness, poverty and ignorance ...the names and characters of the persons who have signed resolutions in favour of the General Com- mittee, are of the first respectability in every class, and every line which the law has left open to us ...it has been represented that they have no stake in the property of the country, and nothing to hazard in the event of public calamity. If we are to speak of their substance, to bring the estimate within the lowest calculation, we cannot com- pute the property of those who have already signed resolutions in our favour ...at less than ten million sterling; we should come nearer the truth, if we should say twenty millions. If mercantile, and per- sonal wealth constitutes the greater part of this sum, it is because the property of the Roman Catholics is principally vested in trade ...we solicit relief not for the sake of the rich, but for the sake of the poor.27

When these men of property won a second, this time major, instalment of Catholic relief in 1793 (which granted the franchise but not the right of Catholics to sit in parliament), several of them reneged on their de facto alliance with the United Irishmen and commitment to parliamen- tary reform. Perhaps by ‘men of property’, Wolfe Tone simply meant his erstwhile allies, John Keogh and Theobald McKenna?

The United Irishmen

Catholics made up roughly 50 per cent of the original Dublin Soci- ety of United Irishmen, many of whom were indeed the shopkeepers so despised by Roche.28 And the United Irishmen too were the tar- get of (albeit non-sectarian) class disdain. In 1794, one MP denounced the society as a phalanx of ‘Doctors without practice, merchants with- out credit, barristers without briefs, foolish gentlemen, mad printers, malcontent politicians, and idle tradesmen.’29 Michael Durey com- ments that ‘Marxist historians of the French revolution would have no difficulty recognising the Dublin Society of United Irishmen; it was obvi- ously a club led by “bourgeois” Jacobins.’30 It was also led, however, by ‘gentlemen’, such as the impeccably aristocratic and the Hon. Simon Butler, brother of Lord Mountgarret. The aristocrat and nobleman as advanced Whig and ‘friend of the people’

October 9, 2009 17:33 MAC/PSMC Page-13 9780230_008267_03_cha01 PROOF 14 The Men of Property is a familiar figure in eighteenth-century Irish and British politics. From one standpoint, such men lent social caché to the United Irishmen; from another, their unearned prominence flew in the face of everything for which the society supposedly stood. , Catholic, printer, newspaper editor and rene- gade United Irishman, greatly admired the leadership of the Catholic Committee and applauded them for ‘overturning’ the aristocratic old guard. He praised Keogh for ‘his penetration, his courage, his ambi- tion [and] his unbounded talents’, and ‘that estimable character, Edward Byrne ...[whose] influence, extending through almost every trading town and city in the kingdom, wielded at will the commercial interest of the Irish Catholics’, for ‘his known probity, his great property and con- nections gave importance to the cause which he espoused, and in great measure ensured its success’. Carey attributed the committee’s political accomplishment to the routing of Kenmare and ‘the Catholic peerage’, when, as he saw it, ‘firmness’ replaced ‘imbecility’ and ‘decision suc- ceeded to delay’.31 Conversely, by 1794, the United Irish project had, in his view, faltered precisely because that organisation had allowed its aristocratic faction to retain control. This critique appeared in a long pamphlet, An Appeal to the People of Ireland. Carey had been prosecuted for seditious libel as the printer of the Dublin United Irishmen’s Address to the Volunteers, published in September 1792. In his account, the leaders promised, but failed, to pay his legal costs; expelled from the society, he fetched up in court as a crown witness against the Address’s author, Dr William Drennan. Like most apostates, Carey has not generally received a good press from the historians.32 His Appeal is relentlessly self-pleading, self-inflating, dis- gruntled and easily dismissible. It does, nonetheless, repay close reading and the analysis is remarkable for its sheer class-consciousness. Thus to him, the middling sort, or, as he called them, the men ‘from behind the counter,andfromthe compting house’ were ‘the truly honourable class of society, whose wealth and industry are the real props of the state’.33 Interestingly, and in striking contrast to others of his radical cohort, Carey did not condemn journeyman combination outright, denounc- ing instead ‘the combination of the rich against the poor’.34 His view of ‘aristocracy’ fell into two categories: ‘an Aristocracy of the learned professions – Physic and Law’35 – represented by the likes of Drennan and , a barrister; and what might be called aristoc- racy proper, the men of noble birth and landed property. The influence of the first had led to a loss of public confidence in the society; the influence of the second had resulted in nothing less than a ‘mode of

October 9, 2009 17:33 MAC/PSMC Page-14 9780230_008267_03_cha01 PROOF Jim Smyth 15 feudal association’. The United Irishmen, he asserts, his invective rac- ing ahead of his judgement, had ‘been made to resemble a Highland Clan, under a few ambitious, arbitrary chieftains, more than a dignified assembly of free, enlightened citizens’. Opposed to privilege in theory, these grandees exercised it in practice. ‘They oppose power’, he asserts in ironic echo of the standard conservative charge of radical demagogy, ‘in order to obtain it’.36 Carey’s class-charged critique is sui generis, overblown and reveals as much about the thinness of his skin as about class-based tensions within the Dublin Society. The class dimensions of politics that he identifies should not, however, on those grounds, be discounted. In the year in which he wrote, 1794, the so-called open and constitutional phase of the United Irish movement came to an end. Government proscribed the Dublin Society which, along with its Ulster counterparts, now went underground. Many of the original middle-class members (including Drennan) opted out as the political crisis deepened and the United Irishmen turned to republican separatism and prepared for insurrec- tion. Some aristocrats, such as Lord Edward Fitzgerald, Arthur O’Connor and Valentine Lawless, Lord Cloncurry, actually chose this ‘second’ more violent post-1794 phase to enter the fray, but in general the lead- ership, especially at provincial level, preserved an essentially, though more modest, middle-class character.37 Meanwhile, and ineluctably, as the movement transformed itself into a mass-based revolutionary organisation in alliance with the lower-class Catholic , the rank-and-file became more plebeian. That social composition did not generate any Carey-style class fric- tion. On the contrary – for example – a nexus of Ulster Catholic textile merchants and manufacturers, most prominently the Teeling family of Lisburn, were instrumental in politicising the Defenders and mobilis- ing them behind the United Irish cause.38 Many middle-class radicals were, of course, ‘bourgeois’ and ‘patronising’ towards ‘the people’,39 wedded to the contemporary free market orthodoxies of political econ- omy and hostile to journeymen combinations. Yet, many were also Paineite, and Paine in , part II advocates an early ver- sion of the welfare state. United Irish social and economic ideas were ambivalent and embryonic rather than intellectually consistent or con- ventionally bourgeois, as used to be assumed.40 Besides, the unrestrained militancy of some of these alleged bourgeois exemplars must be weighed in the interpretative scales. As a capitalist, industrialist – who intro- duced steam-powered machinery to Dublin – and large-scale employer, the United Irish leader Henry Jackson undoubtedly supported free trade

October 9, 2009 17:33 MAC/PSMC Page-15 9780230_008267_03_cha01 PROOF 16 The Men of Property and opposed combinations. However, there was nothing ‘respectable’, about the manufacture of heavy-shot and pike-heads in his iron mills in the years before the rebellion.41 Jackson, Richard McCormack (a Catholic Committee activist and, like Jackson, a substantial Dublin employer), Lord Edward Fitzgerald and others continued in revolutionary politics after 1794, but as noted, in terms of wealth and status, the ‘middle-class’ leadership of the United Irish movement began to slip down the social scale. As violence, extremism, state repression and the prison population grew, the more ‘respectable’ reformers, not surprisingly, quit the scene. Their ‘deser- tion’ (or prudence) later gave rise to the most trenchant class-based explanation for the defeat of the 1798 rebellion. James (Jemmy) Hope, journeyman weaver, middle-ranking United Irish cadre and confidant of two of the movement’s more socially radical leaders – Henry Joy McCracken and Thomas Russell – at the request of R.R. Madden wrote his ‘autobiography’ in 1843 for inclusion in that prodigious author’s Lives of the United Irishmen. Allowing for hindsight – ‘I was always pre- pared for defeat’42 – and a pronounced ideological predisposition, like Carey, Hope deserves scrutiny. First, his account of the 1790s is placed in socio-economic context. Ulster society, ‘the seat of politics’, consisted of ‘three parties: those whose industry produced the necessaries of life, those who circulated them, and those whose subsistence depended on fictitious claims and capital, and lived and acted as if men and cattle were created solely for their use and benefit’. Second, that understanding compelled Hope’s ‘settled opinion that the condition of the labouring class was the fundamental question at issue between the rulers and the people’.43 Ever sensitive to class distinctions, he attributed the failures of the United Irish movement to the wholesale infiltration of informers and to the corruptions of ‘the rich farmers and shopkeepers’ (often the same people) who, as insurrection loomed, ‘abandoned the cause’.44 Hope’s political agenda is clear, and, it has been plausibly suggested, may reveal as much about 1840s British Chartist thinking as it does about 1790s Irish republicanism,45 yet his perspectives do catch the sim- mering mood of class hostility which permeated Ireland’s revolutionary decade. This is most evident, perhaps, in the increasingly astringent rhetoric of United Irish propaganda aimed directly at ‘the people’. ‘Oh! Lords of manors, and other men of landed property’ proclaimed one, not untypical, handbill, The Cry of the Poor for Bread, in 1796:

As you have monopolised to yourselves the land, its vegetation and its game, the fish of the rivers and the fowls of heaven ...in the

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present condition of things can the labourer, who cultivates your land with the sweat of his brow, the working manufacturer, or the mechanic, support himself, a wife and 5 or 6 children? How much comfort do you exhort from their misery, by places, offices and pensions and consume in idleness, dissipation, riot and luxury?46

In matters of class, it is not hard to see what the United Irishmen were against. They sought to pull down aristocracy – its legal privileges, eco- nomic monopolies, and, not least, its cultural purchase, the codes of deference and forelock tugging servility so brilliantly satirised by the Revd. James Porter in the pages of The Northern Star and published sep- arately as Billy Bluff and Squire Firebrand (1796). It is more difficult to ascertain what they were for. The genuine social-radical conviction of some United Irishmen is beyond question; for others appeals to the common man, such as The CryofthePoorforBread, were probably an instrumental (though not nec- essarily cynical) way of mobilising the popular base. Yet, others in the leadership, runs a third argument, had so great an ‘instinctive fear of the people’ that they courted French intervention in order to achieve military victory without popular revolt.47 Brendan Simms takes this third view a step further. If a French-backed rebellion had succeeded, he speculates, the United Irish leadership, dependant upon their French allies ‘to rein in the very jacquerie and social radicalism’ which they had encouraged, would next have unleashed ‘a bourgeois terror against threats from below’.48 There is evidence indicating the subsistence of all the three positions. What can be said with safety is that the United Irishmen were princi- pally political reformers and revolutionaries; that there was nonetheless a distinct social-radical dimension to their ideas, strategy and tactics; that the leadership was essentially middle class and that consequently it exhibited a spectrum of attitudes towards the common man and, finally, that this variety of stances generated internal tensions and con- tradictions within the movement. What may not be conjectured with Simmsian confidence is the likely outcome those tensions and con- tradictions, that balance of class forces, would have produced had the insurgents won power. William Paulet Carey and Jemmy Hope were very different people: one a lower middle-class Catholic Dublin printer, and United Irish deserter, who went on to a career as a art critic and dealer; the other a self-educated, Presbyterian, journeyman weaver from rural Ulster who, when it was neither popular nor profitable, kept lifelong faith with

October 9, 2009 17:33 MAC/PSMC Page-17 9780230_008267_03_cha01 PROOF 18 The Men of Property the radical cause. Both wrote partisan, opinionated essays about their experience of the United Irish movement, in different places at differ- ent times; one a polemic, the other a memoir. However, they had this in common: both Carey and Hope interpreted the internal politics of the movement in class terms, congenial to the Marxist imagination and to the historian from below for its thrust if not its analytical rigour. Both probably overstressed class tensions which were more incipient and potential than acute and immediate. Religion, ‘liberty’ and nation dominated the languages of politics in the 1790s, yet class shaped dis- course in every sphere. And how the internal class strains and pressures would have worked out in a French-sponsored remains an interesting counterfactual question. On the firmer ground of what did happen, as distinct from what might have, class, Carey and Hope remind us, mattered.

Acknowledgement

My thanks to Dr Ultan Gillen for many helpful suggestions.

Notes

1. Penelope J. Corfield, ‘Class by name and number in eighteenth-century Britain’, in P.J. Corfield (ed.), Language, History and Class (Oxford, 1991), p. 114. 2. See Raymond William’s discussion of ‘Class’ (and ‘Bourgeois’) in Key Words: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (London, 1976). 3. Olivia Smith, The Politics of Language, 1791–1819 (Oxford, 1984), pp. 36, 69. 4. R.B. McDowell, Irish Public Opinion, 1750–1800 (London, 1944), pp. 34–5. 5. Thomas Russell, A Letter to the People of Ireland on the Present State of the Country (, 1796), pp. 16–17. 6. See Jim Smyth, The Men of No Property: Irish Radicals and Popular Politics in the Late Eighteenth Century (Houndmills, 1992), pp. ix–x. 7. Marianne Elliott, Wolfe Tone: Prophet of Irish Independence (New Haven and London, 1989), p. 418. 8. Charles Kendal Bushe, A Letter to Major Doyle, on the Present State of the Catholic Question (Dublin, 1793), pp. 16, 19. Italics added. 9. [Wolfe Tone] Vindication of the Cause of the Catholics of Ireland (Dublin, 1793) in T.W. Moody, R.B. Mc Dowell and C.J. Woods (eds), The Writings of Theobald Wolfe Tone, 1763–98, vol 1, Tone’s Career in Ireland to June 1795 (Oxford, 1998), p. 385. Italics added. 10. The Parliamentary Register: or, History of the Proceedings and Debates of the House of Commons of Ireland (Dublin, 1800), p. 196. 11. Society of United Irishmen of Dublin (Dublin, 1794), pp. 8, 103, 192. On the game laws as ‘feudal slavery’, see Northern Star, 14 January 1792.

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12. William Drennan, A Letter to His Excellency Earl Fitzwilliam (London, 1795), p. 5; Mary MacNeill, The Life and Times of Mary Ann McCracken, 1770–1866 (Belfast, 1988 edn), p. 172; for a discussion of the widespread use of this term, see Smith, The Politics of Language, pp. 79–85. 13. Northern Star, 2 June 1792; R.B. McDowell, ‘The personnel of the Dublin society of United Irishmen, 1791–4’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. ii (1940–41), p. 18. 14. Thomas Bartlett (ed.), The Life of Theobald Wolfe Tone (Dublin, 1998), p. 39. 15. Edmund Burke (ed. J.G.A. Pocock), Reflections on the Revolution in France (Indianapolis, 1987), pp. 84–5. Italics added. 16. W.J. McCormack, From Burke to Beckett: Ascendancy, Tradition and Betrayal in Literary History (Cork, 1994), p. 83. 17. The last Speaker of the , John Foster, provides a nice example of political reactionary as champion of commerce. 18. Quoted in Smyth, The Men of No Property,p.57. 19. Transactions of the General Committee of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, Dur- ing the Year 1791; and some Fugitive Pieces on that Subject (Dublin, 1792), p. 15. 20. Westmorland to [Henry Dundas], 21 November 1791, 21 January 1792, PRO. HO 100/33/186, 100/36/120–5. 21. Maureen Wall, ‘The rise of a Catholic middle class in eighteenth century Ireland’, Irish Historical Studies (1958), reprinted in Gerard O’Brien (ed.), Catholic Ireland in the Eighteenth Century: Collected Essays of Maureen Wall (Dublin, 1989), pp. 73–84. 22. David Dickson, ‘Catholics and trade in eighteenth-century Ireland: an old debate revisited’, in T.P. Power and Kevin Whelan (eds), Endurance and Emer- gence: Catholics in Ireland in the Eighteenth Century (Dublin, 1990), pp. 85–100. Wall herself acknowledged the continued Protestant predominance in the economy, observing that in Dublin, ‘Protestants throughout the whole eigh- teenth century, and for long afterwards, controlled the great bulk of trade’, but she did not develop that theme; see ‘Catholics in economic life’, in O’Brien (ed.), Catholic Ireland in the Eighteenth Century, p. 86. 23. National Evening Star, 5, 7, 10 January 1792; Northern Star, 14 January 1792; the term ‘popular party’ is used in Thomas Knox to Abercorn, 29 November 1791, PRONI Abercorn Ms T 2541/IBI/2/42. 24. Keogh to [Bishop Hussey?], 2 October 1792; Westmorland to Dundas, 17 November 1792, PRO. HO 100/ 38/275–8, HO 100/38/70–82. 25. Parliamentary Register, vol xii (1792) (Dublin, 1793), pp. 185–6. 26. Faulkner’s Dublin Journal, 14 February 1792. 27. An address from the General Committee of Roman Catholics, to their Protestant fellow subjects, and to the public in general (Dublin, 1792), pp. 8–9. Italics added. 28. See McDowell’s invaluable, ‘The personnel of the Dublin society of United Irishmen, 1791–4’, pp. 12–53. 29. I have conflated this sentence as recorded in the Parliamentary Register, vol xiv (1794) (Dublin 1795), p. 106, with the slightly different version reported in Faulkner’s Dublin Journal, cited by Nancy Curtin, The United Irishmen: Popular Politics in Ulster and Dublin, 1791–1798 (Oxford, 1994), p. 136.

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30. Michael Durey, ‘The Dublin society of United Irishmen and the politics of the Carey-Drennan dispute, 1792–1794’, Historical Journal, vol. 37, no. 1 (1994), p. 95. 31. W.P Carey, An Appeal to the People of Ireland (2nd edn, Dublin, 1794), pp. 4, 44. 32. But see the exception: Durey, ‘The Dublin society of United Irishmen and the politics of the Carey-Drennan dispute’. 33. Carey, An Appeal to the People of Ireland, p. 4; Durey, ‘The Dublin society of United Irishmen and the politics of the Carey-Drennan dispute’, p. 100. 34. National Evening Star, 20, 22 March, 14 April, 1792. 35. Carey, An Appeal to the People of Ireland, preface to first edition. 36. Ibid., pp. 21, 23, 74–5. 37. The most detailed analysis of the social composition of the United Irish movement, especially in Ulster, in the period 1795–8 is in Curtin, United Irishmen, pp. 126–44. 38. Smyth, Men of No Property, pp. 118–20. 39. McDowell, ‘Personnel of the Dublin Society of United Irishmen’, p. 18. 40. See James Quinn, ‘The United Irishmen and social reform’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 31 (1998), pp. 188–201. 41. ‘JW’ (Leonard McNally), 2 January 1797; Francis Higgins, 18 May 1797, NAI. Rebellion Papers, 620/10/1121/44, 620/18/14. 42. , United Irishman: The Autobiography of James Hope (edited and introduced by John Newsinger) (London, 2001), p. 59. 43. Ibid., pp. 54, 59. 44. Ibid., pp. 57, 73. 45. Ibid., p. 39, n. 31. 46. Enclosure, F[rancis] H[iggins] to [Edward Cooke], 15 August 1796, NAI. Rebellion Papers 620/18/14. Higgins refers in this letter to ‘various papers of a similar tendency hav[ing] been circulated through parts of Fingal’ [north county Dublin]. 47. Marianne Elliott, Partners in Revolution: The United Irishmen and France (New Haven, 1982), p. 369; Marianne Elliott, ‘The role of Ireland in French war strategy, 1796–1798’, in Hugh Gough and David Dickson (eds), Ireland and the French Revolution (Dublin, 1990), p. 202. 48. Brendan Simms, ‘Continental analogies with 1798: revolution or counter- revolution?’ in Thomas Bartlett et al. (eds), 1798: A Bicentenary Perspective (Dublin, 2003), p. 593.

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Index

Aberdeen, Lady, 111 Baltinglass Poor Law Guardians, 234 Age of Reason (Paine), 31 Barbour family, 151, 154, 156, Ahern, Bertie, 285 162, 168 Alexander, John, 164 Barbour, John Doherty, 164 Alexandra College, 178, 181, 185–6 Barbour, John M., 219 Allan, Charles, 155 Barton, Detective-Sergeant, 244 Allen, Alderman, 260–1 Bates, Richard Dawson, 219 Allen, Kieran, 278 Beale family, 154 Allen, W., 56 Beamish and Crawford Brewery, 155 Amazing Philanthropists, The (Day), Beamish, , 163 142 Belfast, 26–7, 41, 109, 142, 149–59, American War of Independence, 161–3, 165–8, 177, 188, 213–14, 25, 73 216–17, 219–21, 225–6, 237, 252 Anchor Brewery, 73 Belfast Chamber of Commerce, Ancient Order of Hibernians (AOH), 219–20 234, 239 , 166 Andrews, John, 153 Belfast Protestant Association, 217 Andrews, John M., 219, 221 Belfast Ropeworks, 154 Andrews, Thomas, 154 Belfast Royal Academical Institution, An Inquiry into the Principles of the 152 Distribution of Wealth most Conducive , 225–6 to Human Happiness (Thompson), Belmullet Board of Guardians, 138 35–6 Benevolent Society (Cork), 30–1 Annat, Aurelia, 5 Bentham, Jeremy, 24, 35 anthropology, 2 Bewley, Victor, 263 Antrim, 10, 149, 164, 169 Bhreatnach, Aoife, 5 Appeal of one Half the Human Race Bielenberg, Andy, 5 (Thompson), 14, 21, 35 Bishopstown Development Ardilaun, Lord, 167 Association, 262 Armagh, 101, 152, 165–6, 169 Blair, Tony, 227 Armagh Royal School, 152 Boer War, 204 Arms Crisis (1969–70), 273 Boland, Eavan, 286 Arnott family, 167 Boland, Kevin, 273 Arnott, Sir John, 136 Bourdieu, Pierre, 24 Association for the Suppression of Bourke, Richard, 134–5 Duelling, 102 Bowen-Colthurst, Captain, 242 Boyd, Alexander, 101 Bailie, J.O., 221, 225–6 Boyle, Richard, 26 Baird Brothers, 167 Boyton, Rev. Charles, 80 Ballincollig Gunpowder Mills, 150 Bracken, Thomas, 52–3 Ballymena, Co. Antrim, 152 Brooke, Basil, 219, 221–5 Balrothery Poor Law Guardians, 239 Brown, John S., 164

289

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Browne, Noel, 274–5 Cloney family, 149 Browne, Vincent, 284, 286 Cloney, Thomas, 77 Brunswick Club, 67, 80 Cluskey, Frank, 280 Bruton, John, 281 Coffy, John, 53 Buckland, Patrick, 213 Cohalan, Bishop, 244 Burke, Edmund, 9–10 Cole, John, 224 Burrowes, Peter, 9 Coleman, Anne, 204 Butler, Simon, 13 Colley, Linda, 2 Butt, Isaac, 200, 214 Collins, Michael, 205–6 Byers, Margaret, 177–8, 184 Collins, Stephen, 272, 280 Byrne, Edward, 9, 12, 14 Connolly, James, 21, 41, 203, 237, Byrne, Fr Paul, 286 239, 241 Byrne, John, 73 Conran, Patrick, 53, 57 Cahirciveen Board of Guardians, 134 Constitution, The (Cork), 39 Callaghan, Gerard, 39 Contagious Diseases Acts, 178 Campbell, Arthur, 59 Coogan, Michael, 59 Campbell, Major Alexander, 101 Corfield, Penelope, 8 Carbry, Christopher, 52, 56, 59 Corish, Brendan, 254 Carey, William Paulet, 14–18 Cork, 4, 21–2, 25–35, 37–41, 67, 73, Carlow, County, 157, 164, 166 82, 84, 95, 109–11, 113–14, 116–23, Carson, Sir Edward, 217–18, 242 136, 142, 150–1, 153–5, 157–8, 161, Castlebar Board of Guardians, 135 163, 166, 169, 188, 199, 236, 244, Castlereagh, Lord, 9 251–2, 254–5, 260–3, 265, 279 Catholic Association, 49, 66–7, 77–83 Cork Distillers Company, 157 Catholic Committee, 9–12, 14, 16 Cork Examiner, 166 Catholic Laymen’s Committee, 188 Corkey, Robert, 221 Catholic Relief Act, 12 Cork Institution, 32, 34 Catholic Rent, 54, 77 Cork Literary and Philosophical Catholic Society, 10 Society, 34 Catholic Standard, 276 Cork Mercantile Chronicle, 39 Catholic University, 184 Cork Southern Reporter, 34 ‘Celtic Tiger’, 283, 287 Cork Trades Association, 41 Central Association of Irish Cosgrave, Liam, 279–82 Schoolmistresses and other Ladies Cosgrave, William, 244 Interested In Education (CAISM), Costello, Declan, 279 178, 184–5 Costello, John A., 277 Charity Organisation Society, 141 County and City of Cork Liberal Charlemont, Viscount, 219 Club, 40 chartism, 16 Craig, Charles, 217–18 Chesterfield, Lord, 89 Childers, Erskine, 234 Craig, Edward, 42 Churchill, Winston, 221 Craig, James, 218–19, 221, 224–6 Claeys, Gregory, 21, 38 Craig, William, 224 Clann na Poblachta (CNP), 274–5 Cronin, Maura, 4 Clarke, Joseph, 271 Crossman, Virginia, 4 Clark, George Smith, 163 Cuffe, Lady, 117, 119 Clear, Caitriona, 148, 198 Cullen, Cardinal Paul, 177 Cloncurry, Lord, 15 Cusack, Michael, 42

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Dáil Eireann, 204, 244, 254, 271–2, Dublin Chamber of Commerce, 281, 284–5 237, 241 Das Kapital (Marx), 22 Dublin , 167 Davies, Emily, 178 Dublin Dickens Fellowship, 236 Davis, Thomas, 199–200 Dublin Evening Mail, 77, 275 Davitt, Michael, 137, 200 Dublin Evening Post, 69, 71–3 Davys, Francis, 53 Dublin Housing Action Committee, Day, Susanne, 142–3, 145 272 Deane, Theresa, 143 Dublin Itinerant Settlement Defenders, 15 Committee, 263 Delany, William, 179, 187, 189–90 Dublin Journal, 69, 71–3, 75–7 Democratic Action, 272 Dublin Metropolitan Police, 244 Democratic Unionist Party, 227 Dublin Typographical Provident Dennehy, Denis, 272 Society, 235–6 Dennehy, W.F., 230–3 Dublin Unemployed Association, 276 D’Esterre, John, 101 Dublin Weekly Messenger, 75 De Valera, Eamon, 244, 271–2 Duddy, Thomas, 22 Devereux, John Thomas, 163 Duffy, Sir Charles Gavan, 61, 200 Devereux, Nicholas, 158 Dukes, Alan, 283 Devereux, Richard Joseph, 163 Dunbarr, Hugh, 159 Dickson, David, 26, 150 Durey, Michael, 13 Dickson, Thomas, 164 Dwyer, James, 81 Dillon, James, 279 Dwyer, John, 59–60 Dillon, John, 232 Dockrell, Margaret, 144 Eagleton, Terry, 21 Donohoe, Anne, 140 (1916), 203, 241, 271 Donoughmore, Lord, 73 Edgeworth, Maria, 51, 55 Donovan, Aggie, 117 Edgeworthstown, Co. Longford, 60, 82 Donovan, Daniel, 37, 41 Education Act (1902), 232 Dooley, Dolores, 22 Edward VII, 232 Dorman, Sarah, 33 Elliott, Marianne, 9 Dorman, Thomas, 33 Emmet, Thomas Addis, 14 Douthat, Elizabeth, 34 Engels, Friedrich, 48 Douthat, Mary, 34 Englishwomen’s Journal, 178 Dowdall, Luke, 52, 57 Ennis, Co. Clare, 82, 263 Dowd, Cormac, 54 Episcopal Commission, 286 Dowling, John, 56 European Economic Community Downes, Margaret Tierney, 188 (EEC), 282–3 Downey, Edmund, 201, 205 Evening Herald, 236–7 Downshire Pottery, 150 Evening Mail, 77–8, 275 Drennan, William, 10, 14–15 Evening Post, 69, 71–3, 83 Drummond, Thomas, 56 Evening Telegraph, 167 Dublin, 3, 5, 9–17, 25–7, 52, 56, 67, Ewart’s Mill, 158, 162 69, 71–7, 79, 81–3, 94–7, 101–2, Ewart, William, 156, 158, 163, 109, 141, 149, 151, 153, 157–8, 165, 216 163–4, 166–7, 169, 178–9, 181, 183–8, 196, 200, 203–4, 217, 230, Factory Acts, 164–5, 168 232–42, 244–5, 250–1, 254, 256–8, Fahey, Bernadette, 277 263, 271–2, 275–6, 281 Farrell, John, 59

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Faulkner, Brian, 224, 226 Goulburn, Henry, 78 Fearon, William, 274 Goulding, William, 150, 164 Fehily, Fr Thomas, 263–4 Granard Trades Political Union, 52 Feingold, William, 57, 133, 135 Grant, William, 221 fenians, 200, 202 Grattan, Henry, 25, 54, 68–9, 71, 204 Ferriter, Diarmaid, 5 Gray, Edmund Dwyer, 166 Fianna Fáil, 245, 272–5, 278, Great Famine (1845–50), 108, 280–4, 286 148, 243 Financial Times, 236 Greg, Thomas, 150 Fine Gael, 278–81, 283, 286 Grehan, Thomas, 233 Finlay, Fergus, 286 Griffith, Arthur, 232, 234, 239 First World War, 117, 119, 149, 168, Grimshaw, Nicholas, 150 197, 199, 203–4, 206, 218 Guinness family, 72, 152–3, 157, Fitzgerald, Alexis, 281 164–5 FitzGerald, Garret, 278–9, 281 Gwynn, Denis, 205 Fitzgerald, Lord Edward, 15–16, 281 Flags and Emblems Act (1954), 223 habitus (Bourdieu), 24–5 Flax Spinners Association, 155 Hake, Thomas Gordon, 196 Flax Supply Association, 155 Halligan, John, 59 Fleming, Neil C., 5 Hall-Thompson, Colonel Samuel, 223 Flood, Edward, 59 Harland & Wolff, 151, 153–4, 162 Flood,Henry,25 Harland, Edward, 154–5, 163, 216 Flynn, Dr Michael, 252–3 Harris, Eoghan, 285 Ford, William, 80–1 Harris, Joseph, 139 Fox, Charles, 55 Haslam, Anna, 144 France, 22–3, 25, 28–9, 37, 77, 93, Haughey, Charles J., 280, 283–4 98, 205 ‘Hawarden Kite’, 215 Freeholder, The (Cork), 38 Hayden, Mary, 178–9, 181–2, 184, 187 Freeman’s Journal, 69–72, 79, 81, 97, Healy, Mary, 117, 119 166, 182, 230–1, 235 Healy, Timothy M., 230–2, 234 French, Percy, 113 Hely-Hutchinson, Christopher, 40 French Revolution, 8, 29, 100 Hely-Hutchinson, John, 40 Friendly Club, 27, 33 Hennessy, Charles, 262, 265 Hennessy, J.P., 136 Gallagher, Redmond, 281 Hetherington, Thomas, 70 Galway, 138, 188, 244, 254, 265 Hewitt, John, 223 Galway, Mary, 237 Hibernian Journal, 97 Garvin, Tom, 284 Hibernian Sunday School Society, 100 George, David Lloyd, 234, 241, 244 Higgins, Bishop, 52, 61 George II, 96 Hill, Jacqueline, 4 George III, 68 Hincks, Rev. Thomas Dix, 31–2 Gibbon, Monk, 196, 205 Hinkson, Henry, 195, 197 Gibbon, Peter, 165, 213 historiography, 1–2, 5 Giffard, John, 69, 71, 74–7 Hobsbawn, Eric, 48 Gilchrist, Sir Andrew, 272 Home Rule Bill (1893), 198, 231 Gill, Mary, 198 Hope, James, 16–18 Glynn, Sir Joseph, 256 Horan, Malachy, 121 Good Friday Agreement, 227 Hourihane, Ann Marie, 284 Good Literature Crusade, 237 Hughes, Bernard, 149

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Hughes, John, 162 Kanturk, Co. Cork, 140 Hyde, Douglas, 196, 221 Kavanagh, Fr P.F., 237 Keenan, Bryan, 53 Independent Irish Party, 166 Kelly, James, 4 Independent Newspapers, 244 Kenmare, Lord, 11 Intermediate Education Act (1878), Kenna, Michael, 59 114 Kennedy, Finola, 284 Intermediate Education Bill (1878), Kennedy, Rev. Thomas, 59–60 177, 180 Keogh, John, 8, 11–14 Intermediate Education Board, 179 Keon, Patrick, 56, 58–9 International Industrial Exhibition, Kerry, County, 11, 111, 157, 253 232 Kettle, Thomas, 239 Irish Association of Women Graduates Kickham, Charles J., 200 (IAWG), 184–6, 189 , County, 73, 77, 108, , 242 117–19, 151, 158, 163 Irish Congress of Trade Unions, 278 King, Abraham Bradley, 69 (1917–18), 243 Kirk, William, 162 Irish Council Bill (1907), 233 Kocka, Jurgen, 148 Irish Countrywomen’s Association, Labor Rewarded (Thompson), 36 122, 259 Ladies’ Land League, 198, 200 Irish Daily Independent, 231, 244 Land Act (1903), 203, 232 Irish Farmers’ Association, 281 Lane, Fintan, 4 Irish Labour Party, 272, 278, 281, 286 Langford, Paul, 91 Irish Land League, 133, 198, 200 Larkin, Emmet, 48 Irish Millers’ Association, 155 Larkin, James, 203, 233, 235–45 Irish Municipal Reform Act (1840), 58 Law, Andrew Bonar, 218 Irish News, 166 Lawless, John, 82 Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), 166, Lawless, Valentine, 15 230, 232 Lee, J.J., 33, 212 Irish Party, 166, 203, 231, 234–5, Legion of Mary, 264 238–40, 242–3, 245 Lehane, Con, 234–5, 242 Irish Poor Law Act (1838), 56 Lemass, Seán, 278, 280 Irish Press, 245 Leonard, Michael, 53 Irish Privy Council, 93 Leo XIII, Pope, 240 Irish Republican Army, 244 Lerner, Gerda, 3 Irish Republican Brotherhood, 200 Liberal Registry Club, 57 Irish Review, 142 Limerick, 11, 95, 109–10, 112–17, 121, Irish Times, 167, 272, 287 123–4, 153, 252 Irish Transport & General Workers Linen Merchants’ Association, 155 Union (ITGWU), 203, 236–9, 245 Listowel, Co. Kerry, 134 Irish Worker, 236–7 Literary Revival, 200 Itinerant Settlement Committees, , Lord, 68 263–4 Llandaff, Lord, 73 Local Government Act (1898), 57 Jackson, Alvin, 213 Locke, Mary Anne, 158 Jackson, Henry, 15–16 Londonderry, Lord, 225 Jellicoe, Anne, 178 London Hibernian Society, 99 Joyce, Nan, 252 Longford Journal, 59

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Longford Political Trades Union, 51 McGuire, Ned, 281 Long, Walter, 217 McHugh, Edward, 166 Louth, County, 79, 82, 164 McKenna, Dr Theobald, 10–11, 13 Lovett, William, 38 McKenna, Francis, 137 Lowry, William, 221 McLoughlin, James, 139 Lurgan, Co. Armagh, 152 McMaster, Dunbar, 158 Lydon, Thomas, 138 McPolin, Dr James, 275 Lynch, Jack, 283 Meynell, Alice, 196 Lynch, Patricia, 118–19 Midgley, Harry, 221 Miller, David W., 25 MacAdam Brothers, 150 Miller, James, 78 MacBride, Seán, 274–5 Miller, Kerby, 100 MacCormac,Henry,41 Milliken, Thomas, 78–9 MacEntee, Seán, 275 Mill, John Stuart, 21 Mac Gabhann, Liam, 272 Mills, John, 70 Mackie, James, 152 Mitchel Club, 199 MacLaughlin, Jim, 258 Moles, Thomas, 167 Macmillan, Harold, 224 Montefiore, Dora, 239 Madden, R.R., 16 Moore, Rev. Robert, 221 Madden, Samuel, 97 Moore, William, 215, 217 Magee, Archbishop, 81 More, Bishop Edward, 281 Magee, John, 69 Morning Mail, 167 Magee, John, 69, 83 Morning Star, 256 Maginess, Brian, 223 Morris, Apollos, 32 Maguire, Fr Thomas, 78–9 Morrogh, John, 166 Maguire, John Francis, 166 Mountgarret, Lord, 13 Maher, Sean, 253, 255 Moylan, Seán, 273 Mahony, Martin, 153 Mulholland, John, 156, 163, 165 Mandeville, Bernard, 92 Mullingar, County Westmeath, 253 Manning, Maurice, 279 Mulloy, John, 54 Markievicz, Countess, 244 Mulvihill, William, 53 Marxism, 2–3, 13, 18, 21–2, 23–4, 213 Murphy, James J., 153, 155, 158 Marx, Karl, 21–2 Murphy, Nicholas Dan, 163 Masterson, John, 54 Murphy’s Brewery, 151 Maume, Patrick, 5 Murphy, Tom, 286 Maxwell, Henry, 55 Murphy, William Lombard, 244 Maxwell, Owen, 57 Murphy, William Martin, 5, 230–45 Mayne, Edward, 101 Murray, John, 59 Mayo, County, 111, 135, 197, 201, Murrough-Bernard, Sr Arsenius, 111 204, 285 musical bands, 109 McBride, Robert, 164 McCance, John, 162 Nation, The, 136–7, 199, 231–2 McCormack, F.J., 188 National Exhibition, 232 McCormack, Richard, 16 National Health Service, 222 McCracken, Henry Joy, 16 National League, 133 McEvilly, Walter, 261–2 National Press, 231 McGarrahan, Bartholomew, 78 New Ross, Co. Wexford, 140 McGaver, Nicholas, 57 Nicholls, George, 132, 134 McGaver, Patrick, 59 Nichols, Simon, 51–2, 57, 59

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Northern Ireland, 154, 212, 220–2, Parnell, Charles Stewart, 133, 198, 224–6, 258, 272–3 202–5, 231, 239 Labour Party, Parnell Split, 231 221–2, 224 Paseta, Senia, 5 Northern Star, 17 Passage West, Co. Cork, 155 , 156 Patterson family, 149 Nous, John, 59 Patterson, Henry, 283 Nugent, , 234 Pearle, Tom, 276 Peel, Sir Robert, 34, 78, 101 O’Beirne, Alexander, 56 Phillips, Patrick, 59 O’Brien, Kate, 111 Pierce family, 151 O’Brien, Sissy, 114, 123 Pim, Jonathan, 164 O’Brien, William, 234 Pirrie, William James, 153–5, 157 O’Connell, Daniel, 40, 48–9, 51, 54, Porter, Norman, 223 58–9, 61, 76–7, 79–82, 101–2, 214 Porter, Rev. James, 17 O’Connor, Anne, 190 postmodernism, 3 O’Connor, Arthur, 15 Power, James, 163 O’Connor, Roger, 29 Powerloom Manufacturers’ O’Donnell, Sir Richard, 134 Association, 155 Practical Directions (Thompson), 36 O’Donoghue, D.J., 198 Practical Education for the South of O’Donoghue, Rev. J, 59 Ireland (Thompson), 34 O’Faolain, Seán, 114 Preston, Margaret, 132 O’Farrelly, Agnes, 184 Prittie, Francis, 73 O’Ferrall, Fergus, 4 Progressive Democrats (PDs), 284 O’Gorman, Nicholas Purcell, 81 Progressive Unionist Party, 220 O’Gorman, Richard, 81 Protestant Evangelical Society, 223 Ó Grada, Cormac, 33 Protestant Home Rule Association, 197 O’Grady, Standish, 41, 102 Protestant Orphan Society, 111 O’Higgins, Tom, 279 public houses, 120 Oldham, Alice, 181, 184–6, 197 Puxley, John L., 151, 153 O’Leary, Ellen, 200–1 O’Leary, Fr Arthur, 80 Quakers, 67, 154, 158 O’Leary, John, 200 Quinn, Michael, 59 O’Mahony, John, 201 Quinn, Ruairi, 287 O’Mahony, Norah Tynan, 196, 201 O’Malley, Donogh, 273 Rathkeale, Co. Limerick, 252 O’Mara, James, 153 Ravetz, Alison, 254 O’Neill, Terence, 224–6 Rawdon, George, 70 Orange Order, 79, 214, 217 Red Cross, 240 Ouzel Gallery Society, 96 ‘Red Scare’, 276 Owen, Robert, 24, 35, 37–8, 41 Reflections and Resolutions Proper for the , 223 Gentlemen of Ireland (Madden), 97 Reform Act (1832), 90 Paine, Thomas, 15, 31 Reggis, St John Francis, 257 Paisley, Rev. Ian, 225–7 Reilly, Joseph, 52 Paisley (Scotland), 151 Ricardo,David,35 Pankhurst, Richard, 22 Richardson family, 165 Parker, Dehra, 223 Richardson, James Nicholson, 153

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Richardson, John Grubb, 159 Spring, Dick, 286 Rights of Man, The (Paine), 15 Stack, Rev. Joseph, 80 Robertson Commission on University Stamp Act, 9 Education, 182, 185 Stephens, Samuel, 71 Roche, Sir Boyle, 12–13 Stuart, Charles Edward, 202 Rock, James, 56 Sullivan, Pat, 53 Rooney, Edward, 52–3, 56–7 Sunday schools, 99 Rourke, James Halpin, 54 Sweetman, Gerard, 279 Rowan, Archibald Hamilton, 13 Sweetman, John, 239 Royal Army Medical Corps, 244 Swiney, John, 30 Royal Belfast Academical Institution, 153 Tandy, James Napper, 73 Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC), Teignmouth, Lord, 102 114, 244 Ternan, James, 52, 55 Royal Literary Fund, 197 Thompson, John, 26–33 Russell, Lord John, 132 Thompson, Lydia, 29 Russell, Thomas, 8, 16, 98 Thompson, William, 4–5, 21–42 Ryan, Richie, 280–2 Times, The, 134 Tipperary, County, 73, 166, 254 St Vincent de Paul Society (SVP), 264 Tithe Composition Acts, 50 Saunderson, Edward, 215–17 Tobin, Thomas, 150 Sayers, Jack, 225 Tod, Isabella, 143, 177–8, 180, 184 Scully, Denys, 77 Tone, Theobald Wolfe, 8–10, 13 Second World War, 221, 283 Tormy, Hugh, 53 Shanly, Michael, 53 Town and Regional Planning Act ‘shawlies’, 120 (1934), 251 Shaw, Robert, 71 Travellers, 250, 252–3, 255, 257–61, Sheahan, Thomas, 39, 41 263–5 Sheehy Skeffington, Francis, 189, 240 Trench, Archbishop Richard Shillington, David, 219 Chenevix, 178 Shorter, Clement, 204, 206 Simms, Brendan, 17 Trimble, David, 227 Simpson, Sub-Inspector, 53 Tuite, John, 59 Sinclair, Maynard, 221 Twining, Louisa, 143 Sinclair, Thomas, 216 Tynan, Katherine, 5, 194–207 Sinn Féin, 203–4, 234, 240, 243–4 Skelly, Michael, 59 Ulster Convention, 216 Slevin, John, 53 Ulster Farmers’ Union, 221 Sloan, Thomas, 217, 225 Ulster Schoolmistresses’ Association, Small Differences (Akenson), 160 177 Smith, Charles, 59 Ulster Unionist Council (UUC), 213, Smith, Daniel, 59 217–19, 221, 226 Smithwick, John Francis, 163 Ulster Volunteer Force, 218 Smithwick, Richard, 163 United Ireland, 133 Society for Discountenancing Vice, 99 United Irish League (UIL), 231–2 sociology, 2, 24 United Irishmen, 1, 3, 9–10, 13–17, Southern Reporter, 34, 39 29–30, 74, 98, 165 Spaight, George, 134 United Irishwomen, 122 sporting clubs, 109 urbanisation, 107

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Vandeleur, John Scott, 40 Wexford, County, 67, 149, 151, 157, Vigilance Committees, 237–8 163, 237 Villiers Stuart, Henry, 78 Wheeler, Anna, 35, 47 Volunteers, 14, 25–6, 29, 98, 240 Whelan, Kevin, 48, 61 White family, 153 Wahrman, Dror, 91 White, Henrietta, 181, 185–6 Wall, Maureen, 11 White, Henry, 58 Walsh, Archbishop William, White, Lefroy, 58 186–8 White, Luke, 54–5, 58 Walsh, Dick, 287 Wicklow, County, 204, 263 Walsh, Oonagh, 132, 141, 179 Wicklow, Lady Eleanor, 263 Wandesforde family, 158 Wilson, Robert, 57 Wandesforde, Richard Henry Prior, Wise, Francis, 157 151 Without My Cloak (O’Brien), 111 Warren, Nathaniel, 74, 76 Wolff, Gustav, 163 Waterford, County, 67, 78, 95, 107, Workers’ Union of Ireland (WUI), 245 109, 114–16, 118, 120, 123–4, Wyndham, George, 203, 232 151–2 Wyse, Thomas, 67, 73, 80 Waters, John, 285 Weber, Max, 212 Young, Arthur, 33 Weekly Independent, 240, 243 Young Irelanders, 199–200, 202 Westmeath, County, 158, 252–3 Young, Samuel, 166

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