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The Development of Sport and Exercise in Colonial Singapore

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The Development of Sport and Exercise in Colonial Singapore Title Celestials in touch: The development of sport and exercise in colonial Singapore Author(s) Aplin Nicholas G and Quek Jin Jong Source The International Journal of the History of Sport, 19(2-3), 66-98 Published by Taylor & Francis (Routledge) Copyright © 2002 Taylor & Francis This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in The International Journal of the History of Sport in 2002. Notice: Changes introduced as a result of publishing processes such as copy-editing and formatting may not be reflected in this document. For a definitive version of this work, please refer to the published source. Citation: Aplin, N. G., & Quek, J. J. (2002). Celestials in touch: The development of sport and exercise in colonial Singapore. The International Journal of the History of Sport, 19(2-3), 66- 98. CELESTIALS IN TOUCH THE DEVELOPMENT OF SPORT AND EXERCISE IN COLONIAL SINGAPORE APLIN NICHOLAS G. QUEK JIN JONG Celestialsin Touch: TheDevelopment of Sportand Exercise in Colonial Singapore. N.G. Aplin andQuek JinJong, National Institute of Education, NanyangTechnological University, Singapore. * The SingaporeCricket Club, once a symbolof imperial dominance, andthe Singapore RecreationClub, thetraditional home of Eurasiansportsmen, share the stretchof grassthat simultaneouslylinks and divides them. The 'padang' extends its reach, somewhat defiantlyin the faceof modem expansion, between the,Supreme Court on St. Andrew's Road and EsplanadePark on the farside of Connaught Drive, down where the waves used to lap up againstthe beach. Identified as anenduring landmark, the 'padang'1 hasstrong symbolic meaning, particularlywhen considering its functionas a site forconnecting and disconnecting people. Revisiting Singapore in 1935, the formerBritish agent, Sir RobertBruce Lockhart hit themark with his observation: Here on the rightwas the old 'padang' with the British Singapore Cricket Club at one endand the EurasianRecreation Club at the other, a striking symbolof the British attitudetowards the colourquestion and of thefact t hat thefield of sportis theone place whereBritish and Eurasiansmeet asequals. 2 TQday this meeting place still witnessesthe ultimate imperial sportingtransgression. A solitaryindividual amblingin reflectivemood, across therope, then moving unerringlypast deep extracover, between thirdman and theslips, andout pastfine leg to the shade of the angsanasbeyond. Thisis no subtle field readjustment, this is takinga short-cutto dinnerat the Satay Club. Oblivious of the possibility of intrusion, one reality glides ghostlikethrough the boundaryof another. This paper adopts a perspective thatexamines these transitoryconnections and the relations of dominanceand interdependence between the 'colonizing' British andthe 'intervening' Chinese in theperiod up to the Second World War.Without discardingtotally the involvement of theind igenous 'colonized' Malays, themigrant 'Klings'or Indians, the Eurasians, andother smaller groupsthat comprised this colonial city, the currentview focuses its attentionon the interface between 'imperialists' and 'celestials'. Side by side but segregated. II Singaporehas always been a plural society, but the sons of variousc onstellations of the 'Celestial Empire' represent the most numerous and motivated migrants. Driven out, or escaping fromthe turmoiland deprivation of the decaying Qing Dynastyin China migrants frommany diale ct groups came to Singapore. The Chinese accounted for 56 % of the populationof Singaporeby 1871 and75 % by 1931.3 TheChinese cannot be represented as a homogeneous groupof settlers. The Straits-bornChinese, who had settled aroundthe region forgenerations beforethe earlynineteenth century, had assimilated many characteristicsof the Malay culture. Being somewhat removed from China they were familiar withthe British style of trading and empire building, and thus amenableto the laissez-faire approach of the British. The China-bornsettlers were much more unpredictable anddifficult to accommodate. The presence ofclans, dialect groups,secret societies - knownas 'kongsi' or 'hoey' - served to create a variedpattern ofhumanity. 4 In the light ofextreme hardship, many Chinese soughtto escape temporarily fromthe lifestyle that prevailed in China. The cleargoal for these, predominantly male workers, wasalw ays to returnto China withsufficient material wealthto escape poverty andto establish themselves andtheir families more securely. There were strataor tiers in the Chinese community: at the top were the wealthy 'Towkays', andthe n the traders, shopkeepers, andartisans, last andmost numerouswere the coolies. 'Laukhehs' (old hands) helped to cultivatea system oforganization based on loyalty. Traditionaluse of martialarts skills to ensurecompliance may have been one application of sportingpractices that 'samsengs' (fightingmen) used to deal out justiceor retribution. One further distinctivecharacteristic concerned the genderbalance amon gst the Chinese. Men outnumbered women by as much as12 to 1, in 1850, approximately4 to 1 in 1901, and even1.7 to 1 in 1931.5 The general environment was one of work, disorder, instability, prostitution, and oftenviolence. The 1850s andthe 1870s were particularly turbulent- with riots between the maindialect groups-the Hokkiens andthe Teochews. 6 Set in this context it is understood that sportand exercise existed only for a tiny minority; perhapsan adjunct for the towkay and his sons. The mass ofworkers had no time for sport, in the western sense, even thetraders and shopkeepers were inactive. .. in Singapore JohnChinaman is bothmaster and m an: he is capital andlabour: andthe shops andwareho uses arefor the most partown ed by sons of the Celestial Empire. The Chinese seem to be alwaysworking or eating, smokingor sleeping- but never playing.7 TheBritish andother Europeans, who accounted for 2% ofthe population in 1871 andonly 1.5% in 1931, created theirown small replicaof society at Home. They broughta strongwork-ethic, gamesfor recreation,a dedicationto exercise,and a deferencefor sporting and, by implication, teamskills. TheChinese countered, or complementedthis love of athleticism,with their own devotionto eucationd and thelife of business. Theexperiences of the majority ofthe Chinese migrantsin sports activities and exercise were verylimited andthe cause of continualconcern. 8 The inflowof people interested in capitalizing materially on thedevelopment ofa new settlementquickly created a polyglot society. Singaporetherefore evolved into a highly materialistic society framedby a pluralistic structure.9 The earliest sportingactivities provide a picture oflimited active participation and segregation of the racial groups. Thepioneer settlementof Singaporehad fewsporting facilities forits expandingpopulation. Most sportingactivities were privately arranged, andreserved for the higherechelons ofa raggedbut dynamicsociety. Inthe earliestdays, lifewas fundamentally ruggedand threatening. The perceptionof what constitutedsport, therefore,also included tiger shooting in the forests and the plantations. This excitement representednot just an opportunity to escapefrom the drudgery of commercial business but also an importantmeans ofpreserving the lives ofitin erantworkers. British sportwas an unknown quantityto most of the population. If it was a mystery anda sourceof either disdain or wonder to the Asianpeople, it was a panaceaand the object of devotion to the Europeans. Someactivities were publicly accessible, anddesigned specifically to provide entertainmentvia the incentive of token rewardsfor successful participation. At the New YearSea andLand Sports, the firstlarge-scale sporting ev ent to be introduced, there was a carnivalatmosphere, where universalemotions could be expressed throughthe fun-fare 2 types ofactivities. The New Year Sports were held on the Padang. These were inaugurated in 1839, and probably a development ofthe New YearSea-Sports which had been introduced in 1834. All types of festivities including races and games were there: horse-racing, wrestling, eating ship's biscuits, running, ducking for coins in molasses, greasy-boom walking, tug-of­ war, sack races and three-legged races andeven a goose hunt or pig race, which 'amused the local bystanders beyond all bounds and elicited uncontrolled burstsof laughter on all sides', said one contemporary chronicler. These demonstrations of spontaneous frivolity were amusing and entertaining but there wasalso a sense of exploitation. A feeling grew that indigenous and migrant population were being manipulated more for the amusement ofyoung civil service cadets or mercantile assistants thanfor the basic enjoyment of the local participants.10 The sailing that took place was more serious.11 The basic pattern of events remained unchanged until the tumof the century. The motivation for these sports however, did change with time. Initiallythe day wasset apart by the mercantile community to amuse the 'natives' only. By the 1870s, there were separate programmes for Europeans and Natives alike. Theaward of monetary prizes, and presumably opportunities to bet, were reasons why the sports became so popular and attracted large 12 numbers of spectators. Gradually, the amusement of the native population and migrantswas subordinatedto the need for competitive sport and entertainment of the Europeans and the Military. For other skeptics, there was a need for more rigorous exercise andless frivolity.13 Later organized sport, in the form ofgames, became the preserve of a tiny minority, who sought
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