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The Irish Language, the English Army, and the Violence of Translation in Brian Friel's Translations

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Colby Quarterly Volume 28 Issue 3 September Article 7 September 1992 Words Between Worlds: The Irish Language, the English Army, and the Violence of Translation in Brian Friel's Translations Collin Meissner Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.colby.edu/cq Recommended Citation Colby Quarterly, Volume 28, no.3, September 1992, p.164-174 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Colby. It has been accepted for inclusion in Colby Quarterly by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Colby. Meissner: Words Between Worlds: The Irish Language, the English Army, and t Words Between Worlds: The Irish Language, the English Army, and the Violence of Translation in Brian Friel's Translations 1 by COLLIN MEISSNER Ifpoetry were to be extinguished, my people, Ifwe were without history and ancient lays Forever. Everyone will pass unheralded. Giolla Brighde Mac Con Mighde2 Sirrah, your Tongue betrays your Guilt. You are an Irishman, and that is always sufficient Evidence with me. Justice Jonathan Thrasher, Fielding's Amelia3 etus begin by acknowledging that language is often employed as a political, L military, and economic resource in cultural, particularly colonial, encoun­ ters. Call it a weapon. Henry VIII's 1536 Act of Union decree is as good an example as any: "Be it enacted by auctoritie aforesaid that all Justices Commis­ sioners Shireves Coroners Eschetours Stewardes and their Lieuten'ntes, and all other Officers and Ministers ofthe Lawe, shall pclayme and kepe the Sessions Courtes ... and all other Courtes, in the Englisshe Tongue and all others of Officers Juries and Enquetes and all other affidavithes v~rdictes and wagers of 1. I'dliketo marka generaldebtto Henri Mitterand's "ColonialDiscourseinthe!ourneyto theEndoftheNight." Much ofmy understanding ofthe powerrelationship expressed in the colonial encounterin Translations is a result of my reading of Mitterand's study of C6line's novel. 2. The quotation is from a translation by Seamus 0 'Neillin"GaelicLiterature"inDictionary ofIrish Literature, ed. Robert Hogan (Dublin, 1980), pp. 18-64. I take it as quoted in Seamus Deane's A Short History ofIrish Literature, p. 14. 3. Henry Fielding, Amelia, p. 23. Thecircumstances surrounding Justice Thrasher'spronouncementare ofsome interest to my argument. Fielding's sympathy for the poverty-stricken Irish in London was well known in light of the general anti-Irish hostilities which were the norm. As magistrate he often found before him cases which called more for compassion than punishment, especially since the charges were often the product ofanti-Irish sentiment rather than any real wrongdoing. Justice Thrasher is a type whose "Imperfections in his magistratical Capacity" include having "never read one Syllable of the Matter" of the law contained in the "great Variety of Books; the Statutes which relate to the Office of a Justice ofPeace" (21). As Fielding notes, Thrasher's ignorance was made particularly dangerous when coupled with his greed. Thus, when an Irishman, as beaten and "bloody a Spectre as ever Imagination of a Murderer or a Tragic Poet conceived," appears before Thrasher charged with "a Battery by a much stouter Man than himself' who has not a mark upon him, Thrasher rules accordingly. The Irishman's defense proves his guilt: "Uponmy ShoulI dolove the King very well, andI have notbeen afterbreaking any Thing of his that I do know; but upon my Shoul this man hath brake my Head, and my Head did brake his Stick; that is all, Gra" (22). Thrasher's ruling follows. 164 Published by Digital Commons @ Colby, 1992 1 Colby Quarterly, Vol. 28, Iss. 3 [1992], Art. 7 COLLIN MEISSNER 165 Lawe to be geven and don in the Englisshe Tongue."4 The repressive and controlling impetus ofthis decree was already in place in Ireland by the middle of the fourteenth century, notably the 1366 Statutes of Kilkenny which "ordained and established that every Englishman use the English Language" and follow English customs or risk forfeiture of land and property.5 That said, let me tell you a brief but germane story. In Ireland, Louth andArmagh to be specific, the year 1814, a magistrate proudly professedhimself "'totally ignorant ofthe Irish language' and showed no disposition to learn it," but judged cases brought before him nevertheless.6 An interpreter filled in the testimonial gaps. Unfortunate history? Tommy Quigley comes to trial on a murder charge. "Nobody can understand a word Quigley says. The defense counsel has tried unobtrusively to translate, repeating all the answers to his questions. He manages it without sounding too patronizing, but the judge is impatient and keeps rolling his eyes in despair and asking the witness to slow down. It doesn't do a bit of good. The words come out just the same, only now with gaps in between. 'He-kim-tilla-hahs-baht-nahr-Iehter,' repeats Tommy painstakingly. Butaftera halfaday ofthis, muchofthe court seems to have given up even trying to make sense ofit."7 The place, Ireland, Belfast to be specific, the year, 1986. Unfortunate history? Cromwell's curse?8 However you call it, between England and Ireland language has been a most powerful colonizing weapon. Call Tommy Quigley a victim. The Irish language questionhas beenat the centerofthe Irish/English conflict from the start. In the English version, spoken Irish was associated with "drunk­ enness, idleness and improvidence, as a force inimical to the prosperity of the country."9 Notsurprisingly, some ofthe mostdamning vilifications ofIrishcame from the reluctantIrishmanJonathan Swiftwho once announced"Iamdeceived, ifany thing has more contributed to prevent the Irish from being tamed, than this encouragement oftheir language, which might be easily abolished and become 4. SeeThe ActofUnion ofEnglandandWales, 1536,27Henry VIII, ch. 26, clauseXVIII, quoted inR. D. Grillo's DominantLanguages: Language andHierarchy in Britain andFrance, p. 84. G. A. Hayes-McCoy in "The Royal Supremacy and Ecclesiastical Revolution, 1534-47" notes how English parliament found the "diversity of language, dress, and manners caused the population ofthe island to appear" a motley mob. Hayes-McCoy goes on to quote The statutes at large passed in the parliament held in Ireland (1301-1761,8 vols., Dublin, 1765; 1310­ 1800, 20 vols., Dublin, 1786-1801), 28 Hen. VIII, c. 15 (1[1765], 119-27), which ruled against linguistic and cultural diversity because it made the island appear '"as it were ofsundry sorts, or rather sundry countries, where indeed they be wholly together one body', and required both the Gaelic Irish and Old English to speak English and wearc10thing ofthe English fashion," ANewHistory o/Ireland, Vol. III (Early Modern Ireland, 1534-1691),51. 5. Statutes ofKilkenny,c1auses 2 and 3, quotedinJ. A. Watt, "The Anglo-Irish Colony Under Strain, 1327-99," A New History ofIreland, Vol. II (Medieval Ireland, 1169-1534) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987),388. 6. See Gerard O'Brian, "The Strange Death of the Irish Language, 1780-1800" in Parliament, Politics and People: Essays in Eighteenth-Century Irish History, p. 169. 7. See Sally Belfrage, The Crack: A Belfast Year, p. 139. 8. O'Brian notes that it was "the Cromwellians, even more than the Elizabethans, who realised the incomplete­ ness of any conquest that failed to take account of day-to-day verbal communication," HStrange Death," p. 154. 9. O'Brian, "Strange Death," p. 163. Seamus Deane notes the more organized and systematic emergence ofthis hostile anddemeaningattitudefollowed the Reformationandthe influx ofthe NewEnglish, "settlers whosereligion was Protestant and whose aim was dominance over the whole country." "The New English," Deane explains, "put forward proposals for a complete military subjugation ofthe country as a necessary precondition ofits conversion to the reformed faith" (17). Deane continues and shows how Edmund Spenser's eighteen years ofservice for the English Crown in Ireland produced his A View ofthe Present State ofIreland (1596) "in which he defended the severity ofthe measures taken in Munsteragainst the native population and advocated the complete extirpation of the Irish kinship and legal systems as a prelude to the civilizing of the degenerate and barbarous Irish" (17). https://digitalcommons.colby.edu/cq/vol28/iss3/7 2 Meissner: Words Between Worlds: The Irish Language, the English Army, and t 166 COLBY QUARTERLY a dead one in half an age, with little expense, and less trouble."l0 Given Swift's long-standing attitude to his native country one can't pass his judgments off as justanother modest proposal. Swift's interest in Ireland was not that ofa patriot, but of one intent on making the best of his bad luck at having been born there rather than in England. As J. C. Beckett has noted, Swift's "assertion of Irish rights was based less on patriotism than pride. He could not bear the thought of being treated as an inferior: ifhe was condemned to live in Ireland, then he must make it clear to the world that Ireland was the equal of England."ll In Swift's mind, changing the language was one sure way to parity. ButSwift seems to have conflated parity with identity. Identity is something rather different. Muting of Irish could only put the Irish in the uncomfortable position ofhaving to ape the English. That is, putative parity could be achieved only by total resignation of character, by relinquishing all that one was and adopting something altogether other. Parity inthis sense was no parity at all. Forhowis itone canonly be himself by not being himself? How can one be Irish, that is, by being English? Understandably, the Irish were resistant. Nevertheless, Swift's attitude proved more powerful, especially since the English welcomed the opportunity to eliminate the Irish tongue-figuratively and literally. But, as the case of Tommy Quigley shows, that battle is ongoing. In fact, Tommy Quigley is part of history's chorus.
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