Transforming Life in China: Gendered Experiences of Restaurant Workers in Shanghai

The London School of Economics and Political Science Transforming Life in China: Gendered Experiences of Restaurant Workers in Shanghai Yang Shen A thesis submitted to the Gender Institute of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London June 2015 1" " 1 of 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <85331> words. I can confirm that my thesis was proofread for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Hilary Wright. 2" " Abstract Internal migration has played a major role in the transformation of post-reform China. To explore how migrants have experienced change I consider three aspects of the lives of a particular group of migrants working in a restaurant in Shanghai: work experiences, intimate relationships with partners and families, and leisure time. I aim to highlight both men and women’s experiences in order to analyse the significance of gender alongside social class and hukou status as markers of social division in China. Based on more than seven months of participant observation and interviews, mainly with migrant workers, between 2011 and 2014, my thesis aims to illuminate how this shift in location has affected their lives: how gender operated in their daily lives; how their experiences were gendered; and how agency was exercised, how subjectivity was expressed. In examining these different dimensions I consider how these migrants dealt with a range of tensions and hierarchies, such as the denigration they encountered from customers; the inconsistency between job hierarchy and gender hierarchy; how they reinterpreted filial piety; and how their income and time-constrained leisure formed part of their coping strategies in gender-differentiated ways. Primary findings are that these migrant workers experienced change in complex and contradictory ways. Some male workers in the lowest-level jobs, whose work primarily depended on physical labour, were disadvantaged in this gendered, feminised and hierarchical workplace. Their financial disadvantage made it difficult for them to find wives and to conform to the image of primary breadwinner post-marriage. However, men despite their disadvantaged position in the work place and in partner finding still exercised their male privilege in everyday gender relations and likewise the women still experienced sexual harassment. In comparison, the female migrant workers benefited in some ways by moving away from the tedium of rural lives and by becoming financially independent wage labour, but at the same time they still performed their filial obligation of financially supporting their natal families. These workers negotiated their changed circumstances in gendered ways. I argue that their subjectivities were influenced by a range of factors, including consumer culture and the patriarchal system, which was mediated through filial piety. 3" " Acknowledgements The process of doing a PhD for me is one of constant self-exploration. It is an interactive process that has reshaped my intellectual orientation and made me adapt my lifestyle choices. It is a project that transcends the thesis-writing itself and may foster some life-long transformations. Acknowledgements are usually the first words the reader sees but the last words the author writes. I would like to end this beginning by expressing my gratitude. My gratitude for my parents Jinfu Shen and Jinying Li is beyond words. My adventure began when I was 21, when I backpacked to Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam. At that time, this was extraordinary behaviour among people my age from mainland China. My parents showed great respect by concealing their concerns about my expedition. Gradually, my voyage became cross-continental, and each trip took longer than the last. ‘Being extraordinary’ can mean ‘taking risks, coping with anxiety and uncertainties’. The unfailing emotional and financial support from my parents helped me deal with hardship and uncertainty. It may be disappointing to my father that I have not inherited his interest in finance. Instead, I chose a road less financially abundant. But I believe that their primary expectation for me is to see me living an intellectually fulfilling life by pursuing the career I am drawn to. I have been trying hard to walk this rocky but rewarding road towards an academic career. I am greatly indebted to my supervisor, Professor Diane Perrons. I cannot imagine how she could have unceasing support and patience to me as a demanding student. She provided invaluable critical feedback at every stage of the thesis writing. Her comments, while sometimes challenging, always helped me improve my work. I am grateful to my previous advisor, Associate Professor Bingqin Li. She was always willing to share her expertise with me. I would not have been able to explore social policy studies without her encouragement. Her sense of humour and attitude to life offered me an outstanding role model, enabling me to see how energetic and entertaining a female Chinese academic can be. I am much indebted to Dr Ania Polemia, Professor Charles Stafford, Dr Hans Steinmüller, Dr Bo Hu and Dr Yingqin Zheng for reading my thesis draft at various stages. In addition, my gratitude goes to Dr Kalpana Wilson, Dr Marsha Henry and Dr Paul Bouanchaud for reading chapters of the thesis. Also, I owe debts to my PhD 4" " cohorts Dr Amanda Conroy, Dr Alessandro Ribu, Dr Nicole Shephard and others for reading my chapters in the PhD workshops. All of them provided invaluable comments. And thanks to Hilary Wright for proofreading the thesis. I feel blessed to have some great friends in London who walk with me through the intellectual journey, especially Dr Bo Hu, Dr Yingqin Zheng, Tatiana Olarte, Dr Wei Yang, Hang Zhang and doctors-to-be Lin Jiao, Xi Ji, Linda Peterson, Miha Fugina, Lu Jiang, Ke Lin, Jin Jin and Albert Pai. I truly appreciate your support and encouragement. My PhD research was primarily funded by the China Scholarship Council, the Great Britain-China Educational Trust and the London School of Economics. I really appreciate their generosity. Lastly, special thanks to all the fieldwork informants who shared their bittersweet stories with me. Our encounters have enriched my life. I hope that I have presented a responsible and faithful account of their lives and it is my humble hope that this work will help provide an impetus for social change, to create a better society for all. It should be noted that part (less than 10%) of my thesis was published in the peer- reviewed journal Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies under the title ‘Why does the government fail to improve the living conditions of migrant workers in Shanghai? Reflections on the policies and the implementations of public rental housing under neoliberalism.’ 5" " Table of Contents Preface ............................................................................................................................ 11 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 14 The elaboration of research questions ......................................................................... 18 Aims of the thesis ........................................................................................................ 19 Outline of the thesis ..................................................................................................... 20 Chapter 1: Contextualising migrant workers in the catering sector in Shanghai .. 25 1.0 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 25 1.1 Social transformation and its relation to migration ............................................... 26 1.1.1 Economic transformation and its consequences ............................................. 26 1.1.2 The reform of hukou and social welfare system ............................................. 29 1.1.3 The drivers of migration ................................................................................. 30 1.2 The making of the new class and the problematisation of rural workers .............. 32 1.2.1 Migrant workers as the new working class ..................................................... 32 1.2.2 The problematisation of migrant workers ....................................................... 35 1.3 Gender relations and gendered migration .............................................................. 36 1.3.1 Changing gender relations over time .............................................................. 37 1.3.2 Perplexing situation of women and men with rural hukou ............................. 42 1.3.3 A critique of the literature on gendered migration ......................................... 44 1.4 Marketisation of the catering industry ................................................................... 45 1.4.1 The catering sector in China and in

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