The Failure of an Irish Political Party

View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by DCU Online Research Access Service 1 Journalism in Ireland: The Evolution of a Discipline Mark O’Brien While journalism in Ireland had a long gestation, the issues that today’s journalists grapple with are very much the same that their predecessors had to deal with. The pressures of deadlines and news gathering, the reliability and protection of sources, dealing with patronage and pressure from the State, advertisers and prominent personalities, and the fear of libel and State regulation were just as much a part of early journalism as they are today. What distinguished early journalism was the intermittent nature of publication and the rapidity with which newspaper titles appeared and disappeared. The Irish press had a faltering start but by the early 1800s some of the defining characteristics of contemporary journalism – specific skill sets, shared professional norms and professional solidarity – had emerged. In his pioneering work on the history of Irish newspapers, Robert Munter noted that, although the first newspaper printed in Ireland, The Irish Monthly Mercury (which carried accounts of Oliver Cromwell’s campaign in Ireland) appeared in December 1649 it was not until February 1659 that the first Irish newspaper appeared. An Account of the Chief Occurrences of Ireland, Together with some Particulars from England had a regular publication schedule (it was a weekly that published at least five editions), appeared under a constant name and was aimed at an Irish, rather than a British, readership. It, in turn, was followed in January 1663 by Mercurius Hibernicus, which carried such innovations as issue numbers and advertising. As Munter noted, its readership was limited to the Protestant land-owning class and one of its main sources of news was the Court of Claims that redistributed the estates forfeited to the Crown after the 1641 rebellion. Following the Licensing Act of 1662, which stipulated that newspapers could only be printed under licence, entrepreneurs began to supply subscribers with hand-written letters from correspondents (scriveners) who lived close to sites of news such as parliament or the courts. In time these letters were set in type and in 1685 Dublin witnessed the establishment of The News-Letter, which was published three times a week and posted to subscribers.1 2 Up until the mid-1700s newspapers, and by extension journalism, were part of the diverse activities of stationary shops and printers. They were not so much a new entity, more an extension to an existing business. The eventual growth of advertising was what determined the course of newspaper development. Publishers initially used surplus space in their newspapers to promote their own publications and services and other adverts slowly began to trickle in, first for the return of lost property or strayed animals and then, more significantly, for the sale or lease of land. Eventually, newspapers began to solicit adverts and they increased in size and in importance to the stationer’s business. While they gradually took a more regular shape they remained an elite form of communication, aimed primarily at the English-speaking, Protestant population. And, since readers bought directly from the publisher, print-runs were small and only large urban areas – Dublin, Belfast and Cork – could sustain newspapers. In terms of journalism, as Munter put it, ‘a journalistic ethic grew up which was the product of two things: the general attitude of the public and the policy of the Irish government, the former by and large a positive and constructive element, the latter a negative and restrictive one’.2 Newspapers were judged by the veracity and freshness of their news and many titles proclaimed their wares in such terms. Pue’s Occurrences declared that it carried, ‘the most Authentic and Freshest Transactions from all Parts’ while the Dublin Mercury offered ‘a Greater Variety of Authentic News, impartially collected, than in any other Advices now extant’.3 Then, as now, rumours abounded and publishers had to thread a wary line between publishing false stories and giving competitors an advantage by being too cautious. As an example, George Faulkner of Faulkner’s Dublin Journal was once forced to publish the following: ‘We have a hot report about the Town that a certain Gentleman lately Barberously murder’d his own Wife and two children, but I forebear to name him till I know its full certainty’.4 Newspapers were generally one-person operations and there was little or no demarcation between proprietor, printer, editor or journalist. News came from a variety of sources; coffeehouses, political clubs, courts, markets, and the crews of incoming ships all provided publishers with news. The most important source, however, were the newspapers that arrived from London. All local publishers scanned these publications and, depending on their need for content, reproduced entire articles or summaries of 3 events. As Munter observed, a rather strange journalistic ethos existed among the Dublin papers: ‘To copy a part or the whole of an English paper was an everyday occurrence and was considered a fair business practice; to copy from another Dublin paper was condemned – not as piracy, but as passing stale news on to the public’.5 In terms of pre- nineteenth century politics, the Irish Parliament retained absolute privilege over its proceedings and both houses (Lords and Commons) had powers of compellability, examination, interrogation and detention.6 While the most frequent charges against publishers were breaches of privilege and contempt, charges of libel and seditious libel were also common. Charles Lucas and political journalism By the mid-1700s the increased circulation of newspapers, coupled with political strife among Dublin politicians, resulted in journalism becoming sensitised to the demand for political commentary. The rise of political reformer Charles Lucas, his battles with Dublin Corporation and the House of Commons and the role of the press in the controversies that followed, indicate the growing power of journalism in influencing public opinion. In 1742 Lucas began a campaign for municipal reform and published a series of pamphlets that exposed the internal machinations of Dublin Corporation. By 1747 this campaign extended to include charges against parliament and the judicial system. Wary of making a martyr of Lucas, Dublin Castle published The Tickler, the aim of which was to ridicule Lucas. A by-election for the House of Commons in 1748-9 increased further the political temperature. Lucas launched a newspaper, The Censor, to promote his manifesto, much of which was based on political reform and legislative independence for Ireland. As Munter points out, the appearance of these two political journals forced the regular press to sit up and take note of their campaigns, and the way in which political comment and controversy were now features of public discourse: With the Tickler and the Censor the age of the political journal was introduced into Ireland, and Lucas as much as any individual can be said to have been responsible for the actual emergence of the political newspaper, for it was the 4 controversy that he touched off which forced a public and eventually a newspaper press to respond.7 Lucas touched a nerve with the public; he also made the House of Commons nervous. Summoned before the House in October 1749, Lucas was sentenced to imprisonment as an enemy of the state. Although he fled the country the episode left an indelible mark on Irish journalism. It was during this controversy that the phrase ‘the freedom of the press’ was added to the Irish journalistic vocabulary: Irish newspapers, and by extension, Irish journalism had moved from its cautious beginnings to keeping a wary eye on political institutions. As political and economic pressures – the American war of independence, the success of the Irish parliament in winning a measure of legislative independence, and the growing aspirations of Irish Catholics – came to the fore in the 1770s and 1780s, the role of the newspaper as a medium for public debate, and of journalism as a means of keeping an eye on the doings of government, continued to evolve. So too did governmental methods for controlling journalism. In 1771 the government conceded the right of printers to publish verbatim accounts of parliamentary debates but in 1774 it imposed a stamp duty on newspapers. This added to the tax on advertising introduced in 1712 and the tax on newsprint imposed in 1757. These taxes were directed against opposition newspapers that did not benefit from government patronage in the form of official announcements that were exempt from the advertising tax or bribery in the form of direct subsidisation or payments to editors. The favouritism exercised by the authorities in Dublin Castle also extended to the distribution of news. The express copies of the London newspapers – which were critical in terms of content for Irish papers – were only distributed to newspapers in favour with Dublin Castle. Thus not only did the authorities bestow an economic advantage on newspapers that were ‘on its side’, it also bestowed a journalistic advantage. In 1807 the Evening Post asked why, since the express delivery from London was paid for out of the public purse, the Correspondent, a Castle newspaper, was the sole beneficiary. Laughingly, the Correspondent denied the receipt of official favours: it was first with the news, it claimed, by virtue of its efficiency as a news gathering operation.8 5 Journalistic autonomy As momentum built up behind Daniel O’Connell’s Catholic Association, Michael Staunton established the Morning Register in 1824. Staunton was a former editor of the Freeman’s Journal and had established an unsuccessful Catholic newspaper – the Dublin Evening Herald – in 1821. In Brian Inglis’ account of the development of the press in Ireland, Staunton is credited with radically altering the practises of Irish journalism.

Load more