In search of shelter The case of Hawassa, Ethiopia
Emma Grant, Gemechu Desta, Yeraswork Admassie, Faraz Hassan, Sophie Stevens and Meheret Ayenew
Working Paper Urban Keywords: January 2020 Urbanisation, Informal Settlements, Urban Poverty, Housing About the authors Emma Grant, senior expert, Social Development Direct Gemechu Desta, executive director, Econvalue Consult Yeraswork Admassie, former associate professor of sociology, Addis Ababa University Faraz Hassan, senior urban specialist, Social Development Direct Sophie Stevens, principal consultant, Social Development Direct Meheret Ayenew, senior public policy researcher Acknowledgements With special thanks to Kussia Bekele, senior civil society advisor and research assistant. All photos were taken by members of the Ethiopia research team. The research was funded by the UK Department for International Development’s East Africa Research Fund (EARF) and contributed to the EARF’s research programme: Shaping East African Cities as Systems to Work Better for All. This material has been funded by UK aid from the UK government. However, the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the UK government’s official policies. Produced by IIED’s Human Settlements group The Human Settlements Group works to reduce poverty and improve health and housing conditions in the urban centres of Africa, Asia and Latin America. It seeks to combine this with promoting good governance and more ecologically sustainable patterns of urban development and rural-urban linkages. About Econvalue Consult Econvalue Consult offers advanced policy research expertise on a range of social and economic topics. About Social Development Direct Social Development Direct (SDDirect) provides high-quality, innovative and expert social development assistance and research services.
Published by IIED, January 2020 Grant, E, Desta, G, Admassie, Y, Hassan, F, Stevens, S and Ayenew, M (2019) In search of shelter: the case of Hawassa, Ethiopia. IIED, London. https://pubs.iied.org/10875IIED ISBN 978-1-78431-739-3 Printed on recycled paper with vegetable-based inks.
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The city of Hawassa is growing fast, driven by the recent construction of a flagship industrial park which is expected to attract up to 60,000 workers by 2021. As the population expands, Hawassa’s shelter needs are becoming ever more acute: existing housing stock and government housing programmes and policies do not match demand. While informal settlements expand to absorb increasing demand from migrant workers and others, sustainable housing solutions are urgently needed for the city’s hundreds of thousands of residents. This working paper presents findings of recent research into the shelter challenges faced by low-income and vulnerable groups in Hawassa and provides policy recommendations for relevant stakeholders across government, local communities, business and the donor community.
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Contents
Acronyms and abbreviations 5 5 Understanding shelter from a gender perspective 39 Summary 6 6 Further key issues for housing provision 42 1 Introduction 9 6.1 Access to finance for shelter and infrastructure, 1.1 The overall research project and its objectives 9 including for low-income groups 42 1.2 Conceptual framework 9 6.2 Safety and security 43 1.3 The rationale for the study in Hawassa 10 6.3 Regulating the rental market 44 1.4 Methodology 10 6.4 Improving infrastructure development and access to basic services 46 2 General overview 12 6.5 Case study: infrastructure provision in 2.1 National overview 12 Philadelphia and Dato settlements 48 2.2 General overview of Hawassa 13 2.3 Housing typology in Hawassa 15 7 Conclusions 51
3 Political settlements and access to shelter 18 8 Recommendations 53 3.1 Evolution of the policy and legislative framework 18 8.1 Recommendations for the Ethiopian government 53 3.2 Key legislation 19 8.2 Recommendations for the international community 3.3 How Ethiopia’s land markets work — formal and and donors 54 informal practices in Hawassa 22 8.3 Recommendations for civil society 55 3.4 The role of the state in shelter and land delivery: 8.4 Recommendations for the private sector 55 past interventions 24 8.5 Recommendations for all stakeholders 55 3.5 Other actors involved in local housing and land markets 25 References 56 3.6 Political engagements on shelter 27
4 Current state of housing provision 30 4.1 Demand and supply 30 4.2 Housing development strategy 31 4.3 Low-income housing: the Integrated Housing Development Programme (IHDP) 31 4.4 Housing cooperatives 35 4.5 Sidama Microfinance Institution-supported housing 36 4.6 Informal settlements 37
4 www.iied.org IIED WORKING PAPER Acronyms and abbreviations
AWSAD Association for Women’s Sanctuary and Development BOWCYA Bureau of Women, Youth and Children’s Affairs CBE Commercial Bank of Ethiopia CSOs Civil society organisations EIAF Ethiopia Investment Advisory Facility EPRDF Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front ETB Ethiopian birra FDRE Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia FGD Focus group discussion FHHs Female-headed households GBV Gender-based violence GDP Gross domestic product HDI Human Development Index HIP Hawassa Industrial Park HMF Housing microfinance IFC International Finance Corporation IHDP Integrated Housing Development Programme IIED International Institute for Environment and Development IPDC Industrial Parks Development Corporation KII Key informant interview MFI Microfinance institutions MUDHCo Ministry of Urban Development, Housing and Construction NGO Non-governmental organisation PPP Public–private partnership SACCOs Savings and credit cooperatives SDGs Sustainable Development Goals SNNPR Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ Regional State TECS Trends in Ethiopian Civil Society UN United Nations UN-Habitat United Nations Human Settlements Programme UN-Women United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women
www.iied.org 5 IN SEARCH OF SHELTER | THE CASE OF HAWASSA, ETHIOPIA Summary
Recent reforms offer a major opportunity to involve Findings communities and civil society organisations (CSOs) This research has explored how and why state housing in oversight and accountability mechanisms that schemes have had a limited contribution to deliver could generate innovative and effective solutions, as housing solutions at scale in Hawassa. Although well as contribute to potential resource mobilisation. different Ethiopian government housing schemes Formalised structures for engagement are more likely (including the Integrated Housing Development to have traction than ad hoc arrangements and give Programme or IHDP condominiums, cooperative scope to ensure that marginalised and hard-to-reach housing and the Sidama Microfinance Institute scheme) groups are involved — leaving no one behind. However, have contributed to the existing housing stock to some Ethiopian CSO capacity has been severely weakened degree, none have generated sufficient or affordable over the last ten years and will require significant housing at scale. Demand outstrips supply by a huge support over a period of time in order to provide an differential — exacerbated by the arrival of thousands effective accountability function. Other cities’ and of Hawassa Industrial Park (HIP) workers since 2017. countries’ experiences regarding engagement and co- Moreover, although existing schemes were intended to production models could provide useful learning. provide housing for low-income people, they are largely Scarcity of land for building in a highly centralised beyond the reach even of middle-income groups. system is leading to unaffordable plots prices. Residents of government-supported housing Processes to service and prepare land for lease within schemes frequently complain of poor infrastructure the municipal boundaries are lengthy, sensitive and and a lack of accountability with regards to service expensive, forcing people to look for options outside provision. This is linked to the approach to installing the formal land allocation system — perpetuating buildings or improving infrastructure (rarely given informal settlements and informal deals which are adequate oversight by municipal authorities, and potential grounds for land-related confict. Inadequate thus left to homeowners to find their own solutions). compensation was creating perverse incentives for Residents organise only around very specific and urgent farmers to transfer leases privately, and sometimes common needs rather than an organising themselves at informally.1 a neighbourhood level to stand for common and longer- The study found that government technical and term interests — such as for advocacy or oversight financial capacity constraints are compounded regarding affordable housing, sustainable utilities, by a lack of accountability. On the one hand, the security and waste-management policy. lack of staff, limited understanding of/access to new Female-headed households, divorced, separated technology and lack of financial resources are resulting and widowed women, elderly women and women in an inability to implement existing policy. Beyond this, with disabilities all face severe/acute shelter however, a lack of accountability is evident in the patchy vulnerabilities and are among the most vulnerable implementation of the law governing evictions of informal urban residents in Hawassa. These are the groups settlements, citizens’ inability to demand better shelter who are most likely to struggle to access both formal and services, and allegations of corruption within the and informal shelter, related both to their below- public sector. average income levels but also to other forms of bias Mortgage finance for low- and middle-income and discrimination. Despite a range of legal and policy groups is highly constrained. There are no options for stipulations that provide for affirmative action measures individuals (or indeed, associations of such individuals) to prioritise women’s access to shelter, gender norms to access finance for leasing land for constructing and roles continue to constrain equal property rights for houses, beyond small-scale traditional rotation savings divorced, separated and widowed women — who are groups (iquub), social networks such as diaspora, or also the most economically vulnerable. the very specific microfinance option for housing such
1 Note that, in 2019, after our data collection was finished, a revised proclamation was drafted to repeal the expropriation of landholdings for public purposes and payment of compensation proclamation no 455/2005 (FDRE, 2005a) was drafted in order to enable compensation rates for farmers in a much-improved way. The proclamation is awaiting ratification.
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as in the case for HIP workers. This financing vacuum undermines the ability of urban residents to construct Recommendations new housing, putting additional pressure on state- Improve access to housing for low- and middle-income financed schemes. groups by strengthening existing housing stock and providing affordable housing finance. Finances for procuring and servicing land for leasing, building new housing stock and maintaining • The city administration should actively support the municipal housing are inadequate. In line with recent formation of housing cooperatives to increase the legislation, the Hawassa authorities are now exploring supply of affordable housing, along with making land alternative approaches to finance including public– available at affordable lease rates. private partnerships (PPPs). Political leadership, again, • Government and donors should identify viable will be important to iron out potential wrinkles in terms options for opening up access to finance for low- of incentivising international investors to see this as an and middle-income groups, specifically through a opportunity while working towards resolving issues low-interest lending bank. Microfinance products for around the liberalisation of the finance sector and housing could be developed, drawing on international ensuring inclusivity (that looks carefully at affordability experience adapted for the Ethiopian context. for low-income groups — an area where previous schemes have failed). This includes improving standards • Government, the private sector and civil society in housing allocated to the extremely poor. should play active roles in mobilising finance through PPPs that will enable Hawassa’s city administration With very few options to access credit, renting or and the Industrial Parks Development Corporation constructing houses in informal settlements is the (IPDC) to build, maintain and expand housing stock. only affordable option facing many people. Our This process should be inclusive and representative research suggests that female-headed households, who of groups such as HIP workers and marginalised and are on average poorer, are most likely to seek affordable low-income groups. Careful consideration should shelter in remote areas. However, our study suggested be given to incentives for private developers and that in these areas women and children are more investors; and this consideration should include the vulnerable to sexual violence, related to the congested removal of bureaucratic impediments to investment. proximity of housing arrangements, the long distances that people need to commute, and the transport • Ensure that any investment in Hawassa’s housing constraints in the evenings. development market addresses the lack of affordable housing for low-income groups, providing a core Despite clear legislation concerning the eligibility percentage of housing at subsidised, affordable of (pre-2011) informal settlements and shelters prices for low-income households, in close for regularisation, implementation of the policy collaboration with local authorities. has been only partial. Not all settlements that are eligible have yet benefitted from this process, while • Implement commitments to providing decent housing other ineligible settlements have not been evicted. for extremely poor and relocated households. Develop Until alternative affordable solutions are available, proper information channels to ensure that households there is obviously a question as to how appropriate are consulted on and informed about processes and effective any clampdown might be (as well as and decisions. These houses must conform to some how it might aggravate the risk of confict). Some minimum standards which should be clearly specified instances of evictions have led to confict, and there and monitored. is very limited strategic community organisation and Address barriers to land acquisition. dialogue with authorities. As a result, such cases have not been resolved in a way to impact policy • The Hawassa city administration should work with sustainably. Our research revealed widespread feelings neighbouring local government jurisdictions and of disempowerment and grievance amongst resettled farmers to acquire land for housing construction as residents who were eligible for compensation, but part of an integrated development plan. Increasing whose livelihoods, social networks and access to the availability of land for housing will not only help services were hugely disrupted through relocation, to relieve the acute housing shortage but may also without adequate dialogue or compensatory measures. reduce the need to expand the city’s housing vertically using high-rise buildings, which those on lower incomes may find unaffordable.
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• The government also needs to monitor the impact of some informal settlements in line with the existing recent legislation increasing compensation rates for legal framework surrounding them. To mitigate the farmers to ascertain how this is affecting the wider risk of gentrification, this should ideally be done at land market and whether it has successfully increased scale, using alternative standards, with community availability or exacerbated access problems for low- involvement/ownership, and with consideration for income households. collective land-ownership options. Strengthen capacity and accountability of Hawassa’s • Where involuntary resettlement is unavoidable, city government. best practice can be drawn from the International Finance Corporation’s (IFC) performance standards • Existing programmes to strengthen capacity in on environmental and social sustainability to the municipality’s housing sector are insufficient. safeguard vulnerable residents (including those from Additional financial and technical capacity support female-headed households, people with disabilities is needed for the institutions involved in shelter and others). provision. Capacity support that enables the city government to write credible proposals/housing • It is essential that municipal authorities work with strategies to leverage financial support from donors relevant bureaux, sub-city offices and CSOs to better would be a priority. Donors/banks should also raise understand and prevent violence against women and awareness about potential sources of finance that can girls in informal settlements. be accessed. Build political consensus and inclusion through good • Strengthening the power of the ombudsman (with governance. regards to both its engagement with Hawassa city • Vulnerable residents and those on low incomes and SNNPR regional bodies) and complaint-handling should be supported to organise and advocate mechanisms will be key to ensuring that government is or collaborate with municipalities for longer-term more accountable. shelter solutions. • Invest in a robust urban data-collection and • Designated roles and spaces must be created for the management process, focusing on housing and basic organised input of women in political and housing services, that permits for a detailed analysis of market policy processes. segmentation that can assist in prioritising resource allocation for shelter. • Strong political leadership from different levels of government and from Ethiopia’s different ethnic Address informal settlements and implement groups will also be required for sustainable and regularisation. inclusive governance. This will be key to addressing • To ease the acute demand for housing, the city issues of land scarcity as part of an integrated administration should carefully consider regularising development plan.
8 www.iied.org IIED WORKING PAPER 1 Introduction
lessons from across these very different cities, the 1.1 The overall research programme is not a comparative study as such. project and its objectives For the purposes of this working paper, we examined This working paper is one of a series of three reports access to shelter, basic services and how these have covering the main findings from a research project changed over time, with a particular focus on low- led by the International Institute for Environment and income and marginalised groups. The study explored Development (IIED) on shelter in East Africa. This how safe and secure shelter is provided and accessed research project examines systems of shelter provision (as owners, occupiers or tenants) within the city as a in three East African cities: Nairobi, Hawassa and whole, identifying critical constraints, inequalities and Mogadishu. It was designed to identify policy-relevant, drivers in the land and housing markets. A multi-scalar locally driven solutions to improve shelter at scale for approach permitted an analysis of citywide dynamics, vulnerable groups, including low-income women and low-income settlements in general, and two particular men, displaced people, and people with disabilities. case study settlements. We considered housing typology, as well as access to and quality of basic The methodology underpinning the study recognises services — water, electricity, sanitation and transport. that gender, poverty, displacement and ethnicity can act as major axes of discrimination that impede access Our analysis integrates a political economy/political to land, shelter and services in East African cities. settlement lens3 to identify challenges and make The research has explored the three cities’ histories, recommendations that help overcome structural and political settlements and variations in housing, in order cross-sectoral barriers to inclusive housing, secure to generate new insights that can inform more inclusive, tenure and basic service provision at scale. We attempt affordable shelter interventions. In addition, the research to examine city governance as a sub-national political process has provided opportunities for knowledge settlement and investigate the relationship between sharing and spaces for dialogue between communities political settlements at the national and municipal levels, and local officials, using shelter as an entry point to and within civil society, the federal system, municipal foster more responsive local governance. administrative officials and elites. Gender and inclusion issues are mainstreamed into the study as a whole, 1.2 Conceptual framework and explored more deeply through some in-depth key informant interviews (KIIs) and focus group discussions The Hawassa research was conducted based on a (FGDs) with various key informants, including people shared conceptual framework that was developed at with disabilities, women heads of household living in the programme level, governing all three cities in the various shelter types (informal settlements, low-cost project.2 Although the framework enables us to explore government housing, condominiums, own housing), and the same issues in different contexts, and to highlight select local government and civil society representatives
2 See www.iied.org/shelter-provision-east-african-cities-understanding-transformative-politics-for-inclusive-cities. 3 Rather than approaching particular sectors (housing, land, livelihoods) or spaces (informal settlements) in isolation, this research seeks to understand markets for land, housing and basic services as integrated systems, whose possibilities are defined in part by conditions of political economy. Our analysis is thus driven by a ‘city as systems’ approach, as it extends beyond low-income shelter to explore citywide housing, land and infrastructure dynamics. We also integrate political economy analysis (PEA) to identify challenges and propose practical interventions that can help overcome structural and cross-sectoral barriers to inclusive housing, secure tenure and basic service provision at scale.
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working with vulnerable women, children and people with disabilities in the city. 1.4 Methodology The research took place over 18 months, starting in This paper seeks to illustrate how political settlements January 2018 with a desk review of available secondary between various actors shape access to housing for data as well as interviews with key policymakers at the people in Hawassa, in particular low- and middle- city level. Next, the team undertook KIIs with private- income groups. In order to do this, we first present sector operators, residents, municipal and sub-city important national and regional context in Section 2. level officials, regional bureau heads, housing and Research findings are then presented in four sections: land brokers and CSOs in Hawassa, and selected Section 3 describes the different stakeholders involved federal-level interviews (from the Ministry of Urban in the provision of housing in Hawassa and the nature Development, Housing and Construction, IPDC, of political settlements that exist in the city; Section 4 Commercial Bank of Ethiopia (CBE) and the Documents looks at the resulting supply of housing and key state Authentication and Registration Agency). Five additional interventions; Section 5 draws out some findings interviews and five focus group discussions (FGDs) around gender and how this affects access to shelter; were added to the data collection in response to the while Section 6 explores a number of additional issues paucity of data focusing on gender/gendered access our research found to be crucial in how people are to shelter. The team conducted a total of 146 interviews accessing shelter, including safety and security; the of which 120 were structured, qualitative (checklist rental market; and provision of infrastructure services. based) and quantitative (questionnaire based) interviews Section 7 sets out our conclusions and lastly, Section with residents, 26 semi-structured interviews with 8 provides recommendations for government, donors, key informants and 11 FGDs with different groups. the private sector and civil society in order to improve Participants were identified with support from our access to shelter in Hawassa. local research team and/or from non-governmental organisations (NGOs) working with women and various 1.3 The rationale for the hard-to-reach groups. study in Hawassa Findings were presented and validated at two Hawassa is a city on the rise. With the construction workshops with key policymakers and wider of a new industrial park in 2017 — a fagship special stakeholders (donors, HIP management etc) in January economic zone designed to provide 60,000 jobs and and October 2019. After initial analysis, some additional massively boost apparel exports — economic growth interviews were subsequently done to assess how and livelihood opportunities have attracted tens of much the political reforms and changes that new Prime thousands of new arrivals — mainly young women Minister Abiy Ahmed started in 2018 were impacting on — into the city. Demographic change has also been the shelter and the political landscape of the city and accompanied by fast-paced political change — both region as whole. Some findings and recommendations nationally and locally — and a generation of new were adjusted after the October 2019 workshop, policymakers and officials are now considering how refecting changes that had occurred between data best to address a range of policy areas including, collection and validation. critically, the demand for housing. While the data is primarily qualitative, we have drawn Lessons from Hawassa are of interest nationally and upon quantitative data from secondary sources regionally. Although presenting unique characteristics where possible. In addition, a non-representative, — as the capital city of Southern Nations, Nationalities non-randomised survey (n= 60) was conducted and Peoples, a region in the midst of live political in one formal and one informal settlement, in order debates concerning its very integrity — Hawassa to understand household income, rental and utility nevertheless presents a particularly interesting case costs, household characteristics, type of housing and study of relevance to the wider Ethiopian context sources of finance for construction. The Philadelphia because it is home to the fagship HIP. As numerous neighbourhood was selected as an example of a other parks are being developed in Ethiopia and the formal settlement and Dato neighbourhood was region more broadly, learning from the experience of selected as a contrasting case study site — a fast- how Hawassa manages its housing needs is therefore growing informal settlement towards the outskirts of of wider relevance. With this research, our team hopes the city. Our research team comprised eight people, to shed more light on how shelter is accessed in the trained in the use of the various tools and in ethical city and provide recommendations for enhancing protocols. Interview guide templates were developed at the response by the Hawassa municipal government programme level, and then adapted to each city context. and city administration, the federal government, Qualitative primary data was analysed using Excel, the international community, private sector and and by using a coding system that refected the overall development practitioners. research programme’s objectives and core areas of
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focus. Where possible, during analysis, primary data Finally, one limitation of the study was that the scope was triangulated with secondary sources. However, the did not extend to include reliable and representative lack of reliable, up-to-date, published statistical data on quantitative data that would permit a more detailed shelter in Hawassa rendered this very challenging. analysis of market segmentation. Our research thus paints a broad picture of how particular challenges The principal challenge in the research was the fast- affect certain population groups in particular, but further changing political landscape, with the result that data research is required to quantify these inequalities to the collected early in the project needed to be interpreted level of accuracy required for setting budgetary targets with caution. Political sensitivity, and the ongoing social or similar. unrest, was also a constraint in terms of what questions could be asked, given the imperative to do no harm.
www.iied.org 11 IN SEARCH OF SHELTER | THE CASE OF HAWASSA, ETHIOPIA 2 General overview
This section provides a general overview of the national Over the last ten years, Ethiopia has made tremendous and city-level contexts that frame the complex issue strides in its economic growth, poverty reduction and of access to shelter in Hawassa. It also presents a broader developmental progress — yet remains a very shelter typology for Hawassa, which serves as a point of poor country. Looking at the data for 2019, with a per reference for subsequent discussion and analysis of the capita income of US$783 (Trade Mark East Africa), more in-depth shelter findings. the data paints an impressive picture of growth over recent years: 2.1 National overview Ethiopia’s economy experienced strong, broad- Bordering Eritrea, Somalia, Kenya, South Sudan based growth averaging 10.3% a year from and Sudan, Ethiopia’s diverse geography — and 2006/07 to 2016/17, compared to a regional population of some 102 million — is landlocked within average of 5.4%. Ethiopia’s gross domestic product a tumultuous region. It is a country at a historical (GDP) is estimated to have rebounded to 10.9% in [financial year] 2017 […] Higher economic growth crossroads, undergoing important political, social and brought with it positive trends in poverty reduction economic reforms in response to long-held grievances in both urban and rural areas. The share of the exacerbated by growing inequalities. With ambitious population living below the national poverty line plans to reach middle-income status by 2025, Ethiopia’s decreased from 30% in 2011 to 24% in 2016. major challenge will be to install an inclusive and accountable federal democratic political system while However, this level of growth is heavily reliant on delivering on its commitment to pro-poor growth, spending on infrastructure development. The share of managed infation and sustainable employment. the service sector in the GDP is close to 30% while SAUDI ARABIA
Figure 1. Map of Ethiopia showing location of Hawassa in relation to Addis Ababa (left) and map highlighting the SNNPR and SidamaSUDAN zone (right) Red ERITREA Sea
Blue Nile YEMEN Location map Ethiopia Gulf of Aden DJIBOUTI ¯ Hawassa city Addis Ababa
Hawassa SOUTH SUDAN Legend Sidama_zone SNNPR Ethiopia Tabor sub city SOMALIA Source: Based on OCHA/ReliefWeb. https://reliefweb.int/map/ethiopia/ethiopia-location-map-2013 100 km KENYA
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Legend Sidama_zone
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Awasa Town
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that of manufacturing remains as low as 4%. Creating has been disrupted as major protests have emerged in a productive economy that offers employment for the response to widespread repression and lack of good nearly two million Ethiopians joining the labour market governance, shaking the status quo. Ethiopia finds every year, while increasing foreign investment, is a itself today with a new political regime searching for major challenge. solutions to a complex set of ethnic and inequality- generated grievances. The Human Development Index (HDI) likewise reveals a similar pattern — positive progress but remaining An overview of the national context would not be very low down in the global scale. United Nations complete without touching upon the country’s political Development Programme (UNDP) data for 2017 shows and economic model of a ‘revolutionary democratic that Ethiopia’s HDI value is 0.463 (putting the country developmental state’. This approach — pursued by the in the low human development category, ranking 173 ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic out of 189 countries). Nevertheless, it is notable that Front (EPRDF) party for the last 25 or more years — is between 2000 and 2017, Ethiopia’s HDI value increased characterised by ‘a deeply entrenched experience of from 0.283 to 0.463, an increase of 63.5% (UNDP, statehood’ (Clapham, 2017), and a tightly constrained 2018). The UNDP’s Gender Inequality Index4 scores political environment. The roles of civil society and the Ethiopia 0.502, making slow improvements year by private sector have been widely curtailed (Clapham, year. The United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and 2017), although this is now in a state of fux in the the Empowerment of Women (UN-Women) describes current context of reforms led by Prime Minister Abiy Ethiopia as having some of the lowest gender equality Ahmed.5 These reforms include: the decreasing of the performance indicators in sub-Saharan Africa. state’s role in the economy through privatising state enterprises, a policy that increases the role of private- Since 2015, Ethiopia has been implementing the sector investment; and opening up political dialogue Growth and Transformation Plan II (GTP II), which has and freedoms. However, the re-establishing of strong integrated the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) reform institutions and issuing reform policies are a (National Planning Commission, 2015). According to the work in progress as Ethiopia moves towards the 2020 United Nations Voluntary National Review (2017): national election. There exist enabling policies and environments to effectively implement the SDGs in Ethiopia. 2.2 General overview of Political commitments at the government level are quite high […] Evidences have shown [sic] that Hawassa in the last decade and half, well-coordinated and Founded in 1959 as one of a handful of planned cities integrated implementation of pro-poor national in the country, Hawassa is a medium-sized city located development policies, strategies, plans and programs benefitted the broader citizenry at all 285km south of Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa. Today levels of government administration […] Though it is a thriving and attractive city, home to one of the unemployment and poverty in Ethiopia are still country’s biggest industrial developments, the Hawassa high, performances in economic growth, economic Industrial Park, and capital of the most diverse region infrastructure development, social development and in the country, the Southern Nations, Nationalities and environmental development have been impressive. Peoples’ Regional State6 (SNNPR). It enjoys the status of a special zone within the region and has become a Meanwhile, the country is urbanising at a rapid rate. self-governing city administration within the SNNPR and Ethiopia is one of the least urbanised countries (19.5% separate from the Sidama Zone itself, accountable to in 2015) relative to its total population, but currently the SNNPR. has one of the fastest-growing urban populations; the average urban population growth rate is 4.8–5% per Hawassa has a complex identity and history that annum (MUDHCo and ECSU, 2015). frames a very live debate about its current and future status — its political settlement. From around 1978, In the last five years, confict has become a more Hawassa was the capital of Sidama province, up until significant threat to the stability of the country. Until the province was abolished with the adoption of the recently, despite tensions within the ethnic federalism 1995 constitution and creation of the federal system; model, Ethiopia was largely seen as an oasis of calm at this point, Hawassa became the capital of the and a stabilising infuence (sending peacekeeping SNNPR and the Sidama Zone itself. As Hawassa’s troops into Darfur and South Sudan) within the Horn economy, population and opportunities have expanded of Africa. However, over the last four years this stability and diversified, the tug-of-war over its identity and
4 A composite measure reflecting inequality in achievement between women and men in three dimensions: reproductive health, empowerment and the labour market. http://hdr.undp.org/en/indicators/68606 5 In March 2019, the controversial charities and societies legislation was repealed and replaced with a much more rights-based and liberal proclamation, enabling CSOs to work in all sectors regardless of their status as Ethiopian, resident or international. 6 This is the most ethnically diverse of Ethiopia’s regional states, with over 45 indigenous ethnic groups speaking distinct languages.
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‘ownership’ has continued between Sidama ethno- population growth rate was also estimated at 4% nationalists on the one hand, and the many nationalities (Central Statistical Agency, 2013). However, both the and peoples constituting the rest of the region on total population and growth rate are likely to be much the other. This power struggle has long simmered higher since the advent of the HIP, inaugurated in beneath the official political coalition governance, with 2016. The overdue national census is key to providing occasional outbreaks of civil unrest and violence. The more reliable data but was once again postponed annexation of 12 former rural kebeles (Ethiopia’s lowest from its scheduled April 2019 roll out (The Economist, administrative unit, similar to a ward) from Sidama into 2019). The city’s population is ethnically diverse and the city administration in 2006 was a key milestone in relatively young, with 65% below the age of 25 (World this power struggle.7 During the course of our research Bank 2017). in 2018–2019, these tensions erupted into violence Hawassa is bounded by Lake Hawassa in the west once more, catalysed by wider national protests against and Oromia Region in the north, which constrains its the current government. At the time of writing, the physical expansion. While 15,720 hectares of land fall public debate concerning a potential Sidama autonomy within Hawassa’s administrative boundary, only 6,465 from the SNNPR suggests major political change may hectares (24.4%) are demarcated within the municipal be imminent. boundary and planned as urban land (Scott et al., The latest estimates suggest Hawassa’s urban 2016, cited in Kinfu et al., 2019). The city is divided population was around 335,508 in 2017 (based on into eight sub-cities, that are further divided into 32 projections, Central Statistical Agency, 2013); United kebeles. These kebeles include both urban and rural Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat, neighbourhoods, and density varies according to three 2019) data suggests the whole municipal population broad settlement types. Scott et al. (2016) categorise (rural plus urban) is around 387,087. The city’s annual these as follows: • Well-defined residential housing and industrial areas: Figure 2. Map of Hawassa low density with well-planned good road access • Old kebeles within the city: medium to high density, and • Newly developing informal peri-urban areas: high density within those on the city boundary, while those encroaching on the city are currently more rural in nature. Informal settlements are proliferating around the outskirts of the city. Often referred to as ‘illegal settlements’ in the Ethiopian context, these have existed in Hawassa since the 1980s, but are now increasing rapidly as the city’s population expands and in the absence of viable, planned alternatives. In particular, the policy of rural kebele annexation post-2005, driven by political representation objectives as much as the objective of acquiring land for urban development purposes, has been a catalyst in the rapid growth of these peri-urban settlements (Kinfu et al., 2019). Data on access to electricity in formal neighbourhoods (98.3 per cent of households — MUDHCo and ECSU, 2015) and water (85% improved water supply access in 2014 — Scott et al., 2016) paints a relatively positive picture at city level, but disaggregated data by settlement type is not easily obtainable. Nor is there reliable data on the service quality and infrastructure in Hawassa’s low-income areas, especially the informal settlements. Source: OpenStreetMap contributors
7 According to a former member of the SNNPR regional council we spoke to in 2018, a reclassification of the administrative boundaries of the woredas of Sidama zone was done in order to create more administrative functions and enable more people from the Sidama ethnic group to occupy office and administrative functions.
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Today, the major economic and social sectors that are new building construction to follow the latest master attracting private investment and providing employment plan’s building standards and land use plans.10 in Hawassa are agriculture, construction, tourism/ Using these standards as a starting point and hospitality, manufacturing, real estate, services, supplementing them with information drawn from social services/education and health, and trade. interviews and observations by the study team, a broad The urban autonomy and decentralised governance typology of residential houses in the city was developed. model in Ethiopia allow cities to develop revenue- The typology is intended to provide a brief but generation mechanisms (collecting both state and comprehensive overview of the various types of shelter municipal revenues) and t/o utilise their resources in an available to people living in Hawassa, highlighting some accountable manner. of the key features in terms of access to services and Hawassa’s most significant economic development tenure security etc. Since there are numerous variations in recent times is the HIP — a key initiative within or sub-categories of the different housing types, in Ethiopia’s industrialisation drive and the Growth and reality types of shelter are better understood as falling Transformation Plan II8. Designed mainly to produce on a spectrum of housing variety than within a simple high-end apparels and textile products, HIP was categorisation system. We have used three broad officially opened in 2016. It is expected to generate categories to classify available shelter in Hawassa; in about 60,000 jobs and increase Ethiopia’s export order of magnitude, these are: revenue by US$ 1 billion per year. It has attracted • Detached houses thousands of young women to the city, who account for approximately 90% of the HIP workers.9 • Row houses 2.3 Housing typology in • Multi-storey tenements (apartments/fats) Whereas the formal settlement areas exhibit a Hawassa highly heterogeneous housing typology, the informal There is no municipal housing typology or architectural settlements display a relatively homogenous housing reference for Hawassa that refects the full variety of typology (i.e. row houses with high ceilings). Houses existing buildings within the city, in terms of construction in Hawassa are built from durable material such as materials, form, function, topography, ownership/rental cement, metal and corrugated-iron sheeting, as well as status or other characteristics of different communal non-durable material such as wood and mud. Makeshift and private buildings. Nevertheless, there is a Building shelters are also constructed from plastic sheeting, Standard and Construction Permit Department within cardboard and other fimsy materials by those living on the municipality that is mandated to issue permits for the streets. Table 1 shows some of the characteristics all construction within the city. The department awards of the different shelter typologies observed in permits in line with the city’s master plan, obliging any Hawassa city.
Row houses occupied by young professionals (left) and low-income groups (right) in Hawassa
8 The Growth and Transformation Plan II can be accessed here: https://ethiopia.un.org/sites/default/files/2019-08/GTPII%20%20English%20Translation%20 %20Final%20%20June%2021%202016.pdf 9 KII with McKinsey & Company, 2018. 10 Hawassa city had three master plans until 2005. In 2006, an integrated development plan was issued, which is currently being used in the city. The city administration is working on a structural plan that will guide how land will need to be developed or is being developed, and provides a mechanism for developing a detailed local development plan for different locations of the city whenever a development project is initiated.
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In the absence of any census data, it is extremely amount of kebele/publicly owned housing for rent, difficult to obtain reliable data on the prevalence of with an estimated waiting list of 15,000 people (UN- housing types within the city. UN-Habitat (2019) have Habitat 2019). Increasingly, low-income households some estimates for housing type prevalence. Since this and individuals are searching for shelter in informal data uses a slightly different typology that does not map settlements where rental prices are lower (this cleanly onto ours, the data is presented separately in includes HIP workers). According to UN-Habitat, Table 2. most tenants rent their dwellings from private landlords, rather than through the kebele or rental-housing Even without city-wide census data, there is evidence administration agency. of changing patterns of shelter. There is a very limited
Table 1. Housing/shelter types in Hawassa
HOUSING FORM BUILDING OWNERSHIP/ INFRASTRUCTURE PREVALENCE TYPE MATERIAL RENTAL STATUS AND SERVICES IN HAWASSA Detached Villas: Cement; • Privately owned or • Variable: usually has Highly prevalent houses: includes can be concrete rented by upper- own electric and in all parts of the bungalow, hollow-block, city in both formal wide range of income groups, mostly water connection, two storey corrugated for family residential toilet facility and informal sites designs, forms, or multi- iron sheet, use • Services and materials and storey rebar • Some government- infrastructure often in Limited stock of standards, owned and rented poor condition kebele-owned ranging from kebele/savings houses houses villas to shacks Traditional Wood and • Privately owned huts • Houses family and Uncommon, huts mud; thatch tend only to be for sometimes animals found at city own use, not rental • No power or water outskirts • Often used as supply in these in informal ‘legitimacy’ claim to structures settlement areas land Shacks Wood, • Privately owned or For residences or small This type is corrugated rented businesses such as prevalent in many iron, plastic traditional bars (tella- parts of the city bet) or eateries, usually in both formal with no toilet or water and informal connection settlement areas Row houses Bungalow Cement, • Privately owned or • Shared toilet with This is the or two concrete rented other houses most prevalent storeys hollow-block • Usually single room • Metered electricity housing type for bachelors or small supply in formal in both formal family settlements and informal • Rooms may be rented settlement areas by individuals or groups (including HIP workers, 4 per room) Multi-storey G+3 Cement, • Integrated housing Privately owned or Prevalent in some tenements G+4 concrete and development rented. Occupied by of the sub-cities hollow-block different family sizes (apartments/ plan (IHDP) brick condominiums, depending on the 3,538 units total flats) purchased by lottery dwelling size, common ‘winners’ (approx 50% water and electricity rented out) but power interruption • Privately funded and challenges constructed through housing cooperatives
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Table 2. Estimated housing stock in Hawassa
TYPE OF HOUSE TOTAL NUMBER OF HOUSES Formal housing units 45,000 Built by government 4,525 Condominiums 3,538 Resettlement houses/public rental 977 Kebele houses 2,008 Built through private development 33,952 Individuals 33,246 Cooperatives 626 Real estate 80 Informal housing units 40,000 Total housing stock in Hawassa 85,000
A luxury villa in Hawassa, representative of the high end of the housing stock
www.iied.org 17 IN SEARCH OF SHELTER | THE CASE OF HAWASSA, ETHIOPIA 3 Political settlements and access to shelter
This section explores the roles, responsibilities and produced prototype housing designs for house interactions of various stakeholders around the provision builders. of shelter in Hawassa. It begins by setting out the • Cooperative-led housing development, with legislative and policy framework pertaining to housing government providing low-interest loans and free and land in Ethiopia, before describing how land leaseholds. markets work, including the wide spectrum of actors with a stake in this agenda. • Support for private housing construction through schemes offering low-interest rates and free land 3.1 Evolution of the policy provision, along with technical support. and legislative framework • A number of housing projects, implemented, for example, through individual self-help groups and the 3.1.1 An historical perspective World Bank Project on Housing (early 1980s). Access to shelter as a public welfare priority came to the fore in the 1975 revolution that overthrew the 3.1.2 Evolution of current national imperial regime. In recognition of the public grievance policy framework concerning exorbitant living conditions — including the With the advent of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary high rental-housing prices, particularly in the capital Democratic Front (EPRDF) in 1991, land regulation Addis Ababa — a new proclamation (47/1975 — FDRE, policy continued to follow the same principles of 1975) was issued, forcibly transferring all urban land state ownership of urban and rural land. Indeed, and extra houses11 to government ownership from state ownership of all land was re-affirmed in the very the ownership of landlords and the emerging urban constitution of the country, published in 1995, which ‘petit bourgeois’ class. These expropriated houses are stipulates that land is a common property of the nations, still a key part of the government and kebele housing nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia and shall not be sector today. In the aftermath of the revolution, some subject to sale or other means of exchange. While every developments in urban housing provision or regulation Ethiopian citizen has the right to own private property, included: the constitution does not provide for private ownership • Formalised housing standards, where cities of land. As such, according to the law, if land is required developed different housing construction standards for any government purpose then it has the right to evict that considered size, construction material, typology anyone from that land after paying compensation for the etc. The urban works and urban development bureau private property (FDRE, 1995).12
11 According to the proclamation, urban residents could keep one residential property and another business property (if they had a business), but were required to hand over any other properties (‘extra houses’) to the government. 12 Without prejudice to the right to private property, the government may expropriate private property for public purposes, subject to payment in advance of compensation commensurate to the value of the property (FDRE, 1995, Article 40, sub-article 8).
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Nevertheless, under the EPRDF, land and housing regulation and protection mechanisms has fostered regulations and policies were developed significantly. severe tenure insecurity and exploitation, especially at A shift from a command economy (and later from a lower socioeconomic levels (see Section 6.3). mixed economy towards a market economy) gave In addition, a major constraint relates to the lack of an opportunity for the rapid growth of the private implementation of these policies, for lack of technical sector and particularly housing development or and financial capacity or political reasons. Efforts at real-estate industries. The policy of land allocation affirmative action have also proven to have limited through lease contracts and large-scale low-cost effect due to the mismatch between the supply of housing projects such as the Integrated Housing these houses and the corresponding demand for them. Development Programme (IHDP) (see Section 4.3) Furthermore, the infationary pressure in the economy were implemented. A number of policies and regulations and the related foreign currency devaluation impacts were developed addressing shelter-related issues, such have escalated the original budget of the units, with the as land lease allocation, low-cost housing distribution, result that these units are unaffordable for low-income environmental protection, government housing operation groups. Two key pieces of legislation that operationalise and maintenance, condominium regulation, housing shelter policy are the 2011 proclamation on lease cooperatives regulation, and special and preferential holding of urban land, and the 2007 proclamation on treatment for women and government employees, compensation for evictions. These are described below. among others. The regional regulatory documents are usually a direct copy of the federal ones, detailing a highly formal approach of developmental state- 3.2 Key legislation dominated housing and land provision agenda. 3.2.1 Leaseholds on urban lands The 2005 Urban Development Policy provides the Governed by a series of amended proclamations overall framework for these multiple policies and on the use of urban land, the most recent leasehold regulations. It was intended to provide a national proclamation (FDRE, 2011) builds on and addresses approach that would link together the small-scale the limitations of its predecessors. It was intended to efforts made by regional governments and cities improve the fair and transparent allocation of urban land since 2000. Two key points stand out in this policy: and collection of adequate revenue from leasing through that housing construction should be intensified by various new measures. the government, private sector and cooperatives, and that the construction of houses (particularly that of The most recent iteration of regulations in this area condominiums) should be linked to micro and small contain a range of provisions which our research found enterprises for the employment creation for urban youth. to be fundamental drivers in informing the ways in which Moreover, old government and kebele houses should people are constrained from or incentivised to access be renovated and communities should be encouraged housing (see Box 1). These include the annual lease to make savings in order to own their houses. Investors payment for the right to use leased land, regularisation also should be encouraged to construct affordable of informal tenure,14 and consolidation of the permit housing units for the public. and leasehold tenure systems. New urban land is now allocated only through tender (auction) and allotment Today, Ethiopia’s urban policy has many commendable (land lease transfer without auction). Land for private elements but remains patchy and not effectively housing is allocated through tender, but due to the implemented. Aspiring in principle to be pro-poor and scarcity of land combined with increased demand, gender equitable and to achieve multiple objectives it was found that land available through auction is (including promoting employment, growth and so on), too expensive for many. Land can be acquired more the policy is nevertheless urgently in need of updating affordably through the formation of housing associations to refect a fast-changing sector and demographic, and which can then acquire land at a minimal rate through is clearly lacking in certain major aspects. Specifically, allocation.15 All land allocated for business and private the rental market is a policy vacuum: public and private residential housing construction is treated only through housing rental is governed by the civil code tenancy the lease payment (although city municipalities at provisions (2896–3018), but there is no law on rental times provide land by allotment for the construction housing defining the roles, responsibilities and rights of government offices, religious institutions, public of both the lessor and the lessee.13 The absence of
13 It is worth mentioning that the federal house of representatives has reportedly approved a proclamation to regulate the housing rental market, including the relationship between landlords and tenants. It is expected to come into effect in September 2019, a belated step that will be a welcome development for tenants that have so far remained at the mercy of landlords in all respects. 14 Proclamation No. 721/2011 (FDRE 2011) states: “No person may acquire urban land other than the lease-holding system provided under this Proclamation” (Article 5, sub-article 1). Failure to comply with the lease law will have consequences of clearing the land by the appropriate body which shall have the “power, without the need to issue a clearance order” to clear illegally occupied urban land by merely serving a written notice of seven working days to the occupant in person or by affixing it to the property situated on the land (Article 26, sub-article 4). 15 KIIs with Bahil Adarash, sub-city representative and municipality officials for the housing development and administration core process.
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BOX 1. EXAMPLES OF HOW With regard to hostilities because the community could not get land from the government, they LAND IS ACCESSED IN bought land from farmers. Nevertheless, when it PHILADELPHIA AND DATO, is bought from the farmers, the government says land is neither sold nor changed, it the property BASED ON SURVEY DATA of the public and they get into hostility with the This case study illustrates how the current methods government as a result of which there was huge bloodshed. for accessing land impacts people’s ability to access housing, based on qualitative data gathered from KII with Philadelphia resident Philadelphia and Dato. Four ways to acquire land were noted in surveys: through the municipality or brokers, Cooperatives were highlighted as a route to access by forming cooperatives, or buying land from farmers. land for those who cannot compete at auctions for land leases. However, interviewees noted that even In both Philadelphia and Dato, there is widespread this method does not guarantee land allocation as it sentiment that only the rich can afford to buy land takes time for land to become available, or the cost under the lease system. ‘If you go for the land bid, it is still too high. Some interviewees suspected that is the rich who compete for the bid’. In Dato, there is government has a preference for leasing land through an increasing demand for land from more and more auctions rather than allocating to cooperatives, as this people coming to the area, pushing up prices. Rent generates more revenue: was also noted to be getting more expensive. Even for those people, the situation has become Being allotted land through the municipality was hopeless and they are not likely to get land, since outlined as a way to access land, though one the fee for the lease is very expensive. respondent mentioned you had to have ‘a connection at the municipality’ to facilitate this. Nevertheless, KII with Philadelphia resident kebeles were said to prioritise allocation of housing for There are perceptions of corruption in land provision. poor or vulnerable groups. Some respondents noted that government officials are Brokers were a key mechanism through which abusing information and power over land to acquire people found land, but this was noted as being less it for themselves or family, and this is a reason for preferable to getting land directly from the municipality, access to land not being made easier. as brokers take a cut and can increase the price for Authorities are attempting to curb informal building buyers and sellers. One respondent noted that the until permission is issued by the municipality under role of brokers has contributed to the cost of land area plans. Residents in Dato who did not have ‘skyrocketing’. ‘maps’ were told they must acquire licenses from the Transfer of land leases from farmers was noted municipality before they can build. In Philadelphia, as another key way to acquire land. This is done if one KII respondent noted that while in the past illegal someone cannot acquire land through the municipality construction was halted, at present, “If you build or other means and can afford to buy from farmers. illegally, you will be fined and you won’t be forced This is often done without backing or facilitation by to stop.” government and can therefore lead to tensions or confict around the status of the land:
residential housing programs, etc). Individuals displaced headed households who already face constraints on due to urban redevelopment are also entitled to be their income. Kinfu et al. (2019) describe the effect of allocated lease-free land at no cost, provided their introducing competitive leases as segregating the poor occupancy was legal. and middle-income groups by forcing them to relocate to peri-urban areas. Lease payments are triggered when informal land settlements are regularised, when old possessions are Moreover, the mechanisms, modality and the timeframe transferred to third parties under certain conditions, for converting ‘old possessions’16 into leaseholds have and/or they are merged with newly leased lands. While not been clearly specified. There is public concern regularisation of informal settlements is obviously an regarding the obligation of people who previously opportunity in many ways, the requirement to make possessed land who now have to pay for their holdings lease payments may also represent a disincentive or when the permit system is converted into the leasehold barrier for very poor households, particularly female- system (Gebremichael, 2017). In addition, introducing
16 This is the term used in the laws to refer to assets held under previous land tenure systems.
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the time limit based on the leasehold system to the land situated on the land” (FDRE, 2011: Article 26, sub- occupied under the old permit system (where there was article 4). no time limit on land occupation) requires an overall land In practice, evictions usually entail additional costs database review (Ambaye, 2011). At the present time, for households19, including the loss of livelihoods, when even the overdue national consensus has been social networks and transport links, due to the lack postponed, this seems unrealistic. of careful financial resettlement management and inclusive community dialogue. Our research highlighted 3.2.2 Compensation for displacement complaints about non-payment of compensation, as well for infrastructure development as unfair amounts. This issue is reported to be the most including housing frequent cause of housing complaints to the Ethiopian Institute of the Ombudsman office in Hawassa, although Compensation for displacement is governed by a series an interview with the latter suggests that some people of proclamations17 and provides for the loss of property may not understand their entitlement and be claiming for during redevelopment or for public purpose and to land that belonged to a parent — technically ‘unlawful’20 assist displaced persons in providing replacement land — while there are others who quickly build a shack on to live on. ‘Property’ refers to fixed assets and perennial land that has been earmarked for development in order crops — there is no compensation for land (Wubneh, to try and get some compensation. 2018). In the case of urban areas, the compensation A lack of clear delineation of boundaries on allocated figure includes the estimated cost of construction land has also led to tensions between condominium (current value) of a home plus the cost of permanent residents and farmers, who (according to interviews) improvements on the land. were not fairly compensated and perceived new In Hawassa city, eligibility for compensation is only open residents to be pushing them out: to residents living in legally owned houses or informal The owners of the land who were not paid settlements constructed prior to 2011. Residents of compensation feel that we have come here and built shelter constructed since that date are not entitled to the houses to push them away. They abuse us […] compensation, a restriction introduced in Hawassa The problem is that the area is not delineated. No right after the federal proclamation 721/2011 (FDRE, boundary was set. 2011). As such, Article 5 of the proclamation states, “No KII with female condominium residents person may acquire urban land other than the lease- holding system provided under this proclamation”. The actual implementation of compensation measures — particularly after the expropriation of land — has Informal settlement residents often live with uncertainty proven problematic. Compensation for land expropriated as to their future, should the government decide to is considered not to refect the actual value that is allocate that land for any other development purpose. derived from the land: The regulation is insufficiently clear on what constitutes alternative land allocation, including the size and Although the proclamation states that compensation location of the substitute land offered.18 According to for displacement which shall be equivalent to ten Proclamation 721/2011 however, “Failure to comply times the average annual income secure during the with the lease law will have consequences of clearing five years preceding the expropriation of the land to the land by the appropriate body which shall have the be paid […] that compensation payment […] is too little to sustain life after eviction (Gashaw, 2015:96). […] power, without the need to issue a clearance order […] to clear an illegally occupied urban land by merely Our interviews uncovered examples of (eligible) serving a written notice of seven working days to the households who were still waiting for clarification occupant in person or by affixing it to the property about their long-term resettlement after six years, occupying shelter that was evidently sub-standard and
17 Proclamation No. 455/2005: Expropriation of Landholdings for Public Purposes (FDRE, 2005a), Proclamation No. 135/2007: Payment of Compensation for Property Situated on Landholdings Expropriated for Public Purposes Council of Ministers Regulations (FDRE, 2007) as well as the above mentioned 721/2011 (FDRE, 2011). 18 Gebremichael (2017) notes that, “The EPRDF regime’s urban land tenure system has empowered regional and city administration to discretionarily determine the size and location of substitute land. As such, it has not expressly required the size of the substitute land to be equivalent nor situated in an equally convenient location. Thus, the substitute land granted to a permit holder for expropriation of his permit holding may be lesser in size and located in inconvenient place/ outskirts or it may not be near to different infrastructures, such as schools, roads, and health centers, as the expropriated land. Furthermore, when it is not possible to find identical land in its every aspect, the tenure system has not provided any leeway to compensate such differences in monetary term. This inadequate compensation for land taken under the powers of eminent domain can create a high degree of tenure insecurity and anxiety among permit holders (Bekure et al., 2006). Therefore, this stipulation implies that the state has extensive power of expropriating land without fair compensation.” 19 This closely reflects the wider global shift in urban housing policy documented elsewhere, namely “the return to mass scaled supply-driven approaches to housing provision” (African Centre for Cities, 2015: 14) and all the associated problems (for critiques, see Buckley et al., 2016; Rojas, 2018). Mistakes from the 1960s to 1970s are being repeated: public housing is built on peripheral locations where it is expensive and time-consuming to access labour markets and services (even if the housing is subsidised). Many developments have large concentrations of housing with little provision for enterprises, services or public space and typically only very deficient infrastructure (ibid; also Croese et al., 2016). 20 KII with Office of the Ombudsman in Hawassa.
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in violation of the compensation regulations. The focus cooperatives — see FDRE (2011) cited in Kinfu et al. group discussants were housed in very poor-quality, (2019). This state-controlled mechanism lies at the overcrowded and remote shelter with limited access heart of the political settlement with regards to shelter, to services and livelihoods. One woman testified since essentially the state becomes the gatekeeper as follows: to the land, both new plots within the municipal plan, as well as new land that is annexed into the city from We were moved to a very far place [municipality 21 area] away from our livelihoods. We don’t have surrounding areas. income. Some people have donkeys and cart to do Although the roles and responsibilities of different small business and even the animals stayed in that government administrative levels are clearly set out in half-living room area. Now few people have gotten the 2011 land lease proclamation(s), (summarised in Box into the Safety Net Programme. With my husband, 2), in practice, however, decision making and infuence we are six. The other guy sharing the salon with us has six family too. Twelve people live in a small is generally more complex. The abundance of competing salon. Six corrugated iron sheets per household. and at times conficting legislation at different levels Previously the toilet used to be for 12 people. Now does create some grey areas with regards to roles. One they built 12 corrugated iron-sheet toilet stalls. example of this is the administrative vacuum described Because of this problem, we asked the municipality. by Kinfu et al. (2019: 90) in terms of governance of We complained. They said, ‘We are building a “rural land within the urban jurisdiction at the peri urban”. house for you.’ It has been six years and we’re still Another example fagged in our research relates to in the same condition. Initially, they said it will only the lack of coordinated planning by federal, regional take three months for the house to be completed. and municipal governments which are responsible for FGD with FHHs in poorest-of-poor housing, Kitafa ensuring adequate housing for HIP workers. As a result, many migrants are living in unsafe and sub-standard Furthermore, there is a risk that where housing deeds housing. This complexity relates both to multi-level or leases are held by the husband in a household, governance issues, as well as cross-sector governance in practice, compensation will be paid out to male tensions: municipal officials highlighted the impact leaseholders only — which can impact women and of “multi-sector development questions that hover household decision making. The same group of female everywhere” on their capacity to make decisions. discussants observed that their husbands did not tell them how much they were given by the government Critically, Hawassa citizens do not appear to have great as compensation. faith in this state-driven system, leading to a sense of mistrust in local government and a search for alternative 3.3 How Ethiopia’s land markets. According to Sungena et al. (2014: 164), there is widespread belief that ‘policies and laws have been markets work — formal deliberately put in place to benefit the rich rather than and informal practices in the poor who, incidentally, cannot participate due to Hawassa unaffordable pricing’. Our own research found multiple examples of this scepticism and lack of confidence.22 3.3.1 Formal land delivery mechanisms and the land market 3.3.2 Politics, informality, malpractice and barriers to due process As per the constitution, all land in the country belongs to the nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia, Provision of land for shelter development is a key administered by state; it is the responsibility of the responsibility of the municipality, but land availability for municipal government to allocate or lease land for distribution is extremely limited. This is a critical factor public, residential and commercial use. For urban undermining local government’s ability to fulfil its core residential use, land leases are allocated through an responsibilities — with highly adverse consequences. auction system (competitive tender), negotiations, Hemmed in by Hawassa’s immediate topography administrative allocation and reclassification of old (i.e. the lake, swamp and mountains surrounding the possessions into leasehold when properties on city), other critical constraints to the supply of land old possessions are transacted to individuals or to include the government’s limited financial resources
21 This process is explained in detail by Wubneh (2018: 172): “In response to the growing demand for housing and other urban activities, local governments initiate the process of annexing rural land into urban areas through a series of legislative actions. The first step is to incorporate the peri-urban area into the city’s master plan (structure plan) so that the municipality would have the legal authority to initiate the land acquisition process. The second step is to expropriate land from farmers after paying compensation. This process converts the land from a rural land use system with no time limit on tenure to a land use system that can be transferred to an individual or a corporation for a specified period (ranging from 60 to 99 years) through the lease arrangement. The third step is to dispose of the land through an auction or tendering system where the highest bidder would be able to execute a lease contract for the specified period depending on the type of land use.’ 22 Numerous examples include the KII with the Bureau of Women, Youth and Children’s Affairs (BOWCYA) on women and children and the KII with the officer from Ethiopian Catholic Church Social and Development Coordination Office of Hawassa.
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capacity of municipal staff also limits land distribution BOX 2. RESPONSIBILITIES (Sungena et al., 2014, confirmed by KIIs23). For example, OF FEDERAL, REGIONAL AND housing associations will request support to which LOCAL GOVERNMENT they are entitled from the municipality to service plots with infrastructure, or to help coordinate with financing • The federal state (through the Ministry of institutions, but municipal staff are unable to support Agriculture and Rural Development and the them due to a lack of staff capacity.24 Ministry of Urban Development, Housing and This limited availability of land also has political Construction) is entitled to establish macro drivers and consequences. The question of which policies and laws (FDRE, 1995, 2011; MUDHCo, kebeles form part of the municipal masterplan is highly 2013). sensitive, linked to the distribution of power between • Regional states, through the bureaux of Agriculture competing political factions (Kinfu et al., 2019). In the and Rural Development and Urban Development current political context, the status of Sidama requires and Housing, are bestowed with the power to resolution before a new masterplan can be developed: handle regional matters and grant land limited to KIIs reported that land auctions have been halted for 5,000 hectares to private investors (FDRE, 1995) the time being, although ‘land allocation [not through and to enact land use law (FDRE, 2005b). bidding] is going on for critical investors as well as for compensating evicted persons’. Indeed, land auctions • City administration, woreda (district) and kebele for new land have been halted throughout the country land-management institutions are organised at at present pending political discussions and the local levels and handle micro issues, including development of a new land policy, most likely to occur land expropriation (FDRE, 2005a, 2011). after elections in 2020.25 Local institutions are required to handle land measurement and registration issues as well as The failure to deliver land at scale is a critical factor in to arbitrate rural land-related disputes (FDRE, Hawassa’s housing crisis. Unmet demand results in 2005b). “escalation of land prices, growing illegal settlements and dwindling public revenue” (Sungena et al., 2014: • Urban local governments (ULGs) and 163). These high land prices were borne out in our KIIs, municipalities are bestowed with the power where land leases were reported by city officials as of expropriation, public land development and costing 14–15,000 Ethiopian birra per square metre in land-lease auctions, and the power to approve recent auctions.26 One broker reported: construction designs, to grant construction permits and to control illegal occupation of land. There is no piece of land that sells for less than 1.5 million ETB [Ethiopian birra]27, even when the • Kebele administrations, more specifically, house on it is only good to be demolished […] A are responsible for the control of private land piece of land that is 180 square metres large and occupation and development. a mud house good enough to be demolished was recently sold for 1.1 million ETB, but two weeks Adapted from Kinfu et al. (2019: 89). later it was resold for 1.4 million ETB. KII with broker operating in Guwi Stadium kebele, Menaharia sub-city for obtaining plots and preparing them for use (and the high land value). According to our KII with the As prices escalate, there are reportedly fewer, but SNNPR Urban Development and Housing Bureau wealthier, bidders for plots of land,28 which can deputy head, compensating farmers for their land, exacerbate the perception of injustice and grievance allocating replacement land (including to the Sidama amongst the wider community. The unaffordable costs farmers who have the right to replacement land within lead to the perception that “land is being given only the city, if the city’s expansion incurs onto their land) to the rich”.29 This is refected in other recent studies and settling any other third-party ownership claims is of Hawassa (Gebeyehu, 2015; Sungena et al., 2014) both complex and expensive, in a context of very limited which highlight allegations that the lack of information resources. Inadequate technical and professional on land use, size and zoning is a deliberate policy that
23 KII with SNNPR Urban Development and Housing Bureau deputy head. 24 KII with municipality officials, housing development and administration core process. 25 KII with Hawassa municipality land development and management work process expert. 26 KIIs with Tabor sub-city representative and also municipality officials, housing development and administration core process. 27 Just over US$52,000. 28 Bahil Adarash Subcity representative. 29 KII with BOWCYA on women and children.
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they hate us too […] because we keep asking but benefits corrupt insiders, generating “a high level of none of them are happy to cooperate with us. perception-to-reality situations in the population and this has greatly ruined the confidence of players in Hawassa Informal settlement interviews, Dato, 2018 land market” (Sungena et al., 2014: 163). Our research suggests that, at the time of the data Allegations of malpractices were also evident in various collection, the compensation rates that farmers were KIIs in our research, for example: receiving from the municipality, in comparison to sums from private sales, acted as perverse incentives The land and houses progressively end up accumulating in the hands of the rich that speculate for farmers to make deals privately. At the time of on land and houses; some of these people have data collection, farmers stood to make considerably made their initial capital from land speculation or by more money from ‘selling’ their shack/farming land to using their public office positions to acquire it. individuals with an interest to build their own shelter, speculators or informal land developers. A new revised KII with broker operating in Guwi Stadium kebele, proclamation on the expropriation of landholdings Menaharia sub-city for public purpose and payment of compensation is expected to increase the compensation allowance In practice, there are mechanisms for acquiring plots for farming land to a much higher rate than previously. of land by purchasing shacks or semi-completed This is expected to motivate farmers to negotiate with structures that can then be pulled down and replaced the municipality on land transfers that can be used for with new housing. Our own primary data revealed this leasing rather than transferring it informally to individuals. as a common practice, involving farmers, brokers and even government officials.30 Ambiguous interpretation Settlers take the risk of building illegally, having of the law means that ‘quasi-legitimate land markets’ calculated that the municipal government’s approach to can develop in peri-urban areas (Kinfu et al., 2019), and demolishing such shelters is patchy. Various informants the local authorities have little incentive to tackle this — in our study mentioned instances of alleged bribery of particularly if there are perverse incentives (financial or officials in this regard. political) to turn a blind eye: Even though the sale of land is prohibited by law in 3.4 The role of the state in Ethiopia, peri-urban residents manipulate the right shelter and land delivery: to transfer usufruct rights and property ownership to legitimise the peri-urban land transactions. past interventions They take advantage of the existence of rural land Since the nationalisation of extra houses in 1975, within the city’s jurisdiction and of rural land rights there have been two major strands to state shelter for transferring to a third party. Peri-urban settlers thus manipulate loopholes in the rural land policy provision. The first comprises government andkebele in order to acquire or transfer land to a third party houses (managed by a government housing agency) (Kinfu et al., 2019: 85). and the woreda (district) administrations where they are located. These include those houses nationalised At one level, this process seems a win-win for both the after the mid-1970s Ethiopian Revolution, as well as buyer seeking to build a home and the farmer selling various types of low-cost housing built by the housing the land and receiving immediate cash. The broker or agency in the early 1980s and 1990s in different towns; speculator also stands to gain due to the margin as a ‘own assisted’ houses — which were built partly using result of speculation on the land or brokerage fees it people’s own finances and partly with a long-term can charge. However, the homebuilder remains in a government loan under a cost-efficient construction state of uncertainty and risk emanating from the lack system; and, from 2005 onwards, the condominium of any legal title deed to the acquired land. Some houses constructed under the IHDP. informal settlement interviewees in Dato stated that Although highly sought after, such houses have not although they requested a title deed for the plot, they been adequately maintained due to rent controls and were unable to get it. As a result, land occupants and many units are in very poor condition. Tenure insecurity the local administration are in constant state of confict. is also problematic in kebele houses, as ongoing urban According to one interviewee, renewal in Hawassa (as elsewhere in Ethiopia) typically We cannot build a new house because they said it entails the demolition of kebele/low-rent public housing is illegal […] We asked for area plan but they said (Berhe et al., 2017; MUDHCo and ECSU, 2015), which they cannot give us […] We hate them so much, in any case are relatively few (numbering 2008 in total in Hawassa, according to UN-Habitat, 2019) and hard to access.31 While female-headed households, people
30 KII with broker operating in Guwi Stadium kebele, Menaharia sub-city. 31 KII with SNNPR Urban Development and Housing Bureau deputy head.
24 www.iied.org IIED WORKING PAPER living with disabilities and those affected by HIV/AIDS BOX 3. HOUSING PROVISION are formally prioritised in the allocation of these units when they become available, there are allegations that IN ETHIOPIA they are often allocated instead to relatives of municipal Based on a survey of 27 city administrations officials, including through illegal and forced eviction of conducted in 2015 (MUDHCo and ECSU, 2015), existing tenants.32 government-led housing (IHDP condominiums) The second strand was initiated in 2005, when the accounted for 51.1% of new housing constructed government launched the IHDP — arguably one of the between 2007 and 2014. Individual private most ambitious social housing programmes in Africa construction in the formal sector constituted (Gardner, 2016). This programme aimed to address 15.5% and cooperatives made up only 2.5%. New housing deficits for low-income urban groups, as well as housing in the informal sector accounts for 30.2%. create employment through micro and small enterprises Municipalities falling outside of the IHDP supplied (MUDHCo and ECSU, 2015), in line with a global shift about 0.05% and real estate developers contributed towards “mass scaled supply-driven approaches to the lowest percentage at around 0.04%. housing provision” (African Centre for Cities, 2015: Source: MUDHCo and ECSU (2015). 14). Drawing on finance awarded by the CBE, regional governments constructed high-rise condominium blocks in 56 urban centres (including Hawassa). These were awarded to registered citizens through a lottery scheme. As with kebele housing, female-headed households 3.5 Other actors involved were given priority. Prior to the beginning of the lottery in local housing and land award, 30% of condominium housing went to female- markets headed households or women directly. After that, women were also entitled to participate in the remaining In addition to Hawassa government stakeholders, there 70% of the housing lottery competition. are a plethora of other urban land actors in Hawassa with a stake in shelter development. These include — Finance for the IHDP was made available both to the among others — the IPDC, brokers, farmers, CSOs and regional governments and municipalities, as well as private developers. through mortgages for individual householders. In 2006, the government-owned CBE signed a memorandum of understanding with five regional states and the city 3.5.1 Industrial Parks Development of Dire Dawa to purchase municipal bonds that would Corporation enable the regions to finance the implementation of The IPDC35 is in charge of the planning, execution and the IHDP. From 2007, Hawassa municipality started monitoring of the infrastructure works, as well as the participating in the municipal bond financing system management of the industrial parks. Helping to solve the with the CBE for the housing lottery winners; between lack of housing for HIP workers is also one of IPDC’s 2013–2015, a total of US$740,000 was invested in the responsibilities. For example, IPDC is discussing IHDP (condominium housing). whether establishing a public limited company (PLC) is The CBE provides funding for the total cost of the a potential solution to provide accommodation for 4,000 programme’s implementation.33 An agreement was also workers, and whether required financing might come signed with the Housing Development Project Office from IPDC, CBE and other local banks. In our research, (HDPO) to provide a loan service to all condominium IPDC officials we spoke to at the Addis Ababa head beneficiaries, whereby CBE provides 60, 80 or 90% office in April 2019 suggested that in Hawassa, “as in of the unit price on behalf of the beneficiary; the other parts of the country, it is IPDC that tries to solve beneficiary pays the remainder as a down payment. The the housing problem without real support from the city mortgage has an interest rate of 9.5%, to be repaid over administration”. a maximum of 20 years. As few individuals can pay the In principle, the Hawassa municipality and the Hawassa total cost of the apartment at handover, the CBE stands Industrial Park, as one of the parks being managed to benefit from the interest rate.34 The implementation by the IPDC, should have a harmonious relationship of this important scheme — and the lived experience of with each other. On the one hand, the municipality is condominium residents — is discussed in Section 4.3.
32 KII with Office of the Ombudsman in Hawassa. 33 Although Hawassa city government has financed IHDP housing construction through the municipal bond from the CBE, other housing construction (such as in the case of shelter for the very poor) is financed through its own internally generated revenue. Of the city’s annual budget for the 2017/18 fiscal year, the amount allocated for the low-cost housing component was 34,069,772 ETB (approximately US$1.2 million) ― about 7% of total municipal expenditure. 34 More details can be found in Table 5, UN-Habitat (2011: 26). 35 The mission of IPDC is to activate both pre- and post-investment servicing. It avails serviced industrial land, pre-built sheds equipped with all-encompassing utilities and infrastructural facilities that fit international standards, with no compromise on workers’ security and environmental safety. See: www.ipdc.gov.et.
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expected to ensure timely planning and implementation In case of conficts or disagreements concerning land- of the infrastructure, including housing requirements transaction contracts in informal settlements, elders of the city; on the other hand, the park is expected to are often required to arbitrate, due to the commodity’s create employment which should result in additional (land or house) lack of legal status. According to some multiplier effects (tax income, related investments) brokers, it is quite common for disputes to occur, in the urbanisation and management functions of particularly when the buyer is a stranger or newcomer to the municipality. However, the two institutions did the area. Brokers working in the formal settlement areas not interface effectively at the planning stage. The make arrangements such as asking tenants and owners HIP was a federal government plan, while housing, to sign written contracts or to deposit photocopies of transport services and security provision fell to the their ID cards etc, so as to make them accountable and municipality in practice. However, in the course of pre-empt confict. this research it became apparent that planning for the In sum, our research suggested that brokers play an HIP workers’ houses started after the completion of important role, and one which has the potential to the park. Although the park later on provided funds expand significantly. In the first place, they are already for the microfinance-facilitated individual loans for key in forging agreements between absentee landlords housing, earlier harmonisation in planning would have (many of whom live in Addis Ababa or abroad) and provided greater potential to resolve housing and related tenants.36 Those interviewed claimed to be involved infrastructure challenges for park workers. in legal37 or formal house and land transfers only, and these only with wealthy or well-off customers.38 3.5.2 Brokers However, the industrial park businesses are also Known locally as ‘dalalas’, brokers play a major role in reportedly interested in exploring whether brokers the facilitation of the housing market — rental, purchase, could play a role in helping support newly arrived houses and rooms. In a case study of three towns in workers coming into Hawassa, whose successful Ethiopia — Dire Dawa, Bahir Dar and Hawassa — social integration (including finding safe and affordable Alemie et al. (2015) confirm the ‘significant role’ played shelter) is considered to be a key element in their by brokers in both the formal and informal land markets. retention.39 Given that most HIP workers are living in They find that brokers “sometimes act as a bridge informal settlements, this would involve navigating the between the people and the experts in the government complexities of ‘formal’ and ‘informal’ brokers, the latter offices, for example, to deal with corrupt activities during operating below the radar due to engaging in unofficial bidding and land delivery processes especially before land transactions. Nevertheless, brokers already do the 2011 urban land management policy” (ibid: 400). serve some park workers in finding residential quarters in the informal settlement areas, negotiating rates and In Hawassa, brokers facilitate the buying and selling collecting a commission. of both houses and land. Most operate informally, i.e. without having a formal registration or opening a broker’s office. They charge commission fees of 4% 3.5.3 Developers (2% each for the buyer and seller). However, in the case The role of private-sector real-estate developers has of house rental, they take the difference of what the so far been non-existent in addressing the housing broker actually states as the rental price and what the deficit of low-income households, catering rather for landlord is willing to take for the rent (real price). This high-income groups who either buy property as an increases the rental price for the tenant. A number of investment or for the purposes of their own residence. brokers prepare rental contracts for such transactions. Whereas Hawassa is experiencing a service-building However, verbal rental agreements are also a common boom of star-level hotels and business centres, there practice. are no real-estate developers that have established operations in the city to undertake the construction of Brokers also engage in facilitating land and house residential houses for low- and middle-income groups. transactions in informal settlement areas. They tend Likewise, PPPs for housing have not materialised either. to keep the details of the transaction confidential — including the identity of the buyers and the sellers. Nevertheless, brokers interviewed in our research alleged that it is common to find people from all backgrounds, including government employees, engaging in informal land and house transactions.
36 KII with broker operating in Guwi Stadium kebele, Menaharia sub-city. 37 Not engaging in illegal transactions with farmers, for example. 38 KIIs with brokers. 39 KII with outreach director, PVH Corp (global clothing company), Hawassa.
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If real-estate investors bid40 for land, there are criteria the sector.41 Moreover, the fact that charities have at within the new proclamation and guidelines on real times an operational relationship with some line bureaux estate for evaluating whether or not their proposal will in the city administration itself, provided their operation include elements that are affordable for residents, for is within the city proper, can put them in a complex job creation, or for social and economic benefits and position in terms of monitoring the city administrations’ so on. These are stated as a “priority to the interest functions (ibid). of the public and urban centres to ensure rapid urban Furthermore, the dominance of the single-party system development” (FDRE, 2011). However, there are doubts in the city and the whole of the country undermines over whether the criteria have been fully applied to date, the role of CSOs in ensuring accountability. Despite including in some real-estate development projects that federal-level political reforms in 2019 that endorse a were implemented for high-income groups by Hawassa much more active role for civil society in governance and Lake. One local official commented that: accountability, there are indications that in Hawassa (as When a real-estate investor comes with the project in other places outside Addis Ababa), local government to build a real estate, there are criteria on its perceptions of and relationships with CSOs have not affordability to the community. Even it is clearly set evolved at the same pace.42 in the proclamation and the guideline what a project needs to fulfil. The project is evaluated against those criteria […] So far, we did not ask for this to 3.6 Political engagements be fulfilled 100%. on shelter KII with Bahil Adarash sub-city representative 3.6.1 Citizen–state engagement Although in principle private developers may access From the constitution right down to the proclamations credit to invest in real-estate markets (see Section 3.6 and directives that govern urban shelter provision, for a discussion of the potential of the PPP model), they the state is firmly in the driving seat with respect to have not done so. Our research uncovered no evidence land ownership, allocation and occupation. Within the of their contribution to low-income housing in Hawassa, broad policy framework, there is little or no explicit with the exception of the HIP-related microfinance provision for organised civic engagement to develop scheme (see Section 4.5). or engage in shelter-related policy discussions. As a consequence, Ethiopian cities do not present a 3.5.3 Civil society history of co-production or collaborative approaches Although the constitution upholds the role of non-state to shelter development: the state sees its own role as actors (both for profit and not for profit) in urban affairs, being to directly provide shelter (e.g. through the IHDP), there has been very little engagement in practice. It and to facilitate, coordinate and motivate individuals is interesting to note that national policy papers prior to construct houses through cooperative models. to the Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed-led reforms do However, since cooperatives are not offered a policy recognise the potential role of non-state actors and space in which to engage, their function is very specific CSOs in Ethiopian city affairs, including an apparent to their particular unit construction, and is then often recognition that the way that this engagement occurred replaced by management committees to deal with was ineffective: ”NGOs and CBOs [community- day-to-day issues and troubleshooting — any civic based organisations] also espouse the ideals of public engagement with government is at the sub-city level participation. What is at stake is the need to improve and focused on troubleshooting rather than advocacy or the quality of participation” (MUDHCo and ECSU, political dialogue. 2015: 210). Nevertheless, one form of tacit engagement involves Gizaw (2017) argues that a lack of civil society the highly political, implicit forms of collaboration or engagement in Hawassa urban policy development may collusion that may take place between authorities and stem from the perception among non-state actors that citizens with regards to shelter. One example is in the the city administration is rigid in its decision making and way that local authorities are incentivised to turn a blind unlikely to be responsive to advocacy or oversight from
40 Real-estate developers have to participate in an open and competitive tender process to acquire the land they need. However, regions and city administrations are required by law to prepare in advance plots of urban land to be assigned by tender for ‘mega’ real-estate developments to be undertaken by the private sector. Mega real estate is a housing development involving the construction of at least 1,000 residential units, for sale or to rent, with the purpose of alleviating the housing shortage in urban areas. There are incentives (in terms of provision of land) offered to developers to do this. 41CSOs have only observation status in the city council, that does not include any other formal participation in the governance process such as elections (Gizaw 2017). This observation status itself is limited to women and youth league associations, a group of CSOs known as mass-based societies whose impartiality is questionable. Amdework and Gebre’s (2012: 24) research on mass-based societies (MBS) states that, ‘Due to their limited capacity, especially at the local levels, the less capable associations are particularly dependent on the support and goodwill of the regional governments for their day-to-day operations, and, in some cases, even their very existence’. 42 Verbal communication from the Civil Society Support Programme 2 team to our team members regarding political economy analysis.
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eye to informal settlement development, instead of It may be that the capacity and commitment to preventing or evicting illegal squatting: consultation across sub-city administrations are uneven but either way, the nature of the engagement Authorities at local levels are entitled to control land development activities so that any new is very low level, and sub-cities do not have a mandate developments can be prohibited. However, rural to make decisions on issues such as relocation kebele administrations in peri-urban areas, in and compensation. particular, are often unwilling to prohibit any Our research suggests that the Ethiopian Institute of development because they are either socially the Ombudsman office could play an important role, if influenced and/or bribed. Thus, ‘rural land’ in the peri-urban areas is being converted to new homes issues of inclusivity and answerability were addressed. for migrants, empty houses and fenced subdivided On the one hand, the office reports that it already plots almost overnight (Kinfu et al., 2019: 90). receives numerous complaints related to housing (primarily from men rather than women,43 as a result Similarly, in our focus groups with condominium of gender norms pervasive across the social context), residents, there was evidence of widespread cynicism suggesting that it is viewed as a potential mechanism for regarding the government’s commitment to deliver redress. Nevertheless, on the other hand, a KII from this decent housing for all. This included perceptions that office described it as a ‘toothless tiger’, with very limited the allocation of housing is a deeply political enterprise ability to enforce their judgments: for government, and that housing policy might be seen We have given advice or solutions and ideas as first and foremost a vehicle for political co-option: but they are often not implemented. Let alone Nevertheless, with regard to the condominium implement, when we request an explanation from rather than its social benefits, the government gave the executive who is allegedly mis-administering, attention to its political advantages […] It is not they do not even reply […] This is because the from a genuine intention of constructing houses to executive is powerful. So often, we act like alleviate the housing problems of citizens, rather the mediator when they do not reply to us. We it is based on the assumption, ‘If I construct the ask the ombudsman to contact the head of the condominiums, how much political support do they concerned executive. Most work is done by regional get?’ They magnify the political advantage over its ombudsmen, and now that regions are becoming social advantages. powerful themselves, they do not even listen to us like they used to. Before, there was some command Female condominium residents of respect by federal officers. We manage cases where people who are supposed to be given shelter A clear message resulting from our research was that are left on the streets. The executive comes up consultation and engagement between citizens and the with arguments such as that the individual is not a state is either lacking, ineffective or very superficial with resident of the kebele even if the person has ID. So, regard to housing. On the one hand, tenants complain we are forced to strengthen our evidence. We start that the engagement is simply non-existent: negotiating with executives. it is all based on their good nature. The government does not give us special attention [...] We have been here for the last seven years but KII with Ethiopian Institute of the Ombudsman they do not consider us as human beings. office, Hawassa Second female condominium resident FGD The new national political settlement — currently in fux as political reforms are underway — creates However, on the other hand, sub-city-level government opportunities to experiment at a regional and even officials report that they do have contact with residents municipal level. Given the 2019 repeal of the tight rules in different fora: governing civil society engagement (FDRE, 2019), We have very close contact with local- there is now a major opportunity for more collaborative level organisations and local residents. Our approaches to shelter development, provision and administrative task brings me face-to face with management, involving the state, civil society/community ordinary residents. Also, I come in contact with representation, the private sector, universities and think neighbourhood and block representatives since tanks. Hawassa, home to a fagship industrial park, is we call them to meetings or when they bring the well placed to provide leadership and innovation by complaints or appeals to us. drawing on the many different local institutions that have Local government official, Misrak sub-city an interest in solving the housing crisis.
43 “Mostly it’s men who lodge complaints. This may have to do with women’s context — [lack of] access to information, lack of courage and dependence, most lack awareness and ‘the culture’ which relegates women to the private sphere of life” (KII with Ethiopian Institute of the Ombudsman office, Hawassa).
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3.6.2 Private sector will then be handed over to IPDC with the asset built on it after the agreed time. Historically, the private sector has been kept at arms’ length due to a long-held belief that their ‘profiteering, Political leadership will be important to iron out potential rent-seeking’ agenda renders them unfit to deliver the wrinkles in terms of incentivising international investors types of solutions that are needed. However, Hawassa’s to see this as an opportunity while working towards most interesting and live example of collaborative resolving issues around the liberalisation of the finance approaches to shelter with the private sector is the sector and ensuring inclusivity (that looks carefully at current engagement of homeowners in the construction affordability for low-income groups — an area where of residential units through a microfinance scheme previous schemes have failed). Where the PPP model aimed at providing housing to HIP workers. The relates to HIP worker housing schemes, it is also envisaged PPP of HIP tenants (investors) with the IPDC important that those workers should be represented to build dormitory blocks for their staff is an example in discussions — in line with the co-creation and of an effort made by the private sector to resolve the collaborative approach described above. housing shortage. Current challenges in delivering this model, however, Recognising that the existing finance levels from federal include the tension between the central government- and regional sources, in addition to funds from the driven industrial park model versus the need for regional municipal coffers (e.g. from tax and other revenue), are governments to be involved in land allocation and insufficient to solve Hawassa’s shelter needs, IPDC processes (see Section 3.4 on roles and responsibilities is now exploring alternative approaches to finance of government).45 Other perceived impediments are including PPPs in line with recent legislation. PPPs the lack of incentives and high risks for developers have existed for years, on a relatively small scale, but are who can make better margins in Addis Ababa building now being given renewed attention — as evidenced by offices;46 the lack of clarity on procurement as well the recent proclamation aimed at addressing the huge as responsibility for provision of power/roads/waste financial demand for infrastructure projects which were management; the current need for prime ministerial- previously financed from the government’s own budget level approval/decision-making in a context of high (FDRE, 2018). tensions around land allocation decisions; and recent confict dynamics which are shaking the HIP tenants’ The IPDC, with technical support from McKinsey (investors) confidence that Hawassa is the right city for & Company (a global management consulting firm) their investments. through the Ethiopia Investment Advisory Facility (EIAF) I project44 is currently exploring two options to Given the high profile of the HIP, it is clearly a facilitate a PPP option for housing the HIP workers. government priority to resolve one of the major Current IPDC discussions concern a dormitory-style challenges to worker retention (i.e. adequate housing), solution that that could host thousands of workers, as well to resolve huge challenges relating to workers’ in compliance with International Labour Organization welfare. Investing political capital and resources in (ILO) housing standards. In this scenario, government solving both the financial and delegated authority provides serviced land, and the investors/developers questions is desirable, as well as cross-sector bring financing and ensure minimum standards are met. collaboration (such as with the private sector) to help Options are: find solutions to housing. Our research did not find any fundamental political reason for this tension/poor • Housing development by manufacturers that invest relationships between IPDC and city government, within the industrial park — whereby particular suggesting that some surge support to both parties companies have offered to construct dormitories for in terms of mediation, planning and communication their own workers and will get a certain amount of could be catalytic in agreeing on solutions. A further serviced land within the park to do so. critical element is the actual finance source. Since the • Development by a foreign private developer that is not CBE is increasingly reluctant to provide loans, foreign investing within the park but interested in engaging in debt financing may be an option — potentially involving housing development — whereby serviced land within interested donors — at commercial interest rates. IPDC the park will be provided to the private developer to will need to invest in infrastructure (estimated at 15% of build and benefit from over 15–20 years and which overall project costs).
44 Funded by the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID-Ethiopia), the EIAF aims to “strengthen the effectiveness of growth enhancing public investment in Ethiopia in order to promote outward orientated, manufacturing-led inclusive growth”. See: https://devtracker.dfid.gov.uk/projects/GB-1-204635 45 KII with McKinsey & Company, March 2019. 46 KII with McKinsey & Company, March 2019.
www.iied.org 29 IN SEARCH OF SHELTER | THE CASE OF HAWASSA, ETHIOPIA 4 Current state of housing provision
Framed by the earlier discussion of political settlements, workers are currently renting accommodation in informal this section assesses the imbalance of demand and settlements, given that other housing options are either supply, analysing the provision of housing both through insufficient for a number of reasons (see microfinance various government-supported schemes as well as the scheme — Section 4.5) or unaffordable. development of informal settlements. An increasing population implies the need for increasing the housing stock in Hawassa — public, private, 4.1 Demand and supply rental, ownership — as a top priority. Current efforts to Demand for housing in Hawassa has grown at speed develop the housing stock were described by one local while housing supply is hardly increasing. Over the official as ‘fetching seawater with a spoon’. UN-Habitat last two decades, demographic growth and regional (2019) figures suggest a housing deficit in Hawassa in-migration have been compounded by in-migration of of approximately 32,400 units (based on population businesses and migrants from other parts of Ethiopia estimates and excluding informal housing). With supply attracted by the city’s reputation as a safe, peaceful and failing to progress in step with demand,47 challenges of desirable place to live. Due to geographical constraints, overcrowding and affordability (see Box 4) have become such as Lake Hawassa to the north and Oromia more acute. Accurately assessing overcrowding in region to the west, land for housing is in short supply, Ethiopia is extremely challenging, as the last Central and competes with land needed for other important Statistics Agency (CSA) census was conducted in development needs, such as the earmarking of large 2007. 48 Drawing on 2007 data, the average level of tracts of land for hotel and resort complexes to support occupation in Hawassa is calculated to be 3.8 persons Hawassa’s tourism industry. living in one room49 and there were 20,710 one-room houses, constituting just over half of all Hawassa shelter Since 2015, the construction and thereafter staffing included in the census (MUDHCo and ECSU, 2015). of the industrial park has had a significant impact on demand for shelter in Hawassa. The city has Nevertheless, despite projected population levels for both cleared a large area of land for the site itself, Hawassa of some 1.8 million people by 2035 (EDRI, and attracted tens of thousands of workers from the 2018, reported in UN-Habitat, 2019), the city’s future wider region to live and work in the city. Most HIP growth is not certain. Recent interviews and media workers are young women, arriving without families or analysis suggest that confict dynamics might evolve dependents, and living off very low wages (the average in a way that reduces the demand-supply gap, as salary of new arrivals is approximately 900 Ethiopian people move to escape unrest. For example, recent birra, according to the park workers). Many of these reports suggest that local conficts have led to people
47 Constraints to housing development are discussed in more detail elsewhere, including the scarcity of land and finance for those wishing to construct new housing (Sections 4.2, 7.1); the rigidity of the land lease system (Section 4.2). 48 According to MUDHCo (2015: 97), “It is difficult to come by comprehensive data on housing demand and supply at national or city level, which has its roots in the near policy neglect of the housing sector”. 49 The international definition for slums defines an overcrowding rate of more than three persons living in one room as a slum (see https://unstats.un.org/sdgs/ metadata/files/Metadata-11-01-01.pdf).
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BOX 4. AFFORDABILITY OF HOUSING IN HAWASSA Nationwide, housing affordability remains a big challenge particularly for low-income groups due to the lack of access to diversified and fexible housing finance in the country (Kayiira, 2017). Low household incomes and high levels of unemployment (particularly for women) mean that housing rental or construction options are highly constrained for a large swathe of the urban population. Hirboro et al. (2017) conducted surveys on Hawassa’s condominium and rental housing, and found that most residents were ‘shelter poor’, meaning they could not meet basic non-housing needs after paying rent. Our research confirms this, in particular highlighting how people struggle to meet rents within the formal housing rental sector. Our non-systematic, non-randomised survey concerning household expenditure (n=60) found out that almost half of respondents residing in the formal residential areas ranked rent as their biggest expenditure, compared to only one sixth of informal settlement residents dwelling in rental housing. The same survey found the average monthly rental expenditure to be 1,353 Ethiopian birra for respondents in the formal residential areas whereas it is only 384 Ethiopian birra in informal sites. This constitutes approximately 37% of the average wage income for formal settlement residents compared to 51% for informal settlement residents. While recognising limitations in the representativeness of the data, it is a useful snapshot of affordability in these two different settlement types.
moving from the outskirts to central Hawassa; one KII reported that levels of insecurity were reducing illegal 4.3 Low-income housing: squatting.50 Certain peripheral areas have experienced the Integrated Housing acute insecurity relating to disputes over ownership Development Programme and ethnic tensions, as well as protests concerning the compensation of the original owners. Since these (IHDP) dynamics were ongoing during our research, and remain very live at the time of writing, it is not yet clear 4.3.1 How does it work? how this phenomenon will affect housing demand and The IHDP scheme was designed to benefit low- and prices more generally. According to one anonymous middle-income residents. As such, its financing interviewee, this state of affairs may even shift priorities was thus designed with a banded approach to set for housing in favour of other emerging concerns loans depending on the income of each applicant or such as security. household. Individuals able to make down payments (that could be in the form of savings over time until a 4.2 Housing development minimum threshold is achieved) are entitled to access long-term mortgages of differing sizes, provided strategy through the CBE (UN-Habitat, 2011). The IHDP units Formalised in 2012, the housing development strategy are allocated by lottery. Households earning 1,200 provides an important framework for shelter provision Ethiopian birra (about US$40) per month or less in Ethiopia. The strategy sets out eight housing-delivery (equivalent to the bottom quintile) are eligible for the mechanisms,51 of which the first four are delivered by the 10/90 loan, which requires a 10% down payment and government. These different schemes (many of which can only be used to purchase a studio. Households actually pre-date the strategy) are primarily based on earning more than 1,200 Ethiopian birra per month are the income level of the residents, and enable the state eligible for the 20/80 and 40/60 loans, requiring 20% to provide support to complement an individual’s house and 40% down payments, respectively. or shelter ownership endeavours. These options are summarised in Box 5 below, and then described and assessed in more detail thereafter.
50 Sub-city administrator/manager in group interview with Mehal sub-city administration and two ordinary residents of the sub-city (one female and one elderly amputee). 51 These are: low-income housing (10/90), condominium housing (20/80), saving housing programme 40/60), housing construction for special functions (industrial parks, university staff etc), housing cooperatives (100/0), housing provision by real estate (for high-income groups), housing provision by individuals and housing provision through public–private partnerships.
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BOX 5. KEY HOUSING DELIVERY MECHANISMS DESCRIBED IN THE HOUSING DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY (MUDHCO, 2012) Low-income housing (10/90) The target group under this category are low-income people with a monthly income of 1,200 Ethiopian birra (US$60). The group is expected to save 10% of the cost of the house in three years — 90% of costs are covered by a long-term loan. These houses are built in the form of G+1 (ground foor plus 1) or G+2 (ground foor plus 2). The state provides support in the form of land provision, infrastructure development (including internal) design, duty-free construction materials, etc. In terms of inclusivity, prior to a general lottery draw system, the regulations provide for 30% of the constructed houses to be pre-allocated to women (through lottery selection) while 20% and 5% of the constructed houses are for government employees and physically disabled persons respectively (all these groups may then also take part in the remaining lottery-drawing programme). Owner-residents displaced through urban renewal may opt for a condominium fat by way of replacement and are given priority allocation, or alternatively they can take a vacant plot together with a sum of money to compensate for the house they vacated to build on their own private house, if they can afford the cost. Condominium housing (20/80) The beneficiaries in this group are lower-middle to middle-income people. They are expected to save 20% of the cost of the house in 5–7 years: 80% of costs are covered by a long-term bank loan. State support is the same as for the 90/10 programme, but excludes the cost of internal electrical and sanitary facilities, which must be covered by the residents themselves and will be completed at a later stage. The design of these houses is G+4 (ground foor plus 4). The allocation of the apartments through a lottery is the same as with 10/90. ‘Saving’ housing programme (40/60) The target group in this category are people with upper-middle incomes who are expected to save 40% of the price of the house over five years and get the remaining 60 per cent as a long-term bank loan. The government support is the same as the 10/90 scheme but infrastructure provision depends on the construction site. The houses are multi-storey (G+9 to G+18) — 20% of apartments are reserved for government employees. Housing cooperatives (100/0) Any resident may organise her/himself on the basis of income, work-place acquaintance or residential area to construct a house in a group. The beneficiaries are people with above middle incomes. The individuals are expected to cover the full price of the house in two instalments. The government provides supports through land allocation, building infrastructure up to the construction site, design, and provision of duty-free construction materials. This modality is the housing approach that the Hawassa authorities currently prefer to overcome the major constraints in housing provision (land and finance). The remaining four mechanisms include housing construction for special functions (e.g. houses constructed for people working in industrial parks, university teachers and for people working in mega projects); housing provision by real-estate companies (aimed at people with high incomes); housing provision directly by individuals (for their own use and/or for rent); and housing provision through PPPs (whereby the state provides land to investors who use their capital and knowledge to build houses for the market).
Since 2015, condominium construction and the IHDP centres52 in the country. The condominiums are to have been effectively suspended outside of Addis be built using CBE loans, with the ministry taking Ababa, switching to a different financing modality for full control for processing the funds — in contrast to any subsequent schemes. Nevertheless, the Ministry the earlier approach in which the city administrations of Urban Development and Construction still considers took a loan in the form of a municipal bond. Currently, condominium housing as a strategic approach to a financing proposal that has been submitted to the alleviate housing shortages and insists that it continues Ministry of Finance and Economic Cooperation is under to be implemented in the seven selected industrial review at the prime minister’s Office.
52 Addis Ababa, Adama, Hawassa, Dire Dawa, Kombolcha, Jimma, Bahir Dar and Mekelle.
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Table 3. IHDP unit types and mortgage loan types
UNIT TYPE % OF PLANNED UNITS SIZE LOAN ELIGIBILITY Studio 20% <20m2 10/90,20/80,40/60 1 bedroom 40% 20–30m2 20/80, 40/ 60 2 bedroom 20% 30-45m2 20/80, 40/60 3 bedroom 20% >45m2 40/60
Source: Tipple and Alemayehu (2014)
waiting list (The Economist 2017). The widespread 4.3.2 Achievements and challenges use of similar construction material and limited skilled The IHDP (condominium) housing scheme has been labour for the scheme has increased the demand for successful to the extent that it has added to the housing — and cost of — both, resulting in enormous increases stock and provided a home for tens of thousands of in the unit price of the construction of condominium households — but supply of these apartments has houses. The 9.5% interest rate — the same rate as been wholly unable to match demand. In Hawassa, paid by investors, according to key informants — is 18,835 people registered for condominiums in 2008, difficult for borrowers to bear.54 As a result, the scheme but to date the Hawassa municipal authorities have only has become economically unviable for the intended transferred 3,538 apartments (Mitiku, 2015; Regassa beneficiaries, especially female-headed households and Regassa, 2015; UN-Habitat, 2019), meeting only (UN-Habitat, 2011; Regassa and Regassa, 2015; a small portion of actual demand. Many households World Bank, 2015; Gebeyehu, 2015; The Economist, have sublet these apartments to benefit from the rental 2017). This problem characterised many public housing income, although this was not the original intention of schemes around the world in the 1970s and 1980s, the scheme. when interventions only reached low-income groups if they were heavily subsidised — sharply curtailing In Hawassa, as well as more widely across the country, how many units could be constructed (Wakely, 2016), affordability for low- and even middle-income target often allocated to or captured by middle-income groups has been highly problematic. Over time, the households, and with numbers of constructed dwellings scheme has become economically unviable (Abiye, falling far short of governmental targets (Hardoy and 2019).53 In order to ensure the sustainability of the Satterthwaite, 1989). scheme as a whole, the government has raised the value of the down payments necessary to join the lottery The affirmative action approach of the IHDP favouring female-headed households and people with disabilities represents an important step for these historically marginalised groups. However, both the literature and our primary data confirmed that in practice the requisite level of deposit is sufficiently high as to preclude low- income households: For the bottom third of households, IHDP condominiums are only affordable if households select small units, take on high down-payments and are able to support high payment-to income ratios. In fact, the three-bedroom unit is unaffordable for even median households in Addis Ababa. Aside from high monthly payments, there are other reasons the current structure of the IHDP may not be a feasible housing solution. Notably, beneficiaries of the 10/90 loan may only purchase studios, even though lower-income households are not necessarily smaller (World Bank, 2015: 33). Condominium flats in Hawassa, Philadelphia kebele
53 A study by the CBE and Ministry of Urban Planning and Housing revealed that the condominiums in the new 40/60 scheme required an additional ETB 4,919 (US$210) per square metre from their originally indicated price. 54 Various KIIs including an FGD with a mixed group of men/women, as well as tenant residents and owner residents at the Debub (Southern) condominium site, located in Meneharia sub-city, Guwi Stadium kebele.
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Gebeyehu notes that in the case of Hawassa, the Inadequate toilets are also a particular concern for condominium housing project does not in fact address women due to menstruation and concerns over the need of the low-income groups because “the privacy/safety.55 The needs of people with disabilities monthly income of more than half of the households were seemingly not systematically incorporated into [55% in 2009 and 61% in 2011] who were assumed condominium allocation decisions. A representative to get condominiums in the two rounds lie between from the disability charity Leonard Cheshire in Hawassa 500 ETB [US$34] and 1,500 ETB [US$100]” (2015: described how: 173). Furthermore, only 16% and 20% of those When condominiums were given, there were households who won the lottery for condominium instances where those who can’t even walk were housing in 2011 and 2009 were able to pay the 20% being given houses on the third floor of a building. down payment (ibid). Our interviews also suggested that condominium housing is prohibitively expensive for Others described how such residents ‘may prefer to many, but in particular for women, whereas more simply live in rental houses’ or ‘may prefer to sell the unit’ rather constructed housing would be more appropriate for very than live in it.56 Although in some cases complaints by poor women: tenants led to them being moved to ground-foor units or having adjustments made to showers and foors, When I see a woman with seven children at her back [...] how can such a woman join and compete these appeared to be ad hoc responses prompted by 57 for the house you have mentioned [cooperatives]? complaints and advocacy by local CSOs. Isn’t there anything cheaper than this? [...] I am These findings raise the question of whether citizens looking for small houses to be constructed in a are adequately skilled, equipped and supported to small size which may not cost much just only where develop infrastructure for multi-storey buildings — or to women can simply get into and sleep […] Can a woman afford to complete the 20:80 ratio payments seek accountability where contractors fail to deliver to to the last? standard: The contractor should have finished everything and KII with chair of women’s association in Hawassa wound up the project […] The contractor simply Beyond affordability, our research found that both hung it up and left the rest on the ground. We did peripheral location and poor infrastructure were not check and he also collected the retention and critical concerns of condominium residents, especially left [...] It is now unlikely to force the government to create pressure on the contractor to finish [...] We sanitation and toilets. Poor construction of the waste have to finish by ourselves. system appears to be compounded by a lack of clarity regarding ownership or management. One female Female condominium resident 3 respondent complained: One respondent also complained that the rural I think the construction was not studied by location of her condominium meant there was a lack of professionals. It was carried out by those who infrastructure. The impact of remote locations of new were organised under small and micro business buildings on livelihoods is also a well-documented enterprises […] It is full of problems. The toilet concern in Ethiopia (Tiumelissan and Pankhurst, 2013; […] the septic tank does not have an owner. Who di Nunzio undated). owns the septic tank and to whom to appeal is not known […] The biggest and major problem is Finally, our research identified a particular challenge that the pipeline was not properly designed and relating specifically to the administrative capacity of implemented. The pipelines from the top leak to the local government but possibly linked to the political lower floors. This creates problems among dwellers; sensitivities (and ethnic dimensions) of land usage and it is a common cause of complaints […] When the ownership. This is the clarity and security of the plot toilet is full, it flows in the house. demarcation on which condominiums are constructed. Female condominium resident, FGD One resident reported that: Women in our study were particularly concerned The government built the condominium without with such infrastructure problems in condominiums area demarcation just after taking the land from an since they spend more time in and around the home. owner. Still the issue of demarcation is not resolved. They are also more likely to run businesses from As a result, we could not construct fences [and] home, which require good water and sanitation — for we are exposed to many hazards […] The people in this area send their cattle for grazing around example, making and selling coffee or (fatbreads) injera our compound. Dogs and cats which do not have or preparing animal products for sale/consumption.
55 FGD with female-headed households, Monopol area. 56 KII with male resident in Philadelphia area. 57 KII with Leonard Cheshire representative, Hawassa.
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owners are living in the compound […] They are a serious threat to our health. 4.4.2 Achievements and challenges Cooperatives have certainly contributed valuable Second female condominium resident, FGD housing to the existing housing stock. KIIs confirm that In principle, this should have been a relatively by 2016, a total of 70 associations in Hawassa had straightforward problem to solve, had it been a matter been awarded land; out of 941 households, 645 were of technical surveying and demarcation alone. However, male-headed and 296 female-headed.61 UN-Habitat under the current situation, local authorities may well be (2019) data records a total of 626 cooperative housing reluctant to take any action that could exacerbate the units in Hawassa. At one level, it appears to be a very volatile situation of the local youth. promising option: If you look at Hawassa, the number of people who 4.4 Housing cooperatives were to be provided with land for housing in 2015 when we issued this guideline, there were 126 4.4.1 How do they work? cooperatives. It took only three and four months for The cooperative housing model that was introduced in 79 cooperatives to get organised. If this much can be organised within this span of time, it can easily 1975 today receives strong support from national and be projected that the demand is very high. local government and is considered a key pillar of the housing policy. Housing cooperatives are regulated KII with SNNPR Urban Development and Housing under the Cooperatives Proclamation No. 147/1998,58 Bureau deputy head which provides for the establishment of different Nevertheless, there are mixed reports as to how well types of cooperative societies (housing, consumer, local authorities have played their role in facilitating handicrafts, mining, construction and services subsidised construction materials and providing cooperatives, and so on) for a common purpose but technical support and supervision. While one municipal with a limited life — in this case, until the housing official working in housing development fagged that construction is complete (Emana, 2009).59 in the construction of houses at the Addis Ketema The housing cooperative model is designed to neighbourhood, the civil engineering and supervision support citizens in accessing secure land for housing were provided for free,62 another informant from a construction, subsidising the costs and enabling them different government office admitted to a lack of to build their houses incrementally.60 Legally registered coordination to date, as well as fagging the inadequacy cooperatives are entitled to receive government of the options available to cooperatives: subsidies towards the costs of construction material, Speaking frankly, so far we have not given enough free or subsidised land (non-competitive, base support to the associations as stated in the lease price), and low mortgage interest rates. Local guideline [...] If you ask me why, it is because the government is meant to broker wholesale prices government office was not strengthened, lack of on construction materials from private as well as adequately qualified manpower in the market at government enterprises, and to provide engineering the time […] From the cooperatives side, there and supervision advice to cooperative members. is a demand that the government should provide The government also shares the cost of providing them technical support in material supply; this was infrastructure — most notably access roads, power, not done for them. They purchased cement and water supply and electricity. According to an official corrugated iron at expensive prices. When they from the Hawassa Bureau of Urban Development and negotiated with contractors they were cheated and agreed to pay expensive price. The support in that Housing, this cooperative (or ‘association’) model is area was not full. the approach that the city has been primarily focused on, out of the various mechanisms listed in the KII with municipality officials, housing development housing strategy. and administration core process
58 See FDRE (1998). Condominium Proclamation No. 370/2003 (FDRE, 2003) outlines regulation on the registration, ownership, association of owners, sale and lease, and common expenses of condominiums. It also reiterates the applicability of proclamation 147/1998 (FDRE, 1998) as applying when a cooperative association is formed for the purpose of building a condominium. 59 Although the original number of members in an association was fixed to 16, in 2009 the guideline was changed and the average number of members today is 32. KII, Hawassa City Cooperative Development 4. 60 A group of ten to 20 households must form themselves into a cooperative and apply for land to the local cooperative development bureau in order to get the services of the municipality in land provision for housing. If successful, they will be allowed to lease land with electricity, roads and water supply provided to the edge of the site. Onsite sanitation is intended to be fitted by the occupant. They can then prepare plans for land allocation, develop savings (50% of the construction costs), prepare settlement plans, receive land allocation with a lease, and develop their own dwellings. They can reduce the overall cost of their dwelling by contributing labour themselves. There are standard plans and elevations, but they are usually not respected. Source: UN‐Habitat (2011). 61 Hawassa City Cooperative Development 4. 62 Municipality official, housing development and administration core process.
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In practice, the cooperative mechanism has not yet Despite the many challenges raised above, the delivered housing at scale. Mobilising the prerequisite cooperative model is still considered a way forward in for land allocation (i.e. 50% of the construction costs, urban housing provision. For national and municipality the minimum savings requirement for a cooperative) officials in Hawassa, exploring ways of reducing is a major challenge for cooperative members as inefficiencies and promoting knowledge and technology individuals.63 UN-Habitat (2011) notes that the poorest sharing between the cities seems like an obvious sector of society is often excluded from cooperatives opportunity. A KII from the mayor’s office acknowledged as they do not have the savings capacity at the scale that municipal staff capacity is problematic in demanded. KIIs with city officials64 also indicate that this respect: even the cooperatives of government employees such Human resources are another challenge. Most of as teachers and police (eligible for additional benefits the available staff need capacity building in order to and reduced savings thresholds) tend to admit defeat in engage in construction activity adequately […] We the face of the high deposit costs required: don’t feel it is sufficient. Firstly, there are constraints Now the teachers, the police as well as others in terms of leaving what we are used to and moving argue, why doesn’t the government pay the cost forward with technology — we need additional and arrange a long-term loan for them to pay it knowledge and skills. We need additional back? They mean that the government should knowledge inputs in the area of materials and how construct the houses and let them occupy them, to design activities. and afterwards they would save the money because KII with municipality official, mayor’s office life in Hawassa is very expensive, that they cannot save while paying high rentals for the houses they rent [...] This is the major cause for them not to 4.5 Sidama Microfinance be organised for the service. This is the greatest Institution-supported challenge. housing KII with Hawassa City Cooperative Development 4. In considering housing solutions to accommodate The same sources highlighted that as the land allocated HIP workers, a specific scheme has been tried to is in the urban periphery, households are exposed to provide dedicated housing for workers, at a pre-agreed additional transportation costs. Land allocated has often and capped rental price. The Sidama Microfinance been peripheral in location, creating extra transport Institution (Sidama MFI) has financed the construction costs. Low-quality land also increases the cost of of 536 housing units, each with a capacity to host four construction. Nevertheless, an interesting question of workers, by investing 18.2 million Ethiopian birra in 2017. new building technologies was also raised by a bureau Willing house owners are provided with loans, housing official during the research; he cited approaches and designs and free engineering supervision to construct technologies being used in Addis Ababa that might additional rooms on their compounds. According to the massively reduce the time and cost of digging and building cooperative housing: Now, there are new technologies coming from head office. In Addis Ababa, there are situations in which new buildings are built within a short period of time. They are using these technologies. In our case even for digging and building a G+2 and 3 it takes five to six years. We are still backward. To use new technologies, which are produced in factories which can easily be fitted, requires integration. Unless this is done, I am quite certain that the cooperatives would not be successful [...] Cooperative houses are to be constructed in the traditional way. In that way, boiling all these metals and mixing lots of things, I don’t think is effective […] Anyway, the issue of technology is in our plan but changing it into practice is our challenge.
KII with SNNPR Urban Development and Housing One of the Sidama MFI-financed houses in which HIP workers reside Bureau deputy head – a row house typology
63 KII with SNNPR Urban Development and Housing Bureau deputy head. 64 Hawassa City Cooperative Development 4; SNNPR Urban Development and Housing Bureau deputy head.
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deal made by the HIP management with the Sidama MFI, the owners of the housing units are permitted to rent the units solely to the workers of the industrial park; the rental agreement exists between the landlords and the IPDC, and then again between IPDC and workers. Unfortunately, the scheme has faced a number of challenges which call into question whether this scheme can really contribute significantly to the HIP needs. Although there are some successful arrangements between landlords and tenants, challenges reported across our interviews include: • High rates of attrition as tenants pull out of the rental agreements for various reasons (including confict A detached house type in an informal settlement area among themselves) • Disagreement between the landlords and tenants these areas. On the one hand, the municipality’s inability (for example, some tenants allege mistreatment by or unwillingness to enforce building regulations was landlords, but are too afraid to leave due to lack of highlighted in our research, echoing the ”challenges or other options)65 faws associated with the land administration process” • High rents compared to the meagre workers’ incomes described by Gondo (2013: 5).66 On the other hand, investment decisions that prioritise land saving underpin • Long vacancies of the units which forces the the way that condominium housing has ‘crowded out’ borrowers to default on their loan, and other forms of investments in housing and provision of • The mandatory reduction in chargeable rent (from land (MUDHCo and ECSU, 2015). Informal institutions 1,300 to 1,000 Ethiopian birra per unit, that is may also play a role, for example the rent from illegal significantly below the market rate), significantly land deals acts as an incentive, driving the expansion affecting the repayment capacity of the borrowers. and maintenance of informal settlements. Corruption allegations were also recorded in our interviews, 4.6 Informal settlements including by a person at the ombudsman’s office who noted that: In the absence of viable, affordable alternatives, informal settlements are proliferating around the outskirts of the In as much as we have to look at administrative city. Unplanned informal settlements have existed in malpractice, the key issues are kebele officials Hawassa since the 1980s, but have greatly intensified giving kebele home to their own families [corruption] since 2003: according to the Kinfu et al. (2019) study [...] Often, those that are corrupt and trying to give of peri-urban Hawassa, around 60% of the residents in the house to their relatives often times look for reasons to evict and force out dependents. these areas have settled since 2011. Informal housing constitutes an estimated 47% of shelter in the city, KII with Ethiopian Institute of the Ombudsman, according to UN-Habitat (2019) approximations. For an Hawassa unregulated and unorganised market operating outside To date, the city has regularised some 17,000 holdings of the law, it is nevertheless providing shelter solutions — although large but unknown numbers67 remain for many thousands of people: “The informal market has non-regularised. Where regularisation has occurred, become a veritable competitor to the formal channel however, no support is provided to the individual and appears to be doing much better in delivering land households to upgrade the shelters themselves.68 City resources for development in Hawassa” (Sungena et al., officials report that the main challenge of regularisation 2014: 164). is that some households will need to be demolished While questions of affordability and availability are or relocated to make way for roads, green spaces and behind residents’ decisions to settle in informal public buildings such as schools, but the ability to areas, other ‘enabling’ factors, ranging from capacity actually allocate land for relocation sits with the regional constraints to bargains and compromises around government rather than municipal authorities. Municipal political settlement, help to explain the expansion of officials did not refer to any processes of consultation
65 FGD with female industry park employees. 66 See Section 3.3.1 on land delivery mechanisms, describing the auction and lottery systems. 67 KII with Tabor sub-city representative. 68 KII with the Ethiopian Evangelical Church, Mekane Yesus, south-central synod.
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around these demolitions. Displaced residents However, households who can afford to have a door-to- described their feelings of ‘being thrown away’69, door water supply may pay privately for their own water pointing to a sense of powerlessness and grievance. pipes to be installed. One official commented: Amongst the wider benefits to residents, our research The challenges are that there are people who are suggested that regularisation of informal settlements going to be displaced due to road construction may have particular benefits for enhancing women’s in the sites […] When this situation happens, access to credit. This was widely agreed on during some individual’s plot of land is likely to be FGDs with women in these areas — one resident reduced. Some of them may squat at the back of commented that: other houses. This is the biggest challenge […] Displacement certificates are given for those who After we got a plan [for their home when are going to be displaced […] for these displaced regularised], we got something better. In the past, people, replacement land has already been we couldn’t use our informal house as collateral. prepared and ready for decision. But now we can. So, if we want to invest, we can do that by getting loans from our house. Bahil Adarash Sub-city representative FGD with FHHs in Monopol As discussed in Section 3, different layers of government are implicated in this process, which also Another FGD participant noted the gender differences: lends itself to bottlenecks in the compensation process: As for me, a house with a plan and deed and is near The city administration has already presented to to the road is better for women. So, water, electricity the regional state [...] The municipality cannot give and other things are important to allow the women replacement certificates; it has to be decided by to do some sort of work near their house. the regional state for the provision. We cannot give them land with the assumption that they FGD with FHHs in Monopol are displaced people. The city administration However, some of these women felt that if good municipality cannot give land; it has to be decided by the region […] We simply transfer the documents roads had been built after regularisation (this had of the displaced people and the region re-examines, not yet happened), they would be better able to run assesses the documents and sends us the businesses from their homes or sell their goods further decision. afield. Enhancements to the tenure security of women can have significant impacts on their prospects for Bahil Adarash sub-city representative economic empowerment, safety and wellbeing, due to their normative or actual association to the household Infrastructure provision is supplied to informal compared to male counterparts. For example, it is the settlements at a reduced rate but this may not be easily site of child-rearing or income generation, as well as the accessible. Officials acknowledge a tension between foundation for women’s social networks. supplying services to informal settlements (‘a problem for us in the long run’) which are illegal and which may Nevertheless, regularisation does present a risk of subsequently need to be replanned, and the regional increasing costs (associated with the land lease, state directive to the effect that citizens should not services etc), and thus the potential gentrification of be obstructed from accessing water. The municipal such areas, pushing low-income households into even authorities have adopted an interim approach to more remote locations if they are unable to afford the solving this: costs. Although this was not discussed during our primary data collection, secondary sources suggest So these people ask for water, so as much as possible we are not laying the line for each but that the ways to mitigate this risk include conducting what we are doing is, there is a public tap and they regularisation at scale (Boonyabancha, 2005, 2009 are using this […] They are paying according to for Thailand); involving local community-based what we communicate with the kebele and there organisations or federations of the urban poor (Lines is an agreement, there is a public tariff for 1 metre and Makau 2017 for Kenya); providing alternative, cube, it is 3 ETB […] and there is a person who is appropriate standards such as smaller plot sizes or nominated from the kebele and they agree with us narrower roads (e.g. Chitekwe-Biti, 2018 for Namibia, and at the end of the month they pay us […] It is one Muungano for Nairobi); ensuring that regularisation does fountain per 1.5km radius. not only focus on individual titling (Payne et al., 2009) but also improving services and infrastructure (Gulyani KII with Hawassa City Water and Sewerage and Bassett, 2007); promoting livelihoods (Majale, Services Enterprise 2008); and establishing community land ownership (e.g. Boonyabancha above for Thailand).
69 KII with municipality officials, housing development and administration core process.
38 www.iied.org IIED WORKING PAPER 5 Understanding shelter from a gender perspective
Building on our use of a gender and social inclusion Women have the right to acquire, administer, lens to examine shelter issues in Hawassa, this section control, use and transfer property. In particular, they collates findings around the vulnerability of different have equal rights with men with respect to use, transfer, administration and control of land. They groups in accessing secure shelter. shall also enjoy equal treatment in the inheritance In line with global literature, this study found clear of property. evidence that the key vulnerability factors affecting Although there is very little reliable secondary data people’s access to decent shelter are poverty, gender, on women’s access to and experiences of shelter in age, social status70 and disability. These factors Hawassa, our findings nevertheless validate existing intersect in diverse ways and circumstances to evidence from elsewhere in Ethiopia that female-headed produce higher or lower levels of shelter vulnerability. households, divorced, separated and widowed women, In our research, shelter vulnerability was found to vary elderly women and women with disabilities all face according to shelter type — female-headed households severe/acute shelter vulnerabilities and are among the were found to be particularly affected by safety most vulnerable urban residents in Hawassa. issues and challenges in accessing shelter (due to discriminatory perceptions or lack of access to finance) Residents interviewed for this study, both women and in informal settlement and low-income private rental men, universally identified women in these categories areas, whereas this was less of a concern reported as the most economically vulnerable in the city, who by those living in government-provided condominiums therefore find it hardest to access decent shelter in a or low-cost government housing. People living with context of high and rising rental and purchase prices. disabilities were identified as universally vulnerable and One man interviewed noted that “it is known that it disproportionately likely to experience extreme poverty is difficult [for a single woman and divorcee] to work and destitution, and face stigma and discrimination and do things by herself […] When a single woman when trying to access housing (see Box 6 below). is compared to those who live in pairs, her economic condition is very low”. Local women’s groups agreed, Gender norms and roles continue to constrain describing single (never married/divorced/widowed) equal property rights for divorced, separated and women with children as significantly overrepresented widowed women, despite positive legal and regulatory among destitute city-dwellers. frameworks. For example, Article 35 sub-Article 7 of the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE, 1995) states:
70 In particular, stability of livelihood/employment, marital status and kinship ties.
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BOX 6. DISABILITY AS A BARRIER TO SHELTER Regional government states a commitment to prioritising people with disabilities, and has prepared ‘directives, regulation and designs which are suitable for people with disabilities’ and has distributed these across the SNNPR’s towns, to encourage disability-friendly construction. However, by their own admission, as well as in the views of specialist NGOs supporting vulnerable disabled residents in the city, these plans have yet to move beyond theory to practice in any systemic way. Residents interviewed in various types of housing (including condominiums and regularised and unregularised informal settlements) all agreed that there is no formal support for people living with disabilities in relation to their shelter, or more broadly. Some reported positive interactions with kebele officials when complaints were submitted, but issues appear to be resolved on an ad hoc basis, and not according to any systematic support. Stigma and discrimination against people with disabilities was described as a major barrier in accessing rental accommodation. The international disability charity Leonard Cheshire described how “MFIs do not give credit to disabled people [due to] the assumption or ‘misbelief’ that disabled people will not repay loans”. Another disabled resident described the stigma they faced: I went to rent and they said we do not rent our house for disabled people […] No one would let us rent a house. After we have used the bathroom, no one uses it.
Women family heads and poor women family heads If you have a family and have two children, have a serious housing problem; particularly on the house owners do not want to rent to you. women with low income. As you know, high budget Specifically, children are unwanted. What they ask is required in order to solve housing problem. We is, ‘How many members of a family do you have?’ help them participate in different saving schemes These are all studied first otherwise you cannot get so that even if it is difficult for them to construct it [the housing]. their houses with such a saving, at least they would be able to pay their home rents and live better life. There were different views on whether single women They are struggling in this regard. They have started without children face the same challenges or not. to solve these problems and are living better life Some felt that women in general face discrimination relatively now. in accessing rental housing because of perceptions by landlords that they will use more water, invite their KII with chair of women’s association in Hawassa friends over and disturb their neighbours more than Further, a study of women and children sleeping on the men. This is likely due to women generally spending streets in Hawassa (Nathan, 201271) found that almost more time around the home during the daytime than a third were disabled, and a 2015 World Bank poverty men, who are more often working away from the home assessment similarly found that nationally in Ethiopia, for long periods in the day. Women living in informal “elderly, disabled, and female-headed households settlements on the outskirts of the city reported fewer are much poorer in urban areas” than other social challenges than women renting in those areas because: categories (World Bank, 2015). This aligns with global The area is remote, and there are not a lot of people evidence that divorced, separated and widowed women who want to rent a house there, so there is not such are at particular risk of dispossession and constitute the a problem with landlords. most vulnerable sub-section of urban women (Chant and McIlwaine, 2016; Rakodi, 2014). It is important to FGD with FHHs in informal shelter, Monopol area note that the economic vulnerability of women in these In contrast, there was a strong perception among categories is understood to be a product of unequal members of this same focus group that “in the city access to assets, finance and property as well as centre no one would let women rent unless she is resulting from issues regarding traditional gender roles married, regardless of your income (sic).”. vis-à-vis employment and caring responsibilities (ibid). Several steps have been taken by the Ethiopian Having children was described as an important government in recent years to support female-headed vulnerability factor for single women by informants in our households to access shelter. Legally, the Revised study ― both in terms of the economic and time burden Family Code (FDRE, 2000) stipulates that pre-owned of caring for children, and discrimination by landlords. or later purchased assets are co-owned by spouses A broker reported that pregnant women are turned after marriage. Women are also given priority in away by landlords. One female resident in a low-income terms of retaining access to shelter during a divorce, district of Hawassa claimed that:
71 This was a relatively small sample in a low-income sub-city of Hawassa where destitution is particularly concentrated.
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The asset division is not fair. They usually bring an in recognition of their traditional role as the primary elder in the process. The culture is a barrier […] caregiver to children. Affirmative action in favour of often […] the woman does not even know anything women has been incorporated into the major pro-poor about the asset […] Usually they [elders and housing schemes: the IHDP scheme intended that at engineers consulted] skew the boundary towards least 30% of 90/10 housing and condominium (20/80) the man because of bribes and then make the housing should go to female-headed households as woman lose in the arrangement. a direct award prior to lottery competition for these KII with Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association units (UN-Habitat, 2011). Female-headed households (EWLA) are also formally prioritised in allocations of kebele and other government housing for the very poorest.72 Nevertheless, there was a perception among some That this principle is so embedded in pro-poor women that women are steadily claiming more of their housing approaches is to be lauded, and sets a strong legal rights regarding divorce and inheritance. foundation for future policy. In practice, the peripheral location of condominium However, in practice our data revealed multiple units, their unaffordability for the very poorest urban barriers which inhibit women from realising these legal dwellers — among whom women are disproportionately rights: limited knowledge and awareness of the law; represented — and corruption in kebele housing lack of access to legal advice and representation for allocation all undermine the effective implementation of divorce proceedings; lack of awareness and access to these policies. Similar challenges of unaffordability are household assets (as men traditionally manage these, more acutely felt by female-headed households trying to even commonly ‘hiding’ assets from their spouses to access the cooperative scheme. avoid sharing them with wives during or upon dissolution Findings from Hawassa on this intersection between of a marriage); or cohabiting practices and unformalised economic vulnerability and gender roles and norms marriages (conducted in traditional or religious validates global recommendations, that “without ceremonies but never registered with state authorities).73 livelihoods, incomes and access to basic services, Research from Ethiopia more broadly confirms that as access to land and property will not take women very in many urban contexts, women are disproportionately far […] pro-urban land policy must be located within a represented among renters due to these greater barriers broader urban development framework” that includes they face in owning homes (Eskezia, 2011). Many gender-sensitive support to raising incomes, livelihood women interviewed discussed these barriers in depth, opportunities, education, housing and infrastructure for example: (Baruah, 2007: 2,108 as quoted in Chant and McIlwaine, 2016: 96).
72 KII with Tabor sub-city representative. 73 KIIs with Ethiopian Women Lawyer’s Association, SNNPR Bureau of Women, Children and Youth Affairs, and Hawassa Women’s Association; some female- headed households also mentioned their lack of awareness or engagement in household asset management as a reason why they were living in poor-quality shelter and could not access their rightful marital property/assets (FGDs with FHHs).
www.iied.org 41 IN SEARCH OF SHELTER | THE CASE OF HAWASSA, ETHIOPIA 6 Further key issues for housing provision
This section overviews additional key issues that important one. We observe that within the formal type were highlighted by our research. This includes of settlement, 75% of households finance their house the constraints and potential of affordable housing using their own savings, in all informal settlements finance in Ethiopia; overviewing the rental market — an 100% finance their households using their own savings. important sub-sector in access to shelter; important Of the households surveyed in formal settlement areas, issues of safety and security related to shelter, 16.7% stated that they financed their house using particularly for women; and lastly, an overview of credit from credit unions whereas only 8.3% drew upon the role and infuence of infrastructure in Hawassa’s compensation funding for relocation. shelter options. Currently, there is no specialised housing finance (mortgage banks) in the country, and the role of private 6.1 Access to finance for banks in loan provision for housing construction is very shelter and infrastructure, limited. Loan opportunities that do exist are for one including for low-income year maximum. However, few private banks provide loans for individual housing construction75 and the groups average interest rate was 12.75% in 2018. There is Mortgage finance for low- and middle-income groups limited involvement in residential mortgages by public is highly constrained. The Construction and Business and private banks because of the perceived high Bank (CBB) — formerly the Housing and Savings Bank risk and limited experience. The high volatility of the — stopped providing long-term mortgage loans in the macro-economy makes long-term loans unattractive early nineties,74 although in any case this would not for lenders. have been accessible to those without bank accounts. Microfinance institutions (MFIs) in Ethiopia have been Following the market-led adjustments implemented offering housing renovation loans for individuals since post-1991, subsidised mortgage rates were abandoned. around 2005. MFIs started operating in Ethiopia The mortgage interest rates were increased from using the peer collateral approach (adapted from the 4.5% for cooperatives and 7.5% for individuals to 16% Grameen Bank of Bangladesh), involving a peer group for both. This created a major barrier for low-income of (usually five) like-minded individuals with similar households to securing a housing loan. economic backgrounds who can trust and rely on each Our sampled survey shows that that there are three other’s capacity in repaying the loan. major ways of financing housing: through savings, credit Remittances also constitute an important source of unions and when given as compensation. Among these financing for private shelter construction. Remittance three sources of financing a house, savings is the most
74 Recently, government banks like the CBE and the Development Bank have joined the mortgage market but only in the commercial construction sector. The same is true of emerging private-sector banking. 75 Although the CBE does offer a mortgage loan programme for the diaspora in order to buy or construct residential housing. The prerequisite for this loan is an initial saving of 20% of the loan and a repayment requirement in a foreign currency (GBP, US$ or Euros). The bank will finance up to 80% of the cost of the house, charging a minimum interest rate of 8.5% per annum.
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fows are channelled through the formal state-owned cent of the country’s total financing, and many struggle and private-sector banks as well as a number of with low capacity management and governance informal-sector operators. The value of remittances to (Tesfamariam, 2015). Ethiopia has increased dramatically, from a reported In sum, the dearth of adequate and accessible financing level of US$141 million in 2003 to some US$4 billion options is highly problematic for most city residents, by the end of 2016 (IOM, 2017). This constitutes about but particularly for low-income households. In order 6% of the GDP. Recent research by the Forum for to foster meaningful approaches to coproduction of Social Studie2s (FSS) on remittances and migration shelter, access to finance represents a significant area found that among migrants to the Republic of South for policy attention by both government and donors — Africa and the Middle East, 96% send remittances on for example, by considering options for creating/piloting demand to their families in Ethiopia for reasons which access to finance for low- and middle-income groups include building/maintaining housing, with the average through a low-interest lending bank. Donors already amount ranging from 1,000 to 5,000 Ethiopian birra supporting HIP have vested interests in making this (Kefale and Mohammed, 2018: 28). However, there is work, since the shelter situation of workers (affordability, no data on how the money sent through both formal and safety, service quality etc) is a significant risk factor to informal channels is allocated by the receiver in Ethiopia, worker retention and the park’s success. and our research was not able to assess its relevance in Hawassa. 6.2 Safety and security Informal loans from friends and relatives play a role Safety and security emerge as key concerns for in housing finance. Research by Kedir et al. (2007) residents in different types of shelter across the city, suggests that these sources provide up to 75% of loans after discussions ranging from transport issues to the acquired by individuals for different purposes including location of housing. Underreporting of gender-based house construction or improvement. Since informal violence (GBV) is widespread in Ethiopia, and systems loans from relatives or friends are usually interest free, for collecting data are underdeveloped, leading to a lack the loans tend to be shorter term (ibid) . of hard data. This gap echoes the lack of reliable and Traditional savings groups such as iqub also operate comparable global estimates on the scale of GBV in in Ethiopia. Iqub is a traditional method of cash saving public spaces (Fulu, 2016), and is recognised as having practised widely in both urban and rural areas in ‘an impact on the development and design of gender- Ethiopia, and stands outside of the formal financial sensitive public services, as well as the implementation system (Aredo, 1993). It is a form of saving association and monitoring of existing programmes and interventions in which regular (usually a weekly or monthly) payments trying to reduce attacks on women in public spaces’ of a fixed sum are collected and passed to an individual, (Schauerhammer and Fraser, 2018). Nevertheless, our who receives a large sum at some point during the research highlighted three particular areas of concern duration of the iqub. This is repeated until reaching the to residents. last person within the group (Levine, cited in Aredo, The first is insecurity related to tensions between 1993). Idir is a traditional burial association that meets new residents and former residents of plots. This is regularly to collect cash for burial services of its closely linked to the question of compensation, and members and their family members. It has an additional requires municipal government mediation to resolve. An objective of providing loans for housing maintenance. FGD with female condominium residents provided a While we did not find direct examples of interviewees telling example: who had constructed their houses using savings We are often robbed. The owners of the land who from iqub, we did receive reports that iqub is used were not paid compensation feel that we have come for housing maintenance, in addition to funding here and built the houses to push them away. They small businesses. abuse us […] robbing and theft. The problem is In rare cases, idirs can provide a role in supporting that the area is not delineated. No boundary was set. On the upper side it was fenced. On the first shelter arrangements: one informant76 asserted that gate there are farmers, many huts and there is inset idirs may play an advisory role in mediating rental farm [...] Although the fence was made on the upper arrangements, when both the landlord and tenant side to some extent, the lower part is still open […] households are members of the same scheme. therefore we are exposed to robbery and theft on Savings and credit cooperatives (SACCOs) tend to the lower side. It should have done that when it gave us. be found in rural areas, be employee-based or be agricultural. SACCOs are key primarily in remote rural FGD 18417–2316, female condominium residents areas. Nevertheless, “they provide less than one per
76 KII with administrator of Misrak sub-city.
www.iied.org 43 IN SEARCH OF SHELTER | THE CASE OF HAWASSA, ETHIOPIA
The second source of insecurity relates to the wider political, ethnic insecurity associated with the broader 6.3 Regulating the rental regional or ethnic ownership of lands. This has resulted market in the killing and displacement of groups of people from particular areas of the city. This violence appears to vary 6.3.1 Public housing rental from sub-city to sub-city; some areas are particularly Government houses are those which were nationalised affected by ‘youth disturbances’, others less so.77 This in 1975, and administered by the Housing Rental kind of insecurity and confict requires higher-level Agency at regulated and mostly fixed rates for tenants. mediation and political consensus-building to address In most cases, rent has remained constant for decades, — and has implications for the future of Hawassa in the contracts are standard and seldom face disputes. highly significant ways. While Hawassa city council can increase rents through Finally, there is the issue of the safety of women — a regulated process,82 the generally low public housing particularly young female workers in the HIP — travelling rent levels have “constrained the capacity of city out to informal settlements where limited transport administrations to generate adequate resources to be options put them at considerable risk of sexual violence used to maintain kebele houses and thus contributing at the end of their commute. An NGO staff member to the dire physical situation in the public rental housing working with survivors of violence described this: stock and dwellers’ limited access to basic housing facilities” (MUDHCo and ECSU, 2015). Recently IP [industrial park] workers come here. Most are women. They get low salary. They live According to a KII within the SNNPR government, there around Cheffe Datto, which are far, remote and is a huge demand for rental of kebele houses, but there inaccessible locations that do not have access to is simply not enough housing finance for government to transport. When they go out in the morning or come construct new housing for these prospective renters: back home in the evening, they are violated. This means that cities which have acute shortage KII with the Association for Women’s Sanctuary of houses are not able to construct houses. They and Development (AWSAD) Hawassa project cannot simultaneously build houses and serve coordinator78 people who have the capacity to rent houses. They Distressing reports were made during fieldwork by lack the capacity to build houses for rent for those who can pay rent but cannot build houses due to women residents and key experts, that rape of women financial constraints. and children is ‘very common’ in informal settlement areas ‘because the houses are congested together’.79 KII with SNNPR Urban Development and Housing A representative from the SNNPR Bureau of Women, Bureau deputy head Children and Youth Affairs described how women living One KII emphasised that even identifying whether new in these areas ‘are raped by landlords and the landlords’ migrants already have access to government housing sons’. Others described rape of children in these areas elsewhere (and are therefore ineligible) is a major as a common phenomenon because their parents work challenge to existing government information systems. long hours in the city away from the settlements. Although our research highlights that this phenomenon 6.3.2 Houses for the most marginalised is known within the HIP80 and beyond, there were no Low-cost housing for people who cannot afford to reports by any KIIs of actions being taken to tackle own — or indeed rent — housing is also something that the violence — whether by addressing infrastructural Hawassa city government has included in its plans. concerns and hardware, or through efforts to These low-cost houses are for poor, vulnerable or understand and target “underlying causes of violence, displaced people — for example, those evicted from such as gender inequality, control over women’s their plots to make way for other urban development movement and bodies and male sexual entitlement” are meant to be given housing free of charge. In such (Fulu, 2016). One interviewee81 suggested that the lack instances, with funding from regional government, the of clear roles between levels of government authority city administration should build and allocate houses was a clear impediment to joined-up action. by assignment.83
77 FGD with women HIP workers in rental housing. 78 AWSAD is an Ethiopian NGO working on women’s rights, social and economic development. 79 AWSAD representation. 80 Notably, UN-Habitat’s 2019 study flags this problem and calls for urgent action. 81 Phone interview with anonymous key informant working in the HIP, April 2019. 82 KII with SNNPR Urban Development and Housing Bureau deputy head. 83 KII with Bahil Adarash sub-city representative.
44 www.iied.org IIED WORKING PAPER
Figure 3. Hawassa city administration map, 2018
436000 38°26'30"E 439000 442000 445000 448000 38°32'0"E 451000
OROMIA REGION HAWASSA CITY ADMINISTRATION MAP a b a 0 0 b 0 0 A
0 0 s i 4 4 d 8 8 d 7 7 A
o T
Dato Odahe Ü Dato Odahe Primary school
7°4'30"N 7°4'30"N Daka 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 8 8
7 Philadelphia 7 Hawassa TVET College Tegbared Campus
SNNPR Finance and Economy Dev`t Bureau Gebeya Dar Leku
Nigat Kokeb Addis Ababa Hawassa University Andinet Wukro (Agriculture Faculty) Hawassa Unversity(Main Campus) Chefe Kote Jebessa Hawassa Municipality Harer SNNPR Adare Regional Council Tesso Hawassa City Finance Mesquel Square Sidama Cultural Hall & Economic Department
Lake Hawassa Piassa SNNPR, Police Commission SNNPR, Trade & Gudumale Industry Bureau Bus Station Millennium Adebabay
SNNPR, Red Cross Society
Hawassa Stadium
Hogane WachoSNNPR, Health Bureau 0 0
0 Guwe Stadium 0
0 Hawassa Solid Waste Site 0 8 8 7 7 7 7
Mount. Tabor
SNNPR, Presion Dume t
Hawassa Water Technology College Gimbi Genet Primary School e
Hawass TVET Tilte Hawassa University
Medical Faculty n
Hiteta e
Fara Bariso G
o 0 0 d 0 0 0 0 5 5 7 7 7 7 n e
Mount. Alamura W
Tullo Health Center
Tulo Kebele Administration Office Gara Riketa Alamura Protestant Church
Tullo Tullo Mosque
Tullo Protestant Church
Gemeto Gale Burkitu Hot Spring
Alamura Health Post
Alamura Primary School Alamura 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 7 7
6°59'0"N7 6°7 59'0"N Gara Rikata Kebele Administration Office Finchawa Kebele Administration Office
Finchawa Church Finchawa Tele Center Alamura Mosque
Finchawa Primary School
Finchawa
Tullo Church Hawella Wondo Primary School
Dulecha Ridge Alamura Church Hawella Wondo Kebele Administration Office
Hawella Wondo
Hawella Tulla Sub city Office 0 0 0 0 0 0
9 Tulla Town 9 6 6
7 Shebedino 7
Chefa Sine Mosque Kms 1:20,000 0.4 0.2 0 0.4 0.8 1.2
38°26'30"E 38°32'0"E
Tulla Flour Mill Tulla Geter
Chefa Sine Primary School
Harenfema Health Post Harenfema Kebele Malga Administration Office Chefa Sine Gendo Catholic Church To Dilla Chefa Sine Kebele Administration Office
Chefa Sine Veternary Clinic Harenfema Primary School
Murero Sodo Primary School
7°4'30"N 7°4'30"N Harenfema 0 0 0 0 0 0
6 Lake Hawassa 6 6 6 7 7
Legend Proposed Kebele Boundary Lake_Hawassa Subcity Boundary Landmarks LandmarkTy JV Administration Ý Church # Cultural Center n Education 6°59'0"N 6°59'0"N ÆP Health Institution Harenfema Protestant Church ê Industry and Manufacturing Æ· Market ö Mosque Mountain Adindan_UTM_Zone_37N Municipal Service Projection: Transverse_Mercator False_Easting: 500000.000000 Public Places False_Northing: 0.000000 Sport and Recreation Central_Meridian: 39.000000 Prepared By: Compass AEPED Consultancy PLC ÆM Telecommunication Scale_Factor: 0.999600 Tel:+251-11-6464789/091-3215806 Latitude_Of_Origin: 0.000000 e-mail : [email protected] 0 Transport 0
0 Linear Unit: Meter Addis Ababa,Ethiopia 0 0 0
3 Client : Hawassa City Adminstration Finace and 3
6 Roadsurface Economic Development Department. 6
7 GCS_Adindan 7 Asphalt Datum: D_Adindan Hawassa,Ethiopia Non-Asphalt Gorche Hawassa Nebouring Woredas Cauation: All Boundaries show in this Map should not be considered Authoritative
38°26'30"E 38°32'0"E
436000 38°26'30"E 439000 442000 445000 448000 38°32'0"E 451000 Source: Hawassa City Administration, Town Planning Institute, 2018
However, KIIs report that although the city had a plan The quality of existing housing of this type is reported to construct 1,000 corrugated iron-sheet houses in as being extremely problematic by residents, being 2018 for ‘the poorest of the poor’, only 33 had been overcrowded and remote, and characterised by poor built by halfway through the year. There is also a plan to construction materials, poor ventilation, no access construct 12,500 ‘cost-effective’ brick houses across to livelihood opportunities, and inadequate basic the region in the next few years — but only 79 have been infrastructure.84 On top of this, interviewees living in built so far — suggesting a lack of government capacity: these houses were unanimous in complaining that they were kept in the dark regarding municipal plans [Regarding cost-effective houses] allocating budget, preparing designs, clearing the land from claims to rehouse them, and in the face of lengthy delays in and preparation take time. Therefore, we believe, it promised rehousing, had not been consulted or involved will be accomplished in the 3rd and 4th year. in planning. Certain groups of women, in particular, were worse off, and reported that they had not been rehoused KII with SNNPR Urban Development and Housing in the same way as their male counterparts: Bureau deputy head Single unmarried women were not given homes [for those displaced by HIP]. They were made to live
84 FGD with FHHs in poorest-of-poor housing, Kitafa.
www.iied.org 45 IN SEARCH OF SHELTER | THE CASE OF HAWASSA, ETHIOPIA
with their parents. However, divorced and widowed 1,000, then 1,200 and it now reached 2,500.” Our women were given houses in the same way as other men. survey respondents in the formal settlement reported a maximum and minimum house rent of 4,500 and 600 FGD with female-headed households, poorest-of- Ethiopian birra respectively, and an average rent price poor housing, Halafa of 1,352.78 Ethiopian birra per month. For informal settlement respondents, the maximum rent price was In terms of maintenance, although the sub-city is 800 Ethiopian birra and minimum was 150 Ethiopian responsible for repairing and ensuring that services birra, with an average rent amount of 384.22 Ethiopian functions properly, residents also reported that the birra. Moreover, there is a perception that landlords authorities are not accountable and that residents themselves may also be selective in their choice tended to band together to fix problems. of tenant: 6.3.3 Private rental market and The criteria they [renters] use are: sex [favouring males that are bachelors], childless families, fulltime unpredictability employees who can make regular payments, The private rental market is quite different. It is virtually etc. They prefer to rent rooms to people that are unregulated (except for tax requirements),85 and several brought/introduced through acquaintances. The average rent has gone up by some 25% in the last KIIs reported that tax duties are rarely enforced, with two years. landlords failing to report or underreporting rental incomes.86 Resident of an inner-city neighbourhood and history teacher In the absence of a widely developed property market, private landowners of residential and commercial In the event of confict, KIIs reported that it is usually houses may set, change and even terminate rental social arbitration or further negotiation between the agreements abruptly and arbitrarily (Berhe et al., 2017). landlord and the tenant that resolves the disputes. In contrast to the formal arrangements that generally Making a complaint via the court or the ombudsman’s govern high-value property rentals, when the rental rates office are also theoretical mechanisms for a tenant to are ‘low’ or the property is in an informal settlement, seek protection from arbitrary eviction, but our research rental agreements are often verbal, based on trust and did not verify how reliable these mechanisms are in mutual agreement. As such the landlord may take the practice. prerogative to evict, increase the rent unexpectedly Although there is no regulation governing the or restrict the tenant’s activities in the use of the owner-tenant relationship, some tenants are known rented housing unit. One religious leader interviewed to have extended their stay by six months after commented: they have been served with evacuation notice by Tenants are forced to change housing very often appealing to the courts. and keep up with the ever-rising rentals demanded by unscrupulous landlords. Another area of KII with Housing Development and Administration difficulty faced by tenants is the unreasonable Agency conditions that are placed on them, such as that they may not bring many visitors, that the toilets are 6.4 Improving off limit to visitors of tenants, etc. infrastructure development Representative for the Hawassa City Arahma, and access to basic services Dae’wa Main Mosque Overall, the periphery of the city is least well served Key informants in our research confirmed that private with infrastructure, since many of these settlements are rental prices have been increasing rapidly, forcing either relatively new or informal and thus not eligible residents — especially female-headed households — for municipal service provision in the same way as the into the less-expensive peripheral areas of the city.87 regularised settlements. In this section, we also share This presents challenges for transport and livelihoods. results from our ‘snapshot’ survey of 60 residents of Our own study in Hawassa confirms that rental prices Hawassa drawn from two different settlements. The have increased dramatically in recent years. For Philadelphia kebele is located within the Addis Ketema example, according to KIIs with brokers, the rental sub-city and is one of the oldest neighbourhoods within cost of a small studio which has reportedly increased Hawassa (see figures 4 and 5). Its name originates from by more than fourfold over the last five years: “Before a Swedish missionary service that was established in five years it was 600 ETB. Since then it became the city in the early 1960s.
85 SNNPR Urban Development and Housing Bureau deputy head. 86 SNNPR Urban Development and Housing Bureau deputy head; administrator of Misrak sub-city. 87 KII with chair of Women’s Association in Hawassa; SNNPR Investment Commission.
46 www.iied.org IIED WORKING PAPER
Figure 4. Addis Ketema sub-city and Philadelphia kebele
Source: Hawassa City Administration, Town Planning Institute, 2018
Figure 5. Hawela Tulla sub-city and Dato kebele
.000000 .000000 444000 446000 Hawela Tulla Sub_City Map
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0 62566 73033 0 0 0 74772 74901 74419 74379 10788 0 0 74822 74959 74842 74966 75072 73938 73728 73490 73533 73500 73628 72822 73205 72594 72513 10844 10854 10456 0 0 75092 74861 74869 74413 7277372705 72896 10687 10683 0 0 0 0 74766 7500862550 62554 62567 62579 73943 73951 73602 73271 10604 10615 10509 0 0 74991 73927 7365173568 73256 10480 10442 . . 62476 73092 72649 74954 75000 62587 74899 74871 74774 73865 7363973643 73082 73306 10768 10662 10586 10790 3 7484862520 73745 73157 3 0 0 0.75 1.5 3 4.5 6 0 74393 62544 73801 73526 73633 72503 75087 73996 73669 73118 83885 0 0 74381 74902 74387 74764 74418 7370873797 73994 73612 73274 73221 73312 10617 8 75054 73596 72707 8 0 0 75086 73613 10801 75002 62522 74889 74981 68169 73775 7357173557 72985 7257672869 72663 73105 83884 10485 4 4 74432 73554 73032 10577 7 74892 7481274783 62517 7354073553 1057810661 7 6 6 74852 74853 62503 74004 72808 7295673417 10802 74390 74877 73805 73852 73589 72918 72753 73114 7325273457 72549 10582 10736
7 7 74964 Miles 6255875030 62600 74912 62553 7484674428 73976 73483 73464 73573 73399 72971 73017 72669 10446 10695 10791 10787 10630 74898 62545 73898 72899 7315372998 10495 7506375033 7508975003 62573 74841 62540 7399273710 73636 7352973498 73569 73623 72876 73347 73362 73165 72827 73366 10576 10584 74757 62501 7478962495 74994 75055 75017 73541 72598 10827 10574 10682 74799 74384 74944 7386073969 73474 73603 73301 7304873065 10814 749116252862578 74830 62546 74903 74047 73516 73242 72552 75079 74448 74920 74029 73502 73657 10803 10600 10705 10508 74378 74837 75012 7505974777 62490 73287 10730 74380 74758 62598 7505762581 74767 74930 74026 72657 72801 72697 73265 83883 10494 75022 6259062563 74420 74769 72979 10673 1057510645 68123 62594 72685 72654 73036 73273 72812 10745 10810 7469872761 73259 72739 72769 73034 72840 73133 7307873202 10840 10760 6813474688 746776251974998 72746 7279372620 72641 73047 7317173325 72882 73352 10812 .000000 .000000 .000000 .000000 .000000 .000000 74718 68131 74722 68137 73285 73139 72842 73395 73012 72599 72991 10592 436000 439000 442000 445000 448000 451000 74679 73130 73016 732827336973137 72987 7314772726 72640 72875 72931 72974 10755 74707 68138 7469668118 68119 72752 72894 72907 1070710610 10752 74690 74729 72870 73318 72867 7300373322 73335 73237 7261072674 7322473022 73356 72517 72572 7263572926 7470974738 74741 68116 68145 74689 73075 72802 7308372603 10597 68141 74710 73367 7262772873 7315273112 73286 72772 72932 72906 73107 68150 7472374702 74678 74684 728147263272658 72878 73238 72564 10709 7468568139 74717 73140 7252472838 1069910794 74779 72836 7338473323 7326473251 7340073337 72993 73280 10717 10835 68147 68143 73321 72606 73007 1070010489 10468 68148 68329 68128 68136 7312073060 73197 73229 73179 7288872874 7329373345 73056 10633 74714 62538 73187 7336072901 72949 72715 10658 10443 106631077610624 68149 68341 68151 68140 73005 72671 72608 72764 72946 73010 72568 10690 68348 68318 74716 72776 7272972780 72731 73231 73329 83894 10493 6835668328 68354 68152 74686 72708 73327 7316973070 7276872713 72962 72891 10848 68387 68325 68322 68114 68113 729927296473246 7289273350 7308172694 7287773089 73236 73343 83895 10430 72889 73218 73086 72786 6840068390 68363 7471574724 72821 73303 73243 73341 72984 72625 72718 10466 68127 72651 7272773076 73398 7286072521 73106 72771 10611 1080010852 10483 10587 68359 6833468324 68353 74695 6813068135 72784 72799 72701 73145 74703 73368 7309373396 73212 73392 72689 72611 72916 72844 72927 73132 10474 68374 68360 6839968358 68115 74687 73397 73348 72623 72736 72633 72529 68146 7273373199 73394 73194 73354 73023 72787 73317 10450 10718 10666 683306832368339 68345 68351 74740 72989 72664 72965 72659 73262 72636 72747 73172 73186 73087 68376 683426839168385 73035 73227 73068 10817 73184 73126 72509 72523 10614 10823 6837068362 68333 68396 72977 73277 72528 72800 72925 72999 73225 72501 10786 68398 68384 73116 73038 7267872803 73376 72581 10731 73162 72945 73127 73057 73382 72982 10638 68326 72762 73314 73390 72829 73216 72835 10723 10724 72756 73072 73389733347324572723 72616 72934 72592 73387 72647 73284 73064 73098 10634 73302 72828 73226 72711 72665 72864 7290572960 7326973203 73244 72585 72937 72996 72507 10650 72795 72760 72973 72908 7274272704 73079 72922 72958 73257 10500 10502 72903 7280972879 72839 72832 72672 73276 73430 83887 7297072728 72890 73019 72571 73073 72553 10627 10639 72607 73254 73138 72655 72546 10757 72740 73037 73275 72929 73062 73129 72590 72911 10702 72955 72954 72818 63865 10834 73196 72717 73353 72924 73358 73117 72570 10659 7277572826 2329 73278 10670 10678 7318273101 73059 732357338672609 7270672854 72533 72547 73336 72629 72575 73191 72988 72667 73111 7280573263 72868 10813 73388 72642 7257473183 1078210720 7289873067 73342 73110 73320 73270 72858 7339373173 72915 72535 73198 10660 72813 72767 72643 73365 64199 7269373255 72732 10772 73391 72525 72843 10819 10431 72712 73372 63983 7259373248 73143 73311 63922 10836 10716 7300673020 732337258772750 73151 7254072579 10492 10656 73168 72765 6409764001 7334072679 1066410843 72952 72566 10601 10775 10822 73042 73069 10460 73217 63945 64048 72530 73351 10799 7314673385 72789 73295 72502 10655 10708 10828 10665 73201 64105 10647 73049 73324 63992 64025 6403463934 10756 73253 64070 7253773002 63855 64035 10809 10758 73309 10643 73004 6406464092 10816 63927 64102 63850 7311573018 63951 63873 63915 10754 64043 63986 63903 64063 63849 7316672957 63989 63841 63894 63948 64018 10706 7327272806 64190 64146 6384664144 73206 64137 63963 64210 10599 64094 64150 72796 63947 9023 63917 64056 64067 6384564099 10583 10771 10593 73361 64121 6402863979 64171 64039 9021 10804 10774 10767 63962 63953 10454 64037 64117 6393663869 10585 63893 64024 63839 10677 6411964075 63975 10579 10688 10753 64068 63852 63957 64084 64041 10435 64014 64133 64059 63875 64017 63966 64148 63835 63932 63859 10681 10437 10764 64012 10621 64104 64160 63878 64132 10744 63883 63864 10606 64057 64176 10498 10781 63955 63877 64165 63921 63861 64130 64088 63874 64114 63888 63930 64184 10507 64058 63863 64055 64089 64162 6412363940 64022 10433 63997 6401664082 64110 10654 64009 63899 64179 64203 6392963890 63843 63868 10762 63831 63971 6400563832 63926 64131 64045 63913 10589 10686 63836 64054 6418263906 63881 6396763991 6404264129 64174 63840 63978 64033 1084210729 6390863928 63848 6412264015 10434 64066 64085 64052 64140 10452 63862 63994 638896420464158 64006 64081 63950 1047910684 64169 63884 63876 63956 64207 63919 64193 64189 63858 64079 63954 63918 10488 64032 63961 64192 63897 64047 6402963844 83893 64143 63933 64095 64004 64090 63984 63972 64072 63943 64202 63982 64195 6417264175 11108 64062 64101 83891 11156 111 64113 64069 63964 11 110 64061 63973 64071 64049 11087 62 641006399563923 6397764206 64011 64138 64208 63842 64077 64205 64106 63987 63993 6398563885 63949 63860 63935 11153 64154 64191 64093 6402664125 6393763892 63856 6410963942 63815 64194 64098 64091 6419764201 6382063817 1095310863 63907 64050 638106382363818 10548 64136 63970 63891 64181 63819 11021 63812 10983 6403064019 64010 6403164139 11022 63814 10894 10980 10902 63826 64196 10973 63822 10525 10896 11012 64198 10904 1088911028 638386383364007 10990 6420964078 6411264053 10858 11115 63909 11116 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 6412664020 0 . . 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 8 8 7 7
Adindan UTM Zone 37N 0 0.1 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 Miles
.000000 .000000 444000 446000 É Legend Dato Odahe Kebele Base Map DTO_EMA Prepared By: Dato_Odahe_Kebele _Buildings Urban Plan Preparation And Implementation Monitoring Work Process Dato_Odahe_Kebele Of Hawassa City Adminstration Municipality DTO_Road
Source: Hawassa City Administration, Town Planning Institute, 2018
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The Dato neighbourhood, a fast-growing informal settlement, was selected as a contrasting case-study 6.5 Case study: site. It is located within the Hawela Tulla sub-city at the infrastructure provision periphery of the city and alongside Hawassa’s rural in Philadelphia and Dato kebeles that are not within the plan boundary. It is one of the fastest-growing informal settlement sites hosting settlements the city’s low-income population, including a number of Table 4 compares infrastructure provision in two HIP workers. settlements in Hawassa, where 60 residents were interviewed as part of our housing survey. Residents While the sample is small, non-randomised and non- were asked about a range of issues including rental representative, it provides some indicative pointers as to costs, services, shelter size and other shelter details. differences in these two types of settlement.
Table 4. Comparing infrastructure provision in in Philadelphia and Dato settlements
PHILADELPHIA DATO • Variable electrical supply, with disruptions • Frequent power outages, hazardous installation reported up to 2–3 times daily. Cost not of wiring. reported as a specific issue. • Most residents are sharing electricity with • Disruptions to electricity supply hamper use of neighbours and paying higher than tariff fees for home appliances. this electricity. • Some residents have opted for private electricity • Some residents have no access to electricity. Electricity connections, which offer more reliable supply. • Limited community organising, e.g. petitioning local authorities to provide electrical supply, which was not responded to. • Most residents have water from private taps. • Some have access to water through pipes laid • Many respondents did not feel cost of water was down previously, but many have to pay for water high, but that quality of water can be variable or from private sellers/kiosks or a communal pump. dirty. • Water supply was reported to be reliable where • Disproportionate impact on women as a result of pipes had been installed before settlement, but unsafe communal toilet facilities. limited access and irregular supply if depending • Poor design in condominium construction has on communal tap. led to ineffective disposal of liquid waste and • More respondents felt the price of water was not problems with water supply on upper foors. affordable, compared to those who did. • Respondents noted benefit of cleaners and • Acute sanitation issues particularly with lack
Water & SanitationWater street sweepers employed and provided by of communal facilities, and lack of rubbish- municipality. collection services. • Community has established an association to • Residents are paying extra for rubbish collection tackle waste and clean up the area. or sanitation due to lack of municipal services
• Acute transport shortage. Buses and minibuses • Acute transport shortage. Many residents use are overcrowded and infrequent. Bajaj and taxis motorbikes, while many others walk as transport are increasingly costly. is unaffordable. • Kebele has made improvements to road safety. • At night, taxis increase their prices by over double — which has posed a hazard to women Transport Transport as they then have to walk through the city after dark. • There are many safety concerns after dark and a • Most residents do not feel safe, noting lack of lack of lighting. street lighting and extensive theft and robbery. • Night patrols organised by residents have • Lack of lighting reported as a particular concern Safety helped promote safety, particularly for women. for women travelling after dark.
Notes: Icons by Susannanova, Luis Prado, Thomas Helbig and Barzin from the Noun Project, Creative Commons.
48 www.iied.org IIED WORKING PAPER
Key findings: Hawassa currently has no sewerage system (Scott et al., 2016:13). Vacuum trucks under the responsibility • Unequal costs: Residents of informal settlements of the Water Supply and Sewerage Enterprise empty in Hawassa are often paying more for basic services septic tanks and latrine pits, and waste is processed at than residents of formal settlements, who have access a treatment plant outside of the city. Scott et al. (2016: to utilities and services provided by the municipality. 14) provides a broad profile of sanitation cross the city: This places an additional financial burden on low- income residents that could prevent them from • In the well-defined housing and industrial areas, investing in other assets such as shelter. buildings are served by mostly septic tanks and soakaways. Septic tanks are emptied periodically • City-wide issues: A number of issues, such as safety using vacuum trucks. concerns, a shortage of public transport, and regular disruptions to water and electricity supplies were • In the old kebeles, most of the houses are served found to be common to both settlements. These are by pit latrines. In some cases there are several more likely to be city-wide issues. households sharing one latrine. Some of these pits are emptied regularly, but in other cases pits are • Disproportionate impact on women as a result of abandoned and new pits constructed. inadequate infrastructure: The impact on women of the absence of key services can be seen with regards • In the newly developing informal low-income to unsafe communal toilet facilities, lack of adequate communities in the peri-urban areas, there are a public transport making it unsafe or costly for women range of latrine types used, but with a number of to travel at night, and a lack of adequate street lighting. households having no toilets at all. This has led to some level of open defecation. • Community organising has been limited in both settlements and focused around specific Government data suggests 98.3% of the (formal) issues, although in Philadelphia the community has housing units in Hawassa have access to power established a community night patrol which has (MUDHCo and ECSU, 2015). Respondents from the improved safety for women. poorest of the poor housing fagged that electrical power was extremely problematic, with one extended The city’s water source comes mainly from deep line serving over 20 residents.90 In our small survey, boreholes outside of the city through a piped municipal roughly half of respondents were connected directly network. Available data for Hawassa city “indicates to the national grid (virtually all in formal settlements), that improved water supply access in 2014 was and the other half (almost all in informal settlements) 85%”88 (Scott et al., 2016). The same study included accessed electricity through an extension cable from a household survey which identified that 97% of nearby (formal) houses in the neighbourhood which households throughout the city have access to an have grid supply, often at a cost higher than the tariff improved water point89 (Scott et al., 2016). However, fee. The average monthly spend on electricity was 151 in the city, the access to ‘safe’ water supply at “66 % Ethiopian birra per month (176 Ethiopian birra in formal of consumption is low, even by sub-Saharan African settlements; 105 Ethiopian birra in informal settlements); standards” (World Bank, 2015: 26). With the existing on average, 45% of respondents consider this to be rapid expansion of informal settlements, this figure unaffordable (60% of informal residents, versus 36% of is liable to increase over time. In our survey, around formal residents). one quarter of people were accessing water from a communal tap, half from a private tap (mostly residents There is also a need for more affordable and reliable from formal settlements), and the rest (virtually all from public transport in Hawassa. According to UN-Habitat informal settlements) from kiosks and other retailers. (2019), Hawassa’s vehicle-to-population ratio is 6% with 20,916 registered vehicles, with motorcycles In terms of costs, subsidised water tariffs have been in constituting the largest share (48%) followed by three- place for low-income groups (accessing water through wheeled motorcycles called ‘bajaj’ (12%). piped networks), but there is a recognition among city officials that covering costs will become increasingly Based on our survey, the main modes of transport are critical, and that water shortages are a fundamental three-wheeled bajajs, taking the lead with 54.8% of problem requiring a more holistic solution. When asked usage in formal settlements. Horse-drawn carts are the about affordability of water prices, 63% of those we lowest of all with 3.4% use among informal households. surveyed in informal settlements felt it was unaffordable, Residents also use minibuses/buses, bicycles and compared to 25% in formal settlements. walking to move around the city. Households in formal
88 Socioeconomic and geospatial data analysis and dissemination, 2014 (2006 Ethiopian calendar), referenced in Scott et al. (2016). 89 Categories of improved water supply in the survey include: piped into dwelling (10%), piped to yard/plot (77%), public tap (8 per cent), semi-protected dug well (1%) and bought from a neighbour (1%). 90 FGD with FHHs, poorest-of-poor housing, Hitafa.
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settlements spend up to 750 Ethiopian birra on minibus price out poor and vulnerable groups who cannot afford and bajaj fares, and incur an average transport cost of to ‘contract’ taxis or pay higher fares at night. During a 246.77 Ethiopian birra per month, whereas the average focus group with female industrial park workers, they cost is 500 Ethiopian birra (minimum 176 Ethiopian highlighted how they are required to walk, as being late birra) for informal settlement areas. The maximum to work by using unreliable bus services could see their amount of time needed to commute to and from work for salary cut, which they cannot risk: residents of formal settlements during peak time is two We are paid 1,205 ETB — out of this, it [the bus hours, whereas for residents of informal settlement it is service] requires 200 ETB. They said, ‘If your three hours. income is limited to 600 we can give you service.’ As described in Section 6.2, transport shortages, Look when it rains, we are hit by rain to go to work particularly in peripheral areas, have significant on time. If we are absent, the cut 150 ETB from our salary. Therefore, we go on foot. implications for women’s safety. Findings in both Philadelphia and Dato outlined above also illustrate how FGD with female HIP employees the high cost of transport, or infrequency of service, can
50 www.iied.org IIED WORKING PAPER 7 Conclusions
State housing schemes have made a limited affirmative action measures to prioritise women’s access contribution to deliver housing solutions at scale to shelter, gender norms and roles continue to prevent in Hawassa. Although different Ethiopian government equal property rights for divorced, separated and housing schemes (including the IHDP condominiums, widowed women — who are also the most economically cooperative housing and the Sidama Microfinance vulnerable. Institution scheme) have contributed to the existing Recent reforms offer a major opportunity to housing stock to some degree, none have generated involve communities and CSOs in oversight and sufficient or affordable housing at scale. Demand accountability mechanisms that could generate outstrips supply by a huge differential — exacerbated innovative and effective solutions, as well as by the arrival of thousands of HIP workers since 2017. contribute to potential resource mobilisation. Moreover, although existing schemes were intended to Formalised structures for engagement are more likely provide housing for low-income people, they are largely to have traction than ad hoc arrangements and give beyond the reach even of middle-income groups. scope to ensure that marginalised and hard-to-reach Residents of government-supported housing groups are involved — leaving no one behind. However, schemes frequently complain of poor infrastructure Ethiopian CSO capacity has been severely weakened and a lack of accountability with regards to service over the last ten years and will require significant provision. This is linked to the approach of installing support over a period of time in order to provide an buildings or improving infrastructure which is rarely effective accountability function. Other cities’ and given adequate oversight by municipal authorities, and countries’ experiences regarding engagement and co- thus left to homeowners to find their own solutions. production models could provide useful learning. Residents organise only around very specific and urgent Scarcity of land for building in a highly centralised common needs rather than an organising themselves at system is leading to unaffordable plot prices. a neighbourhood level to stand for common and longer- Processes to service and prepare land for lease within term interests — such as for advocacy or oversight the municipal boundaries are lengthy, sensitive and regarding affordable housing, sustainable utilities, expensive, forcing people to look for options outside the security and waste-management policy. formal land allocation system — perpetuating informal Female-headed households, divorced, separated settlements and informal deals which then become and widowed women, elderly women and women potential grounds for land-related confict. Inadequate with disabilities all face severe/acute shelter compensation is creating perverse incentives for farmers vulnerabilities and are among the most vulnerable to transfer leases privately, and sometimes informally.91 urban residents in Hawassa. These are the groups who Government technical and financial capacity are most likely to struggle to access both formal and constraints are compounded by a lack of informal shelter, related both to their below-average accountability. On the one hand, a lack of staff, limited income levels but also to other forms of bias and understanding of/access to new technology and lack discrimination which may work against them. Despite of financial resources is resulting in an inability to a range of legal and policy stipulations that provide for implement existing policy. Beyond this, however, a lack
91 Note that after our data collection was finished, a revised proclamation was drafted in 2019 in order to repeal the Expropriation of Landholdings for Public Purposes and Payment of Compensation Proclamation No. 455/2005 (FDRE, 2005a) in order to enable compensation rates for farmers in a much-improved way. The revised proclamation is awaiting ratification.
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of accountability is evident in the patchy implementation which are on average poorer than other types of of the law governing eviction of informal settlements, household, are most likely to seek affordable shelter citizens’ inability to demand better shelter and services, in remote areas. However, our study suggested that in and allegations of corruption within the public sector. these areas women and children are more vulnerable to sexual violence, related to the congested proximity of Mortgage finance for low- and middle-income housing arrangements, the long distances that people groups is highly constrained. There are no options for need to commute, and the transport constraints in individuals (or indeed, associations of such individuals) the evenings. to access finance for leasing land for constructing houses, beyond small-scale traditional rotation savings Despite clear legislation92 concerning the eligibility groups (iquub), social networks such as diaspora, or of (pre-2011) informal settlements and shelters for the very specific microfinance option for housing such regularisation, implementation of the policy has as in the case for HIP workers. This financing vacuum been only partial. In Hawassa, as in other cities, not undermines the ability of urban residents to construct all settlements that were eligible for regularisation by new housing, putting additional pressure on state- 2015 have in fact benefitted from this process, while financed schemes. other ineligible settlements have not been evicted. As a result, in 2016 the Ministry of Urban Development, Finances for procuring and servicing land for Housing and Construction proposed extending the leasing, building new housing stock and maintaining period of transfer to enable cities to complete the lease municipal housing are inadequate. In line with recent transfer process (MUDHCo, 2016). Until alternative legislation, the Hawassa authorities are now exploring affordable solutions are available, there is obviously alternative approaches to finance including PPPs. a question as to how appropriate and effective any Political leadership, again, will be important to iron out clampdown might be (as well as the possibility that potential wrinkles in terms of incentivising international doing this might aggravate the risk of confict). Some investors to see this as an opportunity while working instances of evictions have led to confict, and there towards resolving issues around the liberalisation of is very limited strategic community organisation and the finance sector and ensuring inclusivity (that looks dialogue with authorities. As a result, such cases carefully at affordability for low-income groups ― an area have not been resolved in a way to impact policy where previous schemes have failed). This includes sustainably. Our research revealed widespread feelings improving standards in housing allocated to the of disempowerment and grievance amongst resettled extremely poor. residents who were eligible for compensation, but With very few options to access credit, renting or whose livelihoods, social networks and access to constructing houses in informal settlements is the services were hugely disrupted through relocation, only affordable option facing many people. Our without adequate dialogue or compensatory measures. research suggests that female-headed households,
92 Proclamation 721/2011 (FDRE, 2011).
52 www.iied.org IIED WORKING PAPER 8 Recommendations
Based on the research and conclusions presented à Invest in a robust urban data-collection and above, the following recommendations should be management process, focusing on housing and considered. basic services, that permits for a detailed analysis of market segmentation that can assist in prioritising 8.1 Recommendations for resource allocation for shelter. the Ethiopian government • The city administration should actively support the formation of housing cooperatives to increase • Review and update the national housing policy, in the supply of affordable housing. This policy particular: must be combined with additional incentives, à Take advantage of the recent political and legal including servicing and availing land at subsidised reforms in Ethiopia to develop more collaborative or concessional rates, and providing subsidised cross-societal approaches to shelter production. infrastructure and services such as water and Develop and formalise participatory and inclusive electricity to help alleviate costs for housing mechanisms whereby citizens can get involved cooperatives. in designing affordable solutions, and in holding • The Hawassa city administration should work with government to account on delivering its housing neighbouring local government jurisdictions and policies (and commitments). Learn from other farmers to acquire land for housing construction as countries’ experiences about effective and part of an integrated development plan. Relatedly, successful approaches to co-production. an efficient transport system in and out of the city is à Provide for better regulation and oversight of the critical to the success of this. rental sector (defining the roles, responsibilities • Recognising that political consensus is essential and rights of both the lessor and the lessee), to to solving land scarcity issues, federal government reduce abrupt and arbitrary rental termination or rent should provide political leadership that supports hikes. However, safeguards must be put in place by regional and local authorities as well as key anticipating the possibility of steep rises in rental stakeholders in the private sector and civil society prices given the fact that a significant proportion to develop viable proposals regarding land that of housing stock in Hawassa is informal. Prioritise can be used for residential development that can resources to maintain public-sector rental housing. accommodate Hawassa’s residents and migrant à Implement commitments to providing decent workers. housing for extremely poor and relocated • Ensure that solutions are inclusive, responding to the households. Develop proper information channels needs of vulnerable households and individuals such to ensure that households are consulted on and as migrant HIP workers, female-headed households, informed about processes and decisions. These women and children facing risks of sexual violence houses must conform to some minimum standards in informal settlements, extremely poor households, which should be clearly specified and monitored. resettled households and people with disabilities. It is important that inclusion goes beyond design to include implementation, which requires close monitoring and beneficiary feedback loops.
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• Recognise and address negative public perceptions • The government also needs to monitor the impact of of municipal approaches and challenges (including recent legislation increasing compensation rates for allegations of corruption, bias/discrimination, farmers to ascertain how this is affecting the wider negligence etc). Work with civil society to ensure land market and whether it has successfully increased better reporting and oversight, foster a culture of availability or exacerbated access problems for low- openness and constructive criticism (including a income households. ‘hotline’ for reporting allegations of corruption). • Revise local government taxes and rates to raise more Strengthening the power of the ombudsman with resources for affordable housing and providing quality regards to both its engagement with Hawassa public services. city and SNNPR regional bodies, and complaint- handling mechanisms, could help with ensuring that • Hawassa city government should provide more government is more accountable. serviced land for housing at affordable lease prices. This might entail an additional mechanism that permits • Women have so far lacked formal channels through allocation of land to low-income households, outside which to engage in political and housing policy of the competitive bidding system which is beyond the processes; designated roles and spaces must be reach of these households. created for their organised input. • Reintroduce the specialised mortgage bank that can • Mobilise relevant bureaux and sub-city offices to offer loans at reasonable rates to public and pro-poor explore multi-sector options for preventing violence housing schemes. against women and girls, including data collection, provision of safe transport, improvements in water and sanitation facilities, and consideration of reliable 8.2 Recommendations day care facilities for children whose parents work for the international away from home. Other relevant stakeholders such community and donors as UN-Women and CSOs should be consulted and coordinated with. • Mobilise financial resources, technical assistance and political support to get behind efforts of stakeholders • To ease the acute demand for housing, the municipal in the Ethiopian government to solve this complex government should carefully consider regularisation of challenge. Beyond UN-Habitat’s technical assistance, eligible informal settlements according to the existing consider financing ‘surge’ capacity support to the legal framework. To mitigate the risk of gentrification, different authorities involved in shelter (land allocation, this should ideally be done at scale, using alternative construction, service delivery etc), alongside standards, with community involvement/ownership, financial and political tracks, in consultation with and with consideration for collective land-ownership city authorities. Capacity support that enables the options. city government to write credible proposals/housing • Ensure any evictions of informal settlement residents strategies to leverage financial support from donors are managed with maximum due diligence and would be a priority. consultation. The municipality should also engage • Donors, working with the government, should with residents of informal settlements and formulate identify viable options for opening up residents’ policies for the sustainable provision of shelter. access to finance through a low-interest lending If involuntary resettlement is unavoidable, best bank. Microfinance products for housing could practice can be drawn from the IFC’s performance be developed based on existing models such standards on environmental and social sustainability, as the Community-Led Infrastructure Finance specifically Performance Standard 5, to safeguard Facility (CLIFF). Provision of financial support for vulnerable residents of informal settlements. For cooperatives will be key to unlocking this particular eligible settlements, this must ensure the provision model which has foundered due to financial gaps. of alternative secure shelter for informal communities and avoid confict. Improved involuntary resettlement • Donors/banks should also raise awareness about processes could include reviewing alternative potential sources of finance that can be accessed. sites for relocation, ensuring community dialogue to identify core needs and inform relocation plans, development of grievance mechanisms, and creation of resettlement action plans and livelihood restoration plans.
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only those taking place within the workplace) and to 8.3 Recommendations for access confidential referral services (medical and civil society non-medical). They should also seek advice from relevant GBV experts as to how they can contribute • Organise, mobilise and advocate around issues of (individually and collectively) to preventing GBV by shelter affecting low-income groups, and especially better understanding the scale and types of risks. efforts to address the acute challenges facing women and others facing particular risks. Learn from the work of Shack/Slum Dwellers International (SDI) in 8.5 Recommendations for East Africa about effective approaches to advocacy, all stakeholders such as informal settlement surveys. The formation • Persist in efforts to mobilise finance through PPPs of community groups or farmers’ associations can that will enable Hawassa’s city government and the benefit stakeholders too, giving them a stronger voice IPDC to build, maintain and expand the housing in these decisions. stock. Incentives must be in place for private investors • Strong political leadership from different levels of (including removal of bureaucratic impediments government and from Ethiopia’s diverse ethnic groups to investment), on the condition that a minimum will also be required for sustainable and inclusive percentage of housing is explicitly offered to low- governance: civil society can play a role in this income households through a subsidised scheme. process too, ensuring inclusivity and representation of Ensure emerging PPP discussions include voice and diverse voices. representation of residents. Where the PPP model relates to HIP worker housing schemes, workers 8.4 Recommendations for should be represented in those discussions. the private sector • Pilot donor-supported models for subsidised/low- interest credit that can be accessed by low- and • Companies operating in the HIP should provide middle-income households. MFI loans for low- holistic support for the welfare of their staff, including cost housing for the poor and vulnerable must be minimising their exposure to violence on the journey subsidised by regional and federal governments. to and from work. It is in these companies’ interest Drawing on experience from other countries, these to improve shelter for workers, to boost worker pilots could include the development of housing retention and the park’s success. This includes microfinance (HMF) as a specific product offered by ensuring that staff are able to report incidents (not microfinance institutions.93
93 It is estimated that between 15–40 per cent of microfinance loans are redirected to housing. HMF is also well suited to an incremental housing development approach that would be better suited to low-income groups. See Bah et al. (2018).
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www.iied.org 59 The city of Hawassa is growing fast, driven by the recent construction of a flagship industrial park which is expected to attract up to 60,000 workers by 2021. As the population expands, Hawassa’s shelter needs are becoming ever more acute: existing housing stock and government housing programmes and policies do not match demand. While informal settlements expand to absorb increasing demand from migrant workers and others, sustainable housing solutions are urgently needed for the city’s hundreds of thousands of residents. This working paper presents findings of recent research into the shelter challenges faced by low-income and vulnerable groups in Hawassa and provides policy recommendations for relevant stakeholders across government, local communities, business and the donor community.
IIED is a policy and action research organisation. We promote sustainable development to improve livelihoods and protect the environments on which these livelihoods are built. We specialise in linking local priorities to global challenges. IIED is based in London and works in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Middle East and the Pacific, with some of the world’s most vulnerable people. We work with them to strengthen their voice in the decision-making arenas that affect them — from village councils to international conventions.
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