DOCSLIB.ORG

Maquetacišn 1

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Maquetacišn 1 From Kyoto to Tokyo Shun-ichi J. Watanabe Tokyo University of Science, Japan Tokyo became the de facto capital of Japan by the move of the Emperor Meiji from Kyoto in 1869. Since then, the city has served as almost the only wide window through which the foreign civilization was imported to Japan for more than a century. The function of the central government continued to attract all kinds of activities in administration, economy and culture, making Tokyo the control tower of the nation. In the early years, the central government started to remodel the medieval castle town of Edo into the modern city of Tokyo. This construction scheme has become the prototype of the Japanese ‘city planning.’ The population that was about half a million at the beginning and approached two million figure around the beginning of the 20th century, is now sprawling into the surrounding municipalities and prefectures. The history of the capital Tokyo is the one of the rapidly growing metropolis, of the disorderly development for urbanization and of the planning’s fight against it. The history includes the destruction and reconstruction of ‘planning disaster’ of Urban Improvement, the Great Kanto Earthquake and the bombed damage during the World War II. The story ends with the recent fuss about the removing the Diet function away from Tokyo. [email protected] 1 1 From Kyoto to Tokyo, 1867-1880s1 The Tokugawa shogunate, which had been in power in Japan for 265 years, came to an end in 1867 when political control was transferred to new rulers acting in the name of the young Emperor Meiji. Known as the Meiji Restoration, this marks Japan’s birth as a modern nation. In 1868 the Emperor made an official journey from the imperial capital, Kyoto, to Edo, the city 500 kilometres to the east that had been the seat of the Tokugawa shogunate.2 The Emperor took up residence in Edo Castle, making it the Imperial Palace. There was much protest from the people of Kyoto, so the government decided not to make the change of capital to Tokyo official. However, a strategic decision was made for the Emperor to stay in his Tokyo residence, making Tokyo the de facto capital, and the name of the city was changed to Tokyo, meaning ‘Eastern Capital’. Thus Tokyo, which has never been legally declared as the capital of Japan, became the seat of government at the beginning of the modern age. At the time, Japan was still a developing country whose economy was based on agriculture. Tokyo was located in the middle of the fertile Kanto plains; the central location in the nation was beneficial as well, and the port of Yokohama, base for trade with the Western world, was only 30 kilometres away. The city’s population started expanding in the mid 1600s, reaching over 1 million in the late 1700s, making it the largest city in the world.3 However, the departure of former Tokugawa officials and their retainers after the Meiji Restoration reduced the population to roughly half by the early 1870s. The Meiji government tried to rebuild the castle town of Edo into the modern capital city of Tokyo. Of all of the major world capitals today, Tokyo has the unusual history of being one of the only ones to have been developed as a modern capital city considerably after it had initially become a big city. As a capital city at the centre of Japan’s efforts to modernise and Westernise, Tokyo represented Japan’s most important site for exchange with foreign countries. It became the showcase for such novel modern innovations as gas lamps, railroads, and brick-built districts. National railroad and telegraph systems connected the entire country to Tokyo. Many of the future leaders of the country migrated from the provinces to Tokyo, seeking jobs in the capital’s important sectors, including government, military, business, and education. The city started to grow rapidly as a huge political, economic, and cultural centre. Meiji leaders sensed the power and newness of Western cities and viewed them as symbols of civilization. They wanted to transform Tokyo into a showcase as grand as the Western capitals. Following a fire that destroyed large parts of the Ginza district in the heart of Tokyo, the construction of the Ginza Brick District Project was overseen by the British architect Thomas Waters from 1872 to 1877. Shortly thereafter, the German planners Hermann Ende and Wilhelm Böeckmann were invited to Japan in 1886 to develop a plan for the Government Quarter Project. The image the city was pursuing was the equivalent of Berlin as capital of Prussia, or the Paris envisioned by Baron Haussmann. To the Meiji leaders, the destruction of the traditional built environment was a desirable symbol of modernisation. In contrast, Edo Castle, now the Imperial Palace, was well preserved as a vast, one-kilometre square area of land in the midst of the urban core. For the Japanese, symbolism of the imperial system was not an overwhelming built environment, as in other nations, but the carefully secluded void creating a natural sense of solemnity. This rule treats the Imperial Palace as ‘forbidden’ space even to subways, and leaves the rest of Tokyo’s built environment less symbolic but more functional as in ordinary large cities. In 1888, to reconstruct the city as the seat of the Imperial Government, the first planning legislation, known as the Tokyo Urban Area Improvement Act, was enacted.4 2 Illustration 1: Government Quarter Project by Boeckmann, 1886 The target area for reconstruction was Tokyo’s urban core. The Tokyo Urban Area Improvement Commission was formed to discuss the plan, which obtained Cabinet approval and then was implemented by Tokyo Prefecture. The Commission was under the jurisdiction of the Home Ministry, which, in the 75-year period through World War II, had great political influence due to its control of local government, police, urban planning, and building control. 2 The Japanese Planning System Modern Western urban planning, which emerged at the turn of the 20th century, aimed at total control of ever-growing industrial metropolises. Its goals were, first, to control urban structure at the large scale by planned provision of urban infrastructure and, second, to create comfortable urban spaces at the small scale through land use controls and urban design. In terms of urban structure, Meiji leaders wanted to improve infrastructure of the urban core, but did not include the idea of controlling the urban structure of the entire city. In terms of urban space, they succeeded in building limited areas in the urban core in Western style as 3 symbols of civilization, but most of the city was left untouched, remaining a dense sea of wooden residential structures. For a long period thereafter, urban planning in Japan dealt with individual urban facilities and buildings as separate entities through direct provision and indirect regulation. An explanation why they did not have a more expansive vision lies in the very different urban conditions in Japan in contrast to Western Europe and North America. The Western approach to urban planning started with preparations of plans by professional planners and development of legal mechanisms to implement such plans. In contrast, planning did not even exist as a profession in Japan. It was accepted that urban growth was a natural process, and that the aim of planning was to incrementally mitigate the accompanying problems. The scale and speed of urbanisation were great, but sufficient controlling power was not given to planners to combat urbanisation. 3 An Emerging Metropolis, 1880s-1920s After the initial post-Restoration decline, Tokyo’s population began to increase again, passing Edo’s peak by the mid 1880s. By 1900, the population was a little less than 2 million, and the urban area reached a radius of 7 to 8 kilometres from the Imperial Palace. To its west, the urban front expanded beyond the borders of Edo, spilling into other towns and villages. This suburbanization, which began about 50 years later in Japan than in major cities of the West, signified Tokyo’s growth into a metropolis. As the city set out on a course of industrialisation and modernisation, urban growth took place in a regulatory vacuum without any land use controls of modern urban planning. Looking at Tokyo’s urban core at the turn of the century, we find that the pre-existing urban form of the castle town Edo had almost disappeared as a result of reconstruction projects by the Tokyo Urban Area Improvement Commission. It was common to place modern facilities in the urban core, replacing the traditional built environment (except for the castle) instead of creating new precincts outside. Along with the construction of Tokyo Central Station in 1914, there was a modern office district and a new government building district. In 1920, the construction of the National Diet Building started on former Army land about 500 metres south of the royal moat. The Diet’s monumental facade refrained from facing the Imperial Palace but faced Tokyo Station. The location and orientation were exactly as in Böckmann’s Government Quarter proposal some 30 years before. The Diet building marked this spot as the new centre of the capital of the modern nation. If one stood nearby at the main intersection in Hibiya and looked around, to the north-east one could see the newly developed Hibiya office district, to the south-east the traditional Ginza shopping district, to the south-west the fairly well planned Kasumigaseki government quarters, and to the north-west the Imperial Palace. All of the most important areas of the capital were located within a mile.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Shaping Tokyo: Land Development and Planning Practice in the Early Modern Japanese Metropolis Carola Hein Bryn Mawr College, [email protected]
    Bryn Mawr College Scholarship, Research, and Creative Work at Bryn Mawr College Growth and Structure of Cities Faculty Research Growth and Structure of Cities and Scholarship 2010 Shaping Tokyo: Land Development and Planning Practice in the Early Modern Japanese Metropolis Carola Hein Bryn Mawr College, [email protected] Let us know how access to this document benefits ouy . Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.brynmawr.edu/cities_pubs Part of the Architecture Commons, History of Art, Architecture, and Archaeology Commons, and the Urban Studies and Planning Commons Custom Citation Hein, Carola. "Shaping Tokyo: Land Development and Planning Practice in the Early Modern Japanese Metropolis." Journal of Urban History 36, no. 4 (2010): 447-484. This paper is posted at Scholarship, Research, and Creative Work at Bryn Mawr College. http://repository.brynmawr.edu/cities_pubs/20 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Shaping Tokyo: Land Development and Planning Practice in the Early Modern Japanese Metropolis Carola Hein Manuscript submitted to the Journal of Urban History in August 2007, revised and resubmitted March 2008. When German architect Bruno Taut drove in 1936 along the major road linking Tokyo and Yokohama, he criticized the inadequacy and superficiality of the modernizing Japanese built landscape. He later wrote about his revulsion: "I in particular had heard so much about Tokyo that I had no desire to see the city on the spot. […] In passing through the Inland Sea we had absorbed scenery of such rare beauty, had found so little of vulgar trash 1 in such buildings as could be glimpsed, that we could hardly take in the crabbed pretentiousness, the ludicrous would-be modernity of the tin façades that confronted us, could not fathom the loud hideousness of this confusion of architectural styles.
    [Show full text]
  • The Culture of Japanese Fascism Asia-Pacific: Culture, Politics, and Society &EJUPST3FZ$IPX )%)BSPPUVOJBO BOE.BTBP.JZPTIJ the Culture of Japanese Fascism
    THE CULTURE OF JAPANESE FASCISM ASIA-PACIFIC: CULTURE, POLITICS, AND SOCIETY &EJUPST3FZ$IPX )%)BSPPUVOJBO BOE.BTBP.JZPTIJ THE CULTURE OF JAPANESE FASCISM &EJUFECZ "MBO5BOTNBO DUKE UNIVERSITY PRESS DURHAM AND LONDON 2009 © 2009 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper ♾ Designed by Amy Ruth Buchanan Typeset in Quadraat by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in-Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Duke University Press gratefully acknowledges the support of Columbia University, which provided funds toward the production of this book. CONTENTS MARILYN IVY Foreword: Fascism, Yet? vii ALAN TANSMAN Introduction: The Culture of Japanese Fascism 1 Part I: Theories of Japanese Fascism KEVIN M. DOAK Fascism Seen and Unseen: Fascism as a Problem in Cultural Representation 31 RICHARD TORRANCE The People’s Library: The Spirit of Prose Literature versus Fascism 56 HARRY HAROOTUNIAN Constitutive Ambiguities: The Persistence of Modernism and Fascism in Japan’s Modern History 80 Part II: Fascism and Daily Life KIM BRANDT The Beauty of Labor: Imagining Factory Girls in Japan’s New Order 115 NORIKO ASO Mediating the Masses: Yanagi Sōetsu and Fascism 138 AARON SkABELUND Fascism’s Furry Friends: Dogs, National Identity, and Purity of Blood in 1930s Japan 155 Part III: Exhibiting Fascism AARON GEROW Narrating the Nation-ality of a Cinema: The Case of Japanese Prewar Film 185 MICHAEL BASKETT All Beautiful Fascists?: Axis Film Culture in Imperial Japan 212 AkIKO TAKENAKA Architecture for Mass-Mobilization: The Chūreitō Memorial Construction Movement, 1939–1945 235 JONATHAN M.
    [Show full text]
  • The Importance of the Deutsche Luxfer Prismen Syndikat,The Victoria Regia Lily
    THE IMPORTANCE OF THE DEUTSCHE LUXFER PRISMEN SYNDIKAT, THE VICTORIA REGIA LILY AND GOTHIC IMITATION IN THE DESIGN OF BRUNO TAUT’S GLASHAUS Neal David Nielsen N.Dip. Arch. Tech, N.H.Dip. Arch. Tech, B.Tech. Arch. Design, M.Tech. Arch. Design, B.Arch. Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Design Creative Industries Faculty Queensland University of Technology February 2015 1 Keywords Bruno Taut, Glashaus, Deutsche Luxfer Prismen Syndikat, Victoria regia, Frederick Keppler, Gothic 2 Abstract Bruno Taut's Glashaus at the Werkbund Exhibition of 1914 is considered a seminal example of early modernist architecture; hence it is included in all its official histories. Yet, some of the crucial factors behind the design of the Glashaus remain little understood. In an attempt to address this situation, this PhD reveals that the Glashaus was the result of a strong architect-client interaction. In fact, Frederick Keppler, the Glashaus’ patron and director of the Deutsche Luxfer Prismen Syndikat, had a significant influence on its design. He wanted his company's Luxfer prototype, which had been developed over many years at earlier exhibitions, to be the major material constituent of the building. In order to show the glazed products of Luxfer in the best manner possible, Keppler insisted on a design featuring a glazed dome, electric lighting, a fountain as well as a cascade. Taut, as the architect, had to formulate a design that met these detailed stipulations. For the Glashaus, Taut turned to myths and symbols associated with the Victoria regia lily and the Gothic in order to provide his interpretation of the brief.
    [Show full text]
  • The Tokyo Government Block Project, 1886-1890
    Envisioning the Baroque City: The Tokyo Government Block Project, 1886-1890 Takeshi Arthur Thornton A familiar way of describing realism in two-dimensional graphic art is to invoke the analogy of the mirror. The realist painter supposedly offers the viewer a mirror reflection of the external world, immediately and without distortion. Art theorists have long argued, however, that realism remains merely one kind of convention for rendering images and can lay no claim to being an especially accurate or direct means of representing reality. Ernst Gombrich, for instance, has drawn on percep­ tual psychology in order to challenge the notion of an ktinnocent eye'' (298) that could passively depict the external world on canvas; instead, he suggests that the artist “would tend to see what he paints rather than to paint what he sees” （86). Against the assumption that the beginning point of a visual record is ‘‘knowledge，’’ he posits that it is “a guess conditioned by habit and tradition” （89). Taking his cue from Gombrich, Nelson Goodman has proceeded to even stronger conventionalist conclusions, arguing that realistic representation t4is relative, determined by the system of representation standard for a given culture or person at a given time.... Realistic representation, in brief, depends not upon imitation or illusion or infor­ mation but upon inculcation.... If representation is a matter of choice and correct­ ness a matter of information, realism is a matter of habif' (37-8). Bearing in mind the skepticism shared by Gombrich and Goodman with regard to the mimetic claims of realism, I want to examine an ostensibly “realistic” land- scape painting that constitutes part of the historical record of the so-called Kancho shuchu keikaku ( 「官庁 集 中 計 画 」）or Government Block Project of 1886-1890.
    [Show full text]
  • Die Beziehungen Der Berliner Baufirma Ende & Böckmann
    Die Beziehungen der Berliner Baufirma Ende & Böckmann zu Japan DIE BEZIEHUNGEN DER BERLINER BAUFIRMA ENDE & BÖCKMANN ZU JAPAN HORIUCHI Masaaki Tôkyô und Berlin in den 1890er Jahren: Auf dem ehemaligen Übungs- platz von Hibiya (heute: Kasumigaseki) wurden das Gerichtsgebäude und das Justizministerium von Ende & Böckmann im europäischen Stil erbaut. Im Berliner Zoologischen Garten wurden der neue Eingang und das Verwaltungsgebäude von Zaar & Vahl im japanischen Stil gebaut. Vermutlich hatten Ende & Böckmann auf diese Gebäude einen Einfluß ausgeübt. In diesem Beitrag sollen die Tätigkeit von Ende & Böckmann als Architekten in Tôkyô und die von ihnen in Japan empfangenen Impulse untersucht werden. Am Schluß steht dann die Betrachtung, welche Be- deutung den Bauwerken von Ende & Böckmann als Denkmälern zu- kommt. 1. WER WAREN HERMANN ENDE & WILHELM BÖCKMANN? Hermann Ende (1829–1907, Abb. 1; zu Ende s. ENDE o.J., WALLÉ 1902, OTZEN 1908a, 1908b) stammte aus Landsberg an der Warthe im heutigen Polen. Als er acht Jahre alt war, zog die Familie nach Berlin. Wilhelm Böckmann (1832–1902, Abb. 2; zu Böckmann s. KYLLMANN 1903, Geheimer Baurath 1902) wurde in Elberfeld (heute Wuppertal) geboren. Dort be- suchte er die Gewerbeschule und ging dann nach Berlin. Ende und Böckmann studierten Architektur an der Berliner Bauakademie und lern- ten sich dort kennen. Eine zweijährige gemeinsame Reise führte sie nach England, Frankreich, Österreich, Italien, Griechenland und in die Türkei. Sie bestanden 1859 die Baumeisterprüfung und eröffneten im folgenden Jahre ihre erste Baufirma, „Ende & Böckmann“, in Berlin, die sie bis 1896 gemeinsam betrieben (HORIUCHI 1989). In dieser Zeit entwarfen sie über 150 Gebäude. Nach wie vor erinnern in Berlin die Namen „Endestraße“ und „Böckmann-Brücke“ an die erfolgreiche Tätigkeit dieser Firma.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Social History of Steam-Powered Gardens in Berlin and Potsdam
    M. Norton Wise ON THE SOCIAL HISTORY OF STEAM-POWERED GARDENS IN BERLIN AND POTSDAM Abstract When thinking about the historic landscape gardens of the Berlin-Brandenburg region we tend to focus automatically on the royal gardens that Peter Joseph Lenné originally includ- ed in his beautification plan for the Potsdam area that are now a UNESCO World Heritage Site. There is good reason for this focus. The complex of Sanssouci, Charlottenhof, Neuer Garten, Babelsberg, Glienicke, and Pfaueninsel constitutes an extraordinarily beautiful panorama. But from a broader perspective the unique character of these gardens can be seen to have informed the garden landscape of all of Berlin in a series of social transforma- tions that occurred during the course of industrialisation in the nineteenth century. For this purpose it is useful to focus on the role of steam power. By no means, however, did the significance of steam power (or the lack of it) end with its utilitarian function, for it in- formed the aesthetic character of landscape gardens, too. And this character changed with the historical transformations that associated different sorts of gardens with people in dif- ferent social strata. I will schematise three such »classes« of people and gardens. Wenn wir an die historischen Landschaftsgärten in der Region Berlin-Brandenburg den- ken, fallen uns automatisch die von Peter Joseph Lenné in seinen »Verschönerungsplan für die Insel Potsdam« aufgenommenen königlichen Gärten ein, die heute zum UNESCO- Weltkulturerbe gehören. Dafür gibt es gute Gründe. Der aus Sanssouci, Charlottenhof, Neuer Garten, Babelsberg, Glienicke und Pfaueninsel bestehende Komplex ist ein Pano- rama von außergewöhnlicher Schönheit.
    [Show full text]
  • Hermann Ende 4
    WOCHENSCHRIFT ARCHITEKTEN-VEREINS^BERLIN EIERflUSGECEBEfe VEREINE Erscheint Sonnabends. - Bezugspreis halbjährlich 4 Mark, postfrei 5,30 Mark, einzelne Nummern von gewöhnlichem Umfange 30 Pf., stärkere entsprechend teurer Her Anzeigenpreis für die 4 gespaltene Petitzeile beträgt 50 Pf., für Behörden - Anzeigen und für Famlllen- Anzeigen 30 Pf. — Nachlaß auf Wiederholungen Berlin den 18. April 1908 III. Jahrgang Zu beziehen durch alle Buchhandlungen, Postämter Carl Heymanns Verlag in Berlin W. 8, Mauerstraße 43.44 Alle Rechte Vorbehalten Hermann Ende 4. März 1S29 10. A ugust 1007 86 Wochenschrift des Architekten-Vereins zu Berlin 18. April 1908 Gedächtnisrede gehalten bei der Feier am 6. März 1908 im großen Festsaal des Zoologischen Gartens zu Berlin vom Geheimen Regierungsrat Professor ©r. 3>ng. Johannes Otzen ochgeehrte Trauerversammlung! Feierliche und weihevolle Ob wir, wie viele Künstler es glauben und noch mehr Klänge sind verrauscht und haben in uns die Stimmung Kunstschriftstelier es glauben machen möchten, es schon so Herzeugt, einem Leben nachzugehen, das einem großen Kreiseherrlich weit gebracht haben, daß kaum noch etwas zu tun der Gegenwärtigen noch völlig vertraut ist und das zum Teil übrig bleibt, als höchstens noch etwa zu vergessen, daß es unser eigenes Leben und Streben umschließt, das einen großen überhaupt je eine Kunstgeschichte, jo eine Ueberlieferung und Teil der modernen Kunstgeschichte als Folie besitzt, das mit- Tradition gegeben hat oder, wio ich es in aller Bescheidenheit gerungon und gearbeitet hat, dem heutigen Stande der Bau­ glaube, nur etwra so weit wie die französische Revolution, als kunst die Wego zu ebnen und das uns in seinem Helden und sie die Menschenrechte oben proklamiert hatte, deren volle Träger eine überaus sympathische, liebgewordene Persönlichkeit Durchführung wir noch immer erstreben, das will ich heute vorführt, die wir uns noch gar nicht als auf ewig von uns ge­ nicht untersuchen, aber die Erwägung und Würdigung drängt schieden vorstellen können.
    [Show full text]
  • Also in This Issue Gated Communities in Poland Report from Prussian
    BALTIC A quarterly scholarly journal and news magazine. December 2012. Vol. V:3–4. 1 From the Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES) Book review: WO Södertörn University, Stockholm Naimark’s “Genocide” R LDS December 2012. Vol. V:3–4. BALTIC WORLDSbalticworlds.com Gated communities in Poland Modernizing marginal Russia Report from Prussian Posen Wolves in myth and reality Cities in the Baltic also in this issue Illustration: KG Nilson RUSSIAN HUMAN RIGHTS FIGHTERS / DISSIDENCE IN VILNIUS / BERLIN FASHION / KRAKÓW STREET ART / ANDREI PLEşU & JÜRGEN KOCKA short takes Encounter between East and West Painting “RUSSIAN CULTURE IN philosophy of language COVER ARTIST KG Nilson is EXILE (1921–1953)” was the and artistic expressionism a renowned Swedish paint- theme of a two-day confer- in the young, exiled Roman er who for several years ence at the Courtauld Insti- Jakobson. was a professor at the tute in London (November Robert Chandler, poet Royal Swedish Academy 2–3, 2012). The conference and translator of the likes of of Fine Arts. His studios are invitation was adorned with Alexander Pushkin, Nikolai in Stockholm (in the same an illustration for an article Leskov, Vasily Gross- apartment where Anders in Baltic Worlds (IV:3), writ- man, Andrei Platonov, and Zorn used to reside) and ten by Karl Schlögel, about Varlam Shalamov, gave in Bästekille, on Sweden’s Russian emigration to an address in which he southern Baltic shore. ≈ Berlin and the West. Karin showed how the question Sunvisson’s illustration is that Chernyshevsky once republished here. posed and Lenin tried to Conference organizer answer, Shto delat? (What Natalia Murray took the op- is to be done?), was kept portunity to launch a book, alive, albeit in an ironic way, The Unsung Hero of the in Russian émigré literary Russian Avant-Garde: The circles – in this case by Life and Times of Nikolay the writer Nadezhda Teffi Punin, on a key figure in (1872–1952).
    [Show full text]
  • Origin and Antitype: Medievalism in Nineteenth-Century Germany, 1806-1914
    Origin and Antitype: Medievalism in Nineteenth-Century Germany, 1806-1914 The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Heelan, Carla Melanie. 2016. Origin and Antitype: Medievalism in Nineteenth-Century Germany, 1806-1914. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts & Sciences. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493307 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Origin and Antitype: Medievalism in Nineteenth-Century Germany, 1806-1914 A dissertation presented by Carla Melanie Heelan to The Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of History Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts April 28, 2016 © 2016 Carla Heelan Dissertation Advisor: David Blackbourn Carla Melanie Heelan Origin and Antitype: Medievalism in Nineteenth-Century Germany, 1806-1914 Abstract This dissertation examines how the nineteenth-century engagement with medieval Europe changed modern Germany. Drawing from archival and printed primary material, I reconstruct how the Middle Ages gained new explanatory relevance as the origins of nineteenth- century German institutions and phenomena. I consider the historical interpretation of the medieval world at its broadest, not limited to scholarly debate, but also as it encompassed fiction, art, architecture, music, social science, law, and politics. Each chapter examines a figure drawn from these fields and each also moves chronologically through the century.
    [Show full text]
  • Buch Pagel Druck.Indb
    Chronologische Übersicht der Bauten Ende & Böckmanns Kat. Nr. Baujahr Kategorie Bauaufgabe Ort Zustand A/1 1860–1862 Wohnhaus Villa von der Heydt Berlin erhalten A/2 1862 Wohnhaus Umbau Wohnhaus Krug Berlin nicht erhalten C/1 1862–1863 Bauten für die Hotel de Russie Berlin nicht erhalten Öffentlichkeit A/3 1863–1866 Wohnhaus Wohnhaus von Gräfe Berlin nicht erhalten A/4 1863–1864 Wohnhaus Villa Ende Berlin nicht erhalten A/5 1863 Wohnhaus Sommerhaus Hildebrand Berlin nicht erhalten A/6 1863–1864 Wohnhaus Villa Ravené Berlin nicht erhalten E/1 1863 Grabmäler und Grabmal Becker Berlin erhalten sakrale Bauten A/7 1864 Wohnhaus Palais Königsmarck Berlin nicht erhalten A/8 1864 Wohnhaus Mietshaus Mamroth Berlin unbekannt A/9 1864 Wohnhaus Mietshaus A. Jung Berlin nicht erhalten A/10 1864 Wohnhaus Villa Simon Elberfeld unbekannt A/11 1864 Wohnhaus Mietshaus Schlieder Berlin nicht erhalten E/2 1864–1866 Grabmäler und Synagoge Elberfeld Elberfeld nicht erhalten sakrale Bauten E/3 1865 Grabmäler und Grabmal von der Heydt Berlin erhalten sakrale Bauten A/12 1865 Wohnhaus Villa Landré Berlin unbekannt A/13 1865 Wohnhaus Mietshaus Thiedemann Berlin unbekannt A/14 1865 Wohnhaus Mietshaus Siretus Berlin unbekannt A/15 1865 Wohnhaus Mietshaus Bittlinger Berlin unbekannt A/16 1865 Wohnhaus Wohnhaus Baum Elberfeld nicht erhalten A/17 1865 Wohnhaus Villa Delius Bielefeld nicht erhalten A/18 1865 Wohnhaus Gutshaus Popp Großtreben- erhalten Zwethau B/1 1865 Geschäftshaus Geschäftshaus Heydt. Elberfeld unbekannt Söhne B/2 1865 Geschäftshaus Geschäftshaus der Ger- Stettin unbekannt mania B/3 1865 Geschäftshaus Geschäftshaus Meisters Stettin unbekannt Söhne 261 Chronologische Übersicht der Bauten Ende & Böckmanns Kat.
    [Show full text]
  • Creativity Within a Geographical-National Framework from Modern Japanese Design to Pevsner’S Art Geography
    CHAPTER 5 Creativity within a Geographical-National Framework From Modern Japanese Design to Pevsner’s Art Geography Ariyuki Kondo The idea of the national character of a nation’s art and design, and the stressing of the validity of a geographical-national framework in the historiography of art and design have been denigrated and disparaged for some time. This is partly due to the fact that such an idea of and approach to art/design historical enquiry actually held a racialist complexion before and during World War II in many countries, and inevitably reminds us of racist nationalism in action. However, should the validity of such an art/design historical approach and interest be completely denied or considered taboo because of its association with past nationalism and racialism? Living as we do in a rapidly globalizing age, an age in which, in various countries, multi-racial communities are appearing and yet antago- nizing each other within particular geographical-national frameworks, there can be no better time than now to direct our attention toward how people have acted under certain cultural, social and political circumstances within such frameworks. Taking the development of modern Japanese design in the Meiji era (1868 to 1912) as a concrete example, this chapter argues that it is still, even in today’s cosmopolitan society, entirely appropriate to take a serious look at a geographical-national framework as a means of exploring the captivating world of human creativity in art, architecture and design, and it can also be a convincingly valid approach for the historiography of art and design.
    [Show full text]
  • K Designing Worlds L
    K Designing Worlds L This open access library edition is supported by the University of Oslo and the University of Hertfordshire. Not for resale. MAKING SENSE OF HISTORY Studies in Historical Cultures General Editor: Stefan Berger Founding Editor: Jörn Rüsen Bridging the gap between historical theory and the study of historical memory, this series crosses the boundaries between both academic disciplines and cultural, social, political and historical contexts. In an age of rapid globalization, which tends to manifest itself on an economic and political level, locating the cultural practices involved in generating its underlying historical sense is an increasingly urgent task. For a full volume listing, please see back matter This open access library edition is supported by the University of Oslo and the University of Hertfordshire. Not for resale. DESIGNING WORLDS National Design Histories in an Age of Globalization Edited by Kjetil Fallan and Grace Lees-Maffei This open access library edition is supported by the University of Oslo and the University of Hertfordshire. Not for resale. Published in 2016 by Berghahn Books www.berghahnbooks.com © 2016 Kjetil Fallan and Grace Lees-Maffei All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism and review, no part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without written permission of the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Fallan, Kjetil, editor. | Lees-Maffei, Grace, editor. Title: Designing worlds: national design histories in an age of globalization / Edited by Kjetil Fallan and Grace Lees-Maffei.
    [Show full text]