GUILD ORGANIZATION IN NORTHERN

INDIA FROM c. A.D. 700-1200 THESISTHESISTHESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF Doctor of Philosophy IN HISTORYHISTORYHISTORY

BY DEEPTI MALAN

UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF Dr. S. Chandnibi

CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) 2014

CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY Dr. S. Chandnibi Aligarh Muslim University Assistant Professor Aligarh-202002 U.P. India Phone: 0571-273146 (O)

Dated: May 24, 2014

Certificate

This is to certify that the thesis “Guild Organization in Northern

India From c. A.D. 700 to 1200” carried out by Mrs. Deepti Malan is the

original research work of the candidate and is suitable for submission to the

examiners and for the award of degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History.

(Dr. S. Chandnibi) Supervisor ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First, I express my deep gratitude to Almighty God. I express my deep sense of gratitude to my supervisor Dr. S. Chandnibi , who as my research supervisor gave me inspiration, encouragement and constant guidance. The keen and affectionate interest which Dr. Chandnibi displayed in guiding my studies has been a source of inspiration to me. With her support, the present work could have not been completed. Additionally I am obliged to Professor M.K. Pundhir of Aligarh Muslim University. I am also extremely grateful to Professor Tariq Ahmad, former Chairman of Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History for advice and encouragement. I am also thankful to Mr. Faiz Habib, Cartographer, CAS for help. I am grateful to Professor Ali Athar, Chairman, Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History for his important suggestions to me time to time. I am also thankful to my friends Mr. Moin Nizami, Mrs. Fatima Maryam, Mrs and Shahana Sheikh, for help and encouragement time by time. My thanks are also due to my friend Mrs. Deepti Sharma who helped me all the time and also encouraged me from which I benefited a lot. I am also thankful to Miss Fazeela Shahnawaz, Shamim Bano, Sadaf and Mrs. Neelam Pandey for providing me help. I offer my sincere thanks to Staff members of Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University and seminar Library, Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History for the assistance they extended to me. I shall be failing in my duty if I do not express my thanks to my loving parents Mr. Kushal Pal Singh and Mrs. Urmila Malan, my husband Mr. Ranjeet Singh who allowed me to stay Aligarh, keeping me free to carry on my work. I am also grateful to him for encouraging me and cooperating with me throughout the course of this study. I am also thankful to my sisters Himanshi Chaudhary and Abha Chaudhary for their help time to time.

Deepti Malan CONTENTS

Page No.

Acknowledgement i

Abbreviations ii

Introduction 1 - 6

Chapter I History of Guilds 7 – 30

Chapter II Structure of Guilds 31 – 46

Chapter III Activities of Guilds 47 – 72

Chapter IV Guiding Principles and Management of Guilds 73 – 95

Chapter V Currency and Seals of Guilds 96 – 103

Chapter VI South Indian Guilds 104 – 119

Conclusion 120 – 123

Appendix 124 – 136

Map

Bibliography 137 - 144 ABBREVIATIONS

ARE Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy Artha Arthasashtra (Kautilya) ASIAR Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report ASWI Archaeological Survey of Western India CII Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum CLAI Corporate Life in ancient India (Majumdar, R.C.) DhK Dharmakosa (Joshi, L.S. ed.) EIEH Early Indian Economic History (Selectoer, R.N.) Ep.Ind. Epigraphia Indica Gautma Gautma Dharmsutra IA Indian Antiquary JASB Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal Jat. Jatakas JBORS Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society JIH Journal of Indian History JNSI Journal of the Numismatic Society of India JUPHS Journal of United Provincial Historical Society Kat. Katyayanasmriti Sarodhara (Kane, P.V., ed.) LAI Labour in Ancient India (Jain, P.C.) LGAI Local Government in Ancient India (Mookerji, R.K.) Lud Luders list Maha. Mahavastu Manu Manusmrti Mbh. Mahabharata Mita Mitakshara (Vijneswara) Narada. Naradasmiriti Panini Astadhayayi (Panini) PSI Pudukkottai State Inscription PTS Pali Text Society Ram. Ramayana (Valmiki) Rg. Rgveda SBE Sacred Books of the East SBH Sacred Book of Hindus Select Inscriptions. Selected Inscirptions bearing on Ancient Indian History and Civilization (Sircar, P.C.) SII South Indian Inscriptions Sm.C. Smrtichahdrika (Devannabhatta) Sukra (Skraniti) TAS Travancore Archaeological Series URSECAI Urban Rural Economic and Social Change in Ancient India (Rai, Jaimal) Viram Virmitrodaya Visnu Vishnusmriti Yaj. Yajnavalkya smriti

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Introduction

INTRODUCTION

The spirit of co-operation has contributed more than anything else to the present highly developed stage of civilization, which is a social instinct in man. From the most primitive period of which we posses any record, it has been manifested in human society in some form or other. Nevertheless, it is brought into prominent activity and lands itself to some conscious organization, according to the temper of man and the circumstances dictates the form of such organization, but the character of its development depends to a great degree upon the peculiar genius of the society in which it is fostered. Thus, it is that we find in almost all ages. These co-operative organizations howsoever, rudimentary, in different fields of human activity like social, political, religious and economic.

In early medieval India corporate activities seems to have been manifested in a marked degree, first in the economic field. The corporate activity seems to be a quite common feature in economic system of early medieval northern India. The particular term used to denote these corporations is ‘srenií (guilds). This is defined as corporation of people, belonging to different caste, but following the same trade and industry. The early medieval literature as well as inscriptions, contain frequent references to guilds. The number of these guilds must have differed considerably, not only in different periods but also in different localities. There were several other institutions functioning in the sphere of religion, economy and social system at the local level. In the economic field the guilds performed the role of protecting and promoting the interests of its members by forging the bonds of cohesion.

The activities of the guilds in different periods and areas have been studied in a number of monographs. R.C. Majumdar in his work Corporate Life in Ancient India attempted first a connected, though brief, history of the corporate nature of the guilds in ancient period.

Some of the books on the early medieval period discuss the economic life. We may mention the History of Medieval Hindu India by C.V. Vaidya and A study in the Economic Condition of Ancient India by Prannath which cover the period of our investigation have each section on economic life. But as of necessity these accounts are brief and preclude a detailed and thorough analysis. Of tale there have been good

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books on the history of individual dynasties and regions of northern India of our period. Some of them like the History of Bengal edited by R.C. Majumdar, The Chalukyas of Gujrat by A.K. Majumdar, The Early Chauhan Dynasties by D. Sharma, Artisans of Banaras by Nita Kumar.

Recently B.P. Majumdar has brought out his work on the Socio-Economic History of Northern India from 1030 to 1494 A.D. we could get Pushpa Niyogi’s Contribution to the Economic History of Northern India from the tenth to twelfth century A.D. and Lallanji Gopal’s Economic History of Northern India 700-1200 century A.D. Some other important secondary sources are Social Life in Ancient India by H.C. Chakaldhar, Economic History of Early Medieval Northern India by Gian Chand Chauhan. Dr. Beena Jain gives a detailed information about the guilds in her work Guild organization in Northern India.

The guilds were the important part of the society from c A.D. 700-1200. These played an important role in the economy. A characteristic feature of craft and commercial organization in early medieval northern India is to be found in professional classification by corporative groups or the guilds. The guilds united both the craftsman’s co-operations and the individual workman of given trade into a single corporate body. It fixed rules of work and wages, standards and prices for the commodities, and its regulations had the force of law and were held up by the king and government.

The guilds had ofcourse lost their importance as huge corporation in early medieval northern India but they were still on small scale. In early medieval period the guilds, which had played an important role in the industrial organization, were no longer very effective. The bonds which united the craftsmen or artisan of any particular industry in any area appear to have slackened. The guilds would seem in a position to wield effective control over their members. The growth of feudalism with its emphasis on a rural and self sufficient economy can also had an adverse impact upon the fortunes of the guilds.

A careful study of the source material brings forth several terms which denoted co-operative organizations in India. The exact meaning and nature of each of them is difficult to determine in view of the fact that a single term does not have a strict consistent connotation throughout the ages. These were used in more than one sense

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at different places. Confusion is much more enhanced as the commentators of legal text greatly differ in the interpretations of these terms, though they unanimously accept that these words denoted cooperative organizations, either social, political, religious or economic. It, therefore, to be established how far these terms devoted economic organizations consequently, a thorough study of these terms and their various interpretations by the legal commentators becomes imperative.

‘Sreni’ (guild) this term is the cardinal point of the present study. It is conspicuous by its presence in abundance in Sanskrita, Buddhist and Jaina literature, epigraphs, seals and sealings all alike. The term literally means a line or a series. In the vedic literature it stands in that simple sense only for that matter, denotes group life.

The British administration and scholars admire the functioning of the Indian village communities. They described them as “tiny republics” which have preserved the continuity of Indian culture and traditions but the village communities have not been the only institutions functioning in the sphere of religion, economy and social system at the local level in the economic field the guilds performed the role of protecting and promoting the interests of its members.

These guilds preserved the technical skill in crafts and industries and were one of the stabilizing influences in the disturbed economy. The achievements in the fields of art and industries were to great extent their contributions.

From very early times we find evidence for the highly advanced technology of Indian products which have remained marvels for modern experts. This knowledge and skill, developed in course of centuries was the well guarded preserve of the members of these particular guilds. The master apprentice link not only maintained but also improved upon the techniques of the profession. The skill did not deteriorate even when the members of guild were forced to migrate to new areas. In later times the economic activities of guilds were weakened and hence their organizational structure also suffered. The guilds gradually fossilized into castes and sub-castes. The legacy of the technological skill of guild has persisted to some extent in the circles of occupational castes.

The most significant activity of the guilds was their role as a banking institution. They did not perform all the function of a modern bank. But they

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accepted permanent endowments and agreed to undertake various acts of charity and religious merit. A guild was a world complete in itself. The state and the law of the land accorded recognition to this nature and status of guilds. A guild not only formulated law governing its own functioning but also exercised executive authority over its members and decided disputes concerning them and their personal affairs. In times of distress and financial stringency the state could draw upon the resources of the guilds, either with their consent or by force. The Srenibala mentioned as an important element in the military power, could have been either the para-military force maintained by the guilds or the contingents formed by recruiting members of the guilds. It is not unlikely that members of some of the guilds regularly book to military pursuits along with their technical professional work.

Generally, the guilds were named after the profession to which they belonged, but sometimes when entire village was followed by a single craftsman the guild was named after that village. With the growth of trade and industry through centuries the number of guilds must have also multiplied. The gradual increase in the volume of trade and industry is discernible from the growing number of crafts mentioned in different literature. The Diganikaya refers to 24 kinds of craft and trades, the Mahavastu alludes to 36 kinds and Kamasutra to 64 kinds. About 150 crafts and professions are known to be flourishing in the puranic period. Although the number of guilds is given as 18 in the literature of later periods as well. All the crafts and trades existing at the time were not necessarily organized into guilds. From a study of the available source material, a long list of guilds, industrial as well as mercantile functioning at one time or the other in ancient India can be complied.

A survey of the guilds existing at different periods in ancient India indicates that almost all the important trades and crafts existing at that time were organized into guilds. The specialization attended in various branches of industry is also evident. The metal workers of earlier periods were gold smiths, coppersmiths and blacksmiths, all combined in one but in later periods all these breached off and came to the wide extent of guild activity and their control over ancient Indian economy. It is, therefore of much significance to examine the constitution, the administrative machinery and the functions of this conspicuous economic institution of ancient India.

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The material of the present work is derived from two main sources, viz. primary and secondary sources. Primary sources again classified into literary and epigraphic sources. The Ancient Indian literature is an important source which throws light upon the relations of industrial and mercantile development with the corporate bodies. The literature which testifies in a high degree to the economic development of ancient India always alludes to the existence of corporate bodies connected with it.

Many precious sources are available to us as the basis for our study of Guilds during the time period of 700-1200 century A.D. Our sources for the material derived from epigraphy and numismatics supplement the information supplied by literary sources and in addition to traveller’s accounts. We also have many secondary sources which provide us valuable information for our survey. The most important literary sources are – Gautama Dharma Sutra, Budhayayna Dharma Sutra, Ramayana of Valmiki, Mahabharata of Vedvyas, Yajnavalbhyasmiriti, Naradasmirti, Brhaspati smriti, Lalitvistara, Mahavastu, Mahaparinirbana, Suttaanta Bhikkhu-Kittima, Kathakosaprakran, Kuvaymala, Tilakmanjari, Trisashtisalakpurushcharita, Mitakshara, Sarasvativilasa, Amorkosa, Abhidhanchintamani, Brihatsamhita, Daskumarcharitam, Harshcharita, Kadambari, Rajtarangini, Kamasutra, Astadhayayi, Abhigyan Shakuntalam, Mahabhasya, Mansollasa, Malvikagnimitram, Sukraniti, Raghuvansha and many more other literary sources.

The important inscriptions are Kaman stone inscription, Deopara stone Inscription, Harsha stone Inscription, Siyadoni Inscription, Vallabhattaswamin temple Inscription, Nadole inscription, Baijnath prasasti etc.

The present work is chapterised into six. The first chapter is History of guilds that describes the various terms occurring in the literature for discussing the guilds as corporate organization. The chapter deals with much attention on the antiquity and period wise development of guilds from earliest times to 1200 A.D. Firstly the factors for the emergence of the guild is discussed. The comprehensive study of different terms help us to know how for these terms can provide us relevant information on the subject of guilds. We also go through the caste system to show how it was a responsible factor for the emergence of guilds. This chapter focuses

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about the various stages of growth and decline of guilds in different periods, especially in early medieval period.

The second chapter deals with the Structure of Guilds. This chapter tells us about the different ways of the formation of a new guild. The very first one is mutual confidence, the second one is drawing up of rules and regulations and the third is securing guarantees for the faithfulness. Apprenticeship is very important with the advancement of industrial knowledge. The chapter tells about the new learner of craft (shilpi) and also the system of training, learning of shilpasashtra and important rules and regulations for the student. Apprenticeship based on two things, first is the time limit and second is the defined obligations of both the teacher and the taught.

Activities of guilds in the next chapter, devoted especially to different works of guilds. The most important function of a guilds was to provide a peaceful and secure life to its own members.

Another important function of guilds was municipal functions. The guilds also served as banks, guilds was to serve as judicial courts of law. The guild had its own executive committee. This throws light on the managing committee headed by President or headman, Executive Committee, General assembly. The general meeting of a guild was usually held from time to time in its assembly hall.

The chapter fourth is Guiding Principles and Management of Guilds. This chapter throws light on the managing committee headed by President or headman. Another important committee was the Executive Committee. Executive committee managed the affairs of guilds. The general meeting of a guild was usually held from time to time in its assembly hall for transcity business and they drawn up rules regarding attendance. Legislation – the guilds were semi-states, state and claimed their own independent area of activity.

Chapter 5 is about Currency and Seals of Guilds. This chapter describes that the existence of the North Indian guilds is testified by coins, seals and sealings. The merchant guilds issued the seals made of terracotta.

The last chapter is devoted to the South Indian guilds. This chapter is a comparative study about the South and the North Indian guilds. This chapter tells us about the South Indian guilds.

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Chapter – 1

History of Guilds

History of Guilds

In the early medieval period the guilds, which had played an important role in the industrial organization of early centuries of Christian era were no longer very effective. The bonds which united the craftsmen or artisans of any particular industry in any area appear to have blocked. The guilds would seem in general not to be in a position to wield effective control over their members. These guilds had their own rules and regulations which to certain extent, governed the life of their members, and also safeguarded their interests. The epigraphe records of the period throw some light upon the working of guilds. The origin of the type of economic organization or group life known as sreni can be traced back to the later vedic period.1 Its development is revealed in literature and inscriptions2 of subsequent times. In Abhidhanchintamani3 sreni and prakrti appears as synonymous terms.

Human psychology is one of the foremost reasons for the emergence of guilds organizations in India or elsewhere in the world. Basically man is a social animal and fond of living in groups. He depended upon his follow men for the fulfillment of his demands and necessities. It was an account of his dependence that society came into existence. This inherent group instinct manifested itself in ancient India in the economic sphere because of common aims and purposes. Whenever a number of people followed the same profession and enjoyed equal social status, it was very natural for them to come in close association with each other and form a group for better fulfillment of their common goals. Thus, we see that instinct of co-operation was not instilled from outside, but was deep-rooted in human nature.4

The functional division of society into Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra was the second reason which facilitated the emergence of guilds. In contrast to the primitive society where each man performed several functions for himself, the varna system envisaged a fixed type of work for the fixed section of people. The system helped in preserving the social energy. The Brahmanas’s duty was to learn and

1 . Sresthin – AB III, 30.3; IV, 25.8-9. 2 . “Heads of guilds” - Mbht, III, 249.16; Cf. Arth., Phs, eg. Manu, Taj, Nar, Gau etc. See Nasik Inscr. – Under’slist 1131, 437. 3 . Abhidha, III, V. 714 – izd`Zr;k ikSjk.ke~ JsU;ksfndk A 4 . Bryce, Viscount, Studies in the History of Jurisprudence, p. 21; Chakraborty, H., Trade and commerce in Ancient India, p. 312; Aquique, M.P., Economic History of Mithila, p. 108; Nigam, S.S., Economic Organization in Ancient India, p. 52. 7

guide; the Kshtriya’s to protect and rule, the Vaisya’s to carry economic pursuits and Sudra’s to till and cultivate the soil. Sub-divisions with in these four varnas must have resulted from the natural tendency among groups of people to form their closure associations. Brahmana and kshtriya classes were not very much susceptible to such divisions as they were compact functional classes. On the other hand Vaisyas and Sudras did not form homogeneous classes. These were essentially economic in nature and open to divergent social divisions. Therefore, each vaisya could choose any profession out of various occupations. It was thus, very natural for the vaisyas engaged in different occupations to form their distinct groups. Similar was the case with the sudras.

The entire sudra community could hardly be accommodated in the occupation of serving brahmanas and kshtriyas. They were conceled the freedom of taking up different crafts and from their community the different groups emerged on the lines of vaisyas. As a result of the expansion of aryan settlement, the non-aryan groups were also incorporated into the aryan hierarchical division of society alongwith vaisyas and sudras. As these groups had a long history of group life and democratic tradition, they took up a profession out of those prescribed for them and lived a distinct life. Their democratic ideas must also have lended the idea of equalitarian principles to the groups formed among vaisyas and sudras. Later on, their groups also acquired the old names of non-aryan groups like sreni, gana, puga etc. Thus the caste system had its beneficial effects in the field of trade and industry on the one hand, it insured an occupation to each individual since his birth, on the other hand, because of the segregation tendency, it accelerated the instinct of specialization in different branches of trade and industry.5

The side effects of the caste system were not as healthy as they appeared to be. It can to provide immense powers to the Brahmans and Kshatriyas over the vaisyas and sudras, who were denied the privileges enjoyed by the upper classes. The submissive and servile position of the vaisyas is attested by the later vedic literature. The Aitareya Brahmana used three terms for them namely, anjasya, balikate (to be auxiliary of others), anyasyadayak (to be oppressed at wukk (and yathakam jyeyah (to

5 . Samaddar, JN., “Notes on Economic History of Early India”, J.B.O. R.S; Vol. VI, to I, p. 35; Maity, S.K., Economic Life of Northern India in Gupta Period, p. 155. 8

be lived upon by others).6 This downtrodden position of the vaisyas and sudras is further attested by the Taittiriya samhita it says that Vaisyas among men and cows among beash were to be eaten by others.7 Furthermore, the Tandya Brahmana says that Brahmanas and Kshatriyas had the liberty to exploit the vaisyas as much as they liked because they were never exhausted by such treatment.8 Non-aryan Institutions like gana sreni etc. also encountered the hatred of the upper classes.9 This tyranny and oppression by upper classes must have served as an exigency for these lower classes to form their corporate groups in order to safeguard against their deteriorating social condition. Their joint strength must have forced the higher classes to lessen their oppression over these groups. In fact, it was an opportunity as existing social conditions given by the vaisyas sudras and other non-aryan groups.10

The instinct of insecurity also contributed much to growth of guilds. The artisans and traders felt insecure because of the severity of civil laws concerning them and from perilous long distance journeys which they had to undertake to secure raw materials. Initially, the artisans were subjected to severe civil laws, as mentioned in the Manusmriti. According to it, a dishonest goldsmith was to be chopped up in very small pieces with sharp knives, whereas the ordinary thieves or cheats were namely to be beheaded.11 It is argued that perhaps goldsmiths and silversmiths were the first to organized so that they could have these punishment commuted into expulsion from the guild of which the culprit was a member.12 The exclusion from the membership meant the prohibition to carry ancestral profession. This restrained the members from misappropriation to greater extent the previous severe law. Besides this, merchants and traders had to march through roads and forests which were unable to resist the attacks and protect their belongings.

The jatakas very often provide us evidences in favour of this statement. Long caravans of traders and merchants with 500 or 100 carts loaded with costly wares marching through deserts or dense forests or in ships, are a regular feature of the

6 . Aitareya Brahmana, VII, 29. 7 . Taittiriya Brahamana, VII, 1, 1, 5. 8 . Tandya Brahmana, VI, 1, 10. 9 . Gautma, XVII, 17; Apastamba Dharma, p. 9 I, 6, 18, 16; Manu, III, 151. 10 . L.A.I, pp. 186-187. 11 . Manu, IX, 292. 12 . Hopskins, E.W., ‘Ancient and Modern Guilds’, Yale Review, 1898, p. 25. 9

Jatakastrories.13 Following the traders and merchants, robbers or plunderers had also organized themselves into large groups, as we find references of merchant caravans being attacked by the water organizations of robbers in the jatakas.14 But the caravans also employed their own militia to protect their goods and there were organized under an able leadership who had a proper knowledge of the route through which the caravans had transverse.

The Jatakas depict the picture of caravans being saved by the leader’s (sattavaha) wit and vigilance.15 As there were complete absence of rapid means of travelling, it took months to reach remote destinations. On their way they were like to fall a prey to ailment also. Members of the caravans took care of each other while in journey. To secure these benefits, merchant associations must have come in to being. The Brhaspatismriti states that the danger to a person was considered as danger to all and they jointly attempted to redress it.16

Industrial and mercantile professions being lucrative by nature, attracted people from all varnas in sufficient members. Thus, to sum up with Hopskins “as the Buddhist placed the warriors caste before the priest caste and gave unrestricted freedom to the third estate, it is not wonderful that guild lie is characteristic of Buddhist environment”.17 Prospects of trade and industry were very much facilitated by these new ideologies. It gave rise to big organizations who rained large capitals. All this brought prosperity and affluence to the lower castes and also added to their social status. Perhaps for this reason only guilds and guild-masters are often referred to in the Buddhist literature. Thus the ascendency of Buddhism and Jainism can also be taken to be an important factor in the emergence of guild organizations in Northern India.

These social changes were paralleled by the rise of territorial states which improved the conditions of roads and provided greater security during journeys. With the improved means of communication and transport, traders and artisans came in close association with each other. All this resulted in gradual specialization of

13 . Jat, vol. I, No. 1, p. 95; No. 22, p. 110; No 29, p. 194. 14 . Ibid, vol. I, No. 76, p. 332ff; Vol. III, No. 374, p. 252; No. 414, pp. 403ff; Vol . IV, No. 503, p. 430. 15 . Jat, vol. I, No. 31, p. 198, Vol. II, No. 250, p. 269. 16 . Brha, XVII, 6 (S.B.E., Vol. XXXIII, p. 347). 17 . Hopskin, E.W., op.cit., p. 25. 10

industry the number of craft and industries increased by leaps and bonds, and the demand for necessities and the luxuries export of indigenous products. To cope up with the increasing demands the production of commodities became essential. This was possible only when workers formed their own group to act jointly for increasing production. This gave a further encouragement to guild activity in industrial as well as in merchantile fields.18 Thus, in the Cullaka-Setthi Jataka, we find the case of a hundred merchants who, on hearing the arrival of a ship, assembled to purchase the cargo of that ship.19 The Losaka Jataka tells about a thousand fishermen families who were settled in a village under a headmen.20 The Makasa-Jataka records the settlement of a number of carpenters in a village.21

The Valahassa-Jataka also mentions about five hundred ship-wrecked traders.22 The Kundaka-kucchi Sindhava Jataka records five hundred horse dealers carrying horses to Banaras.23 The suci-Jatakas refers to a village of one thousand smiths.24 All these references point towards large scale industrial and merchantile activities. The Buddhist literature is duly substantiated by Arthasastra of Kautilya which enumerates a number of industrial products from different parts of India. The shipment of industrial products from one part of the country to another is an index of large scale production in those centuries.25 Kautilya also devised various government departments for the regulation of industrial production of merchantile transactions.26 These evidences conclusively point to the large volume of industrial production and trading practices at that time.

These literary evidences are well supported by archaeological finds at Bhita and Barah Sir John Marshal found at Bhila a real die in the foundation of a house which was termed by him as “the house of the guild” and concluded that this might be taken to mark the site of the office of Nigma.27 He concluded that perhaps “something

18 . Samaddar, J.N., Industrial and Trading Organistions in Ancient India, J.B.O.Rs, Vol. VII, Pt. IV, p. 47-48. 19 . Jat., Vol. I, No. 4, pp. 120-122. 20 . Ibid., No. 4, p. 234; See also, Vol. II, No. 156, No. 15. 21 . Ibid., Vol.. I, No. 44, p. 247; See also, vol. II, No. 283, p. 404; Vol. IV, No. 466, p. 158; No. 475, p. 207. 22 . Jatakas, vol. II, No. 195, p. 102. 23 . Ibid., Vol. II, No. 254, p. 287. 24 . Ibid., vol. III, No. 387, p. 181. 25 . Artha., II, 11. 26 . Artha., II, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27. 27 . Marshal, John, Excavation at Bhila, A.S.I.A.R., 1911-12, p. 30. 11

like the modern chamber of commerce existed in upper India at some big trading centre perhaps at Pattiputra.28 To summarise the existence of big offices calls in the existence of big transactions and widespread activities of guilds in ancient India.

It is, thus evident that guilds were the natural outcome of the existing social and economic conditions, while some of the above mentioned factors laid the foundation of institution. Human psychology, the instinct of insecurity and oppression by upper classes were basic factors on which edifice on which the institution stood. While the enunciation of Buddhist and Jain ideologies and acceleration of trade and industry due to stable political conditions provided a solid background for its successful existence in succeeding centuries. Through the instrument of a guild, the common interests of its members were readily realized Therefore, the society fully appreciated its advantages and adopted it as a means for development and achieving peace.

Another important point of investigation is as to when did the guild organization actually come into being. Therefore the tracing of the origin and antiquity in northern India is indispensable before dealing with the development of the institution in the succeeding centuries. It is easy to understand how in ancient India co-operation of a certain kind among trades was a necessity forced upon them by the insecurity of the times. Often having long distances and insecure roads to travellers, they could individually be no match for robbers or hostile tribes, but they could, when united in a body, oppose a successful resistance of the latter. The existence of such dangers in specifically referred to in later literature. Thus a Jataka story refers to a village of 500 robbers with an elder at their head.29 Such organization of robbers was met by the counter organization of traders to which, again, references is made in a numbers of Jataka stories.30 It is quite in the nature of things that organization of merchantile classes was brought into existence by a similar process even in earlier periods of Indian history, and evidences are not altogether wanting in support of this.

The term pani which occurs several times in the Rigveda has been differently interpreted by different scholars.31 The St. Petersburgh Dictionary derives it from the

28 . Bloch, T., Excavation at Basarah, ibid, 1903-04,. P. 101. 29 . Sattigumba Jataka, Jat. Vol. IV, p. 480. 30 . Jarudapana Jataka, Jat. Vol. II, p. 294. 31 . See V.I, p. 471. 12

root pan, “to barter”, and explains it as merchants, trader. Zimmer32 and Ludwig33 also take the word in the sense of merchant. Now in a certain hymn, the Gods are asked to attack the Panis who referred to as defeated with slaughter34 Ludwig thinks that there “references to fights with panis are to be explained by their having been aboriginal traders who went in caravans –

- As in Arabia and Northern Africa - Prepared to fight, if need be to protect the goods against attacks which the Aryans would naturally deem quite justified.” If we accept this meaning, we shall have necessarily to presume a corporation of Merchants, strong enough to defy their opponents, and carey on fight against them Thus the institution referred to in the Jatakas may be traced back to the period represented by the hymns of the Rigveda.35

To the same class belongs the corporate organization of artisans, although probably somewhat different in nature and origin. It is difficult to determine, with any amount of definiteness, whether these institutions corresponding to guilds of Medieval Europe, had developed in the early vedic period. At present the evidence on this point consists of the use of the words Sresthin36 and gana37 in vedic literature. It is well known that the word Sresthin in later literature denoted the “headman of a guild”. Dr. Macdonell38 remarks that the word may already have that sense in the vedic literature39 Again, the word gana means any corporate organisation, although in later literature it is almost exclusively used with reference to political and religious bodies. Roth, however, points out that it is used in the sense of a guild in vedic literature.40

A careful study of the source materials brings forth several terms which denoted co-operative organizations in ancient India. The exact meaning and nature of

32 . “Schon von Yaska Nir 2, 16 wird das wort (Vanij) mit Pani, das ebenfalls Handllr bezeichnet en verbindung, gebrach”, A.L., p. 257. 33 . Der Rigveda, 3.213, 215. 34 V.I. P. 471 35 But, as already noticed, the meaning of the term which is here given is not unanimously accepted. 36 Aitraveya Br, III, 30,3, Kausitaki, XXVIII, 6, Taitiriya Br., III, 1, 4, 10, See V.I., p. 403. 37 Parchvimsa Brahmana, VI, 9, 25; XVII, 1.5, 12; VS XVI 25; T.S. 1.8 10.2. 38 V.I., P. 403. 39 Dr. R.K. Mookerji (Local Government in Ancient India, pp. 41ff) seems to content that the word Sraisthya in vedic literature always refers to the position of the head of a guild. 40 St. Petersburge Dictionary, S.V. gana. 13

each of them is difficult to determine in view of the fact that a single term does not have a strict consistent connotation throughout the ages. These were used in more than one sense at different places. Confusion in much more enhanced as commentators of legal texts greatly differ in their interpretation of these terms, though they unanimously accept that these words denoted cooperative organizations. It has, therefore, to be established how far these terms denoted economic organization consequently, a through study of these terms and their various interpretations by the legal commentators becomes imperative.

The term literally means a line or a series. In the vedic literature, it stands in that simple sense only or, for that matter, denotes group life.41 But in Panini’s Astadhayi, the term bears some technical meaning and denotes a specific class.42 This process of development in well attested by Kasika a commentary on this Sutra of Panini. It illustrates that those who were not classified before were aspiring to attain that stage.43 Therefore, it is clear from Panini’s Sutra by 5th century B.C. Sreni had emerged as a special class. In the epics as well, Sreni occurs frequently.44 The epic passages speak of Sreni headed by a person known as Srenimukhya who enjoyed considerable royal recognition and prestige in the state.45 The Mahabharata mentions validity to Srenidharma which makes it a self-governing corporation.46 It seems that the term Sreni was used in epics in the typical sense of a guild of artisans and craftsmen. In the Buddhist and Jaina literature the number of Sreni is given as eighteen.47

In Mahamagga Jataka masons, carpenters, blacksmiths, painters and men skilled. In all arts and crafts are referred to as type of Sreni.48 Thus Buddhist text provide a firmer ground for positive assertion that Sreni was an industrial organization Kautilya in his Arthasastra uses the term in three different senses. At one place he refers to the Sreni of Kamboja and Saurastra living on agriculture, trade and wielding

41 pOokfja”k Ì”kjFkL; “kks.kk%l/[kL;kezs Nsf.ka u;frA o;ks u Ns.kh iIrqjkstlkarkfenoks c`gr%lkuquLrfjA R.g, I, 1264; III, 38,6; V, 59,7: Chandogya upanisad, V, XIV,1. 42 Js.;kn; d`rkfnfFk% &Panini., II, I, 59. 43 vJs.k;% Js.k;% d`rk% &Ibid., P. 246. 44 Js.k;LRok egkjkt Ik”;URoez;k”p loZ”k% Rama, II, 105, 11;124, 23; VI, 108, 14, 127, 4; Mbh., XII, 140, 64. 45 Rama, II, 26, 14, VI, 127, 4; Mbh.9 XII.,59, 49; 140, 64. 46 Mbh., XII, 36, 19. 47 Jat., Vol. VI, No. 538, P. 14; No 546, P. 427; Nayadhammakaha, 2-Jain, J.C., Do Hazar Varsa PUrani Kahaniyan, P. 31. 48 Jat., Vol. VI, N. 546, P. 427. 14

weapons, and at the other Srenis of Licchavikas, Mallakas, Madrakas, Kurus and panchalas etc. with the title of Raja, are mentioned.49 This statement of Kautilya sows that in the Kamboja and Saurastra region Sreni stood for collectivistic economy, all working for their subsistence and safety together.

The non-aryan character of Sreni is also evident from his statement. This collectivistic economic pattern of the set up was clearly in contrast to the vedic society where functional division was a marked feature. The second part of Kautilya’s statement points to the emergence of class division on the basis of power and wealth. All their tribes and regions are condemned in the Dharmasastras and forbidden for an aryan to visit and mix-up.50 The use of the term Sreni for tribal organizations shows that it existed outside the circle of fold and had not till then been absorbed in the hierarchical division of the society.51But Kautilya elsewhere used the term in the restricted sense of corporation of artisans and merchants also.52A number of such organizations were functioning at that time as is evident from the expression Srenipraya used for a country consisting mostly of Industrial guilds.53After Kautilya, Sreni was always defined in terms of art and crafts. The term occurs in Patanjali’s Mahabhasya54also.

The commentaries, Uddyota and Pradipa, have interpreted it as the group of people subsisting on the earning of a single craft.55Medhatithi, a commentator of Manusmriti56, construes the term as a group of people following same profession like artisans (Karu), merchants (Vanik),barbers (Kusida), and brahmanas learned in the four Vedas.57Yajnavalkya also uses the word at different places.58His commentators Vijneswara and Mitramisra, define it as trade guild of person either belonging to different castes or to the same caste, e.g. of horse dealers (hedabukas), betel sellers (tanbullika) caste weavers (Kuvindas) and curriers (Carmakaras) in similar

49 dkEckstlqjk.n {kf=;Js.;kn;ks okRrf”kLJsithfou%A fyPNfod czwftd eYydenDdqdqjdq:k pkykn;ks jkt”kCnksithfou%AA &Artha. 9 XI, 1. 50 Manu, II, 39; X, 22. 51 Kosambi, P.D., Introduction to the study of Indian History, p. 221;see also, Drekmeir Charles, bnigship and community in early India, P. 277. 52 Artha, II, 4; IV, II. 53 Ibid., VII, 1. 54 Mahabhasya, II, 1, 58. 55 ,d f”kYikJ;s.k ,d i.;kJ;sl osR;FkZ (Uddgota Nages 9), ,d f”kYii.;kJ;s.k thfouka la?kJsf.k%] (Pradipa, Kaiyta) Ibid; ?Vol. II, p. 403. 56 Manu, VIII, 41. 57 Ibid, Vol. II, P 90. 58 Yaj., II, 30. 192. 15

words.59According to Nilkanktha and Candeswara, it is a guild of persons belonging to the same caste and pursuing the same calling as the guild of oilmen (tailikas) or of weavers (Kuridas)60 Madanratna used the term for a group of people of different castes but pursuing same vocation.61 He cites Merchants and cultivators as examples62 In the – Saraswativilasa, betel sellers are referred to as Sreni63.

This survey reveals that the term Sreni stands in the restricted sense of an economic organization and generally denotes a group of persons of same or different castes, but pursuing the same occupation and inhabiting in the same place. Although the term Sreni is accepted in general sense of a guild, industrial as well as mercantile, as is clear from different definitions given above, yet it mainly stand for the industrial and craft guilds.

Gana is an another important term used for guilds. In epics the term bears some special meaning denoting political corporation governed by aristocrats known as Ganavallabha, Garamubhya and Caniswara enjoining high status and importance in the political set up of the epic society.64 The Term gana is employed by Ramayana for the groups of Vanaras and Raksasas. The Vanarakings, Vali and Sugriva and the Lanka Ravana are often addressed as Ganeswara.65 In later Buddhist literature also, it alludes to religious bodies only. In Milindpanho the King enquires if there was any learned person, whether a wandering teacher or a Brahmana, the head of some school or order or the master of some band of pupils. (Ganachariya), who would be able to talk to him and resolve his doubt.66

In Jainasutra too gana is used the sense of religious congregation of monks67. For the first time, gana in used for the corporation of craftsmen in Arthasastra of Kautilya.68 The Vishnusmriti also assigns to the members of a gana the communal

59 Js.k;kss ukuktkrhuk;sd tkrh;deksZ;thfouka la?kkrk%A gsMkcqdrkEcwfyddqfoUn peZdkjknksukeAA MIta., p.944; Viram., p. 38. 60 Vyaraharamayukha, P. S’ Vivadarantnakas, P. 177. 61 Madanartanapradipa, P.11. 62 Ibid., P. 14. 63 Js.k;% rkEcwfydknhuka & Saraswativilasa, p. 17. 64 Rama; IIm 81, 12; IV,17, 3; Mbh, XIII, 107, 25, 28, 32. 65 Rama; IV,17,3; 32, 10; V, 13, 1; 62, 10. 66 S. B.E., Vol. XXXV, P. 7. 67 Ibid., Vol. XXII, Jainsutra, Pt. I, Aerargaga Sutra, P. 113, Kalpasutra, pp. 2,3,287, 36; Vol. XLV, Pt.II, Uttaradhyayana Sutra, P. 146. 68 Dk:f”kYix.kks & Artha., II.6. 16

proprietary rights.69 The term occurs in Manusmriti70, which has been interpreted by Medhatithi as a group of Merchants (Varik) labourers (Karu) and baroh (Kusilava) etc.71Visvarupacharya explains the term as a group of merchants.72 Gana of Elephant riders is mentioned as Mahamatra gana in Nagardhana plate of Svaniraja also.73 In the second Prasasti of Baijnath the gana is mentioned as a corporation of oil merchants.74 There observations indicate that gana initially denoted tribal set up which later on became a specific term for either the religions bodies or for the economic corporations. Therefore, this term does not always denote an economic organization.

The Next term which is used in contact of guilds is Puga. The term was for the first time used in the Kausitiki Brahmana where Rudra is called as Jhega.75 Panini mentions if along with gana and Samgha76 and its leader is termed as gramini.77Narada and Brahaspati also uses this term in the sense of a corporation of artisans of Merchants.78 Katyayana explain the term Puga as a group of merchants79. The Smiritichandrika gives the examples of Puga as riders o elephants and horses.80 According to Visvarupa it is a group of Brahmanas.81

The puga was essentially an economic organization of traders and merchants. It was a bigger institution than Sreni. Another important term used for guilds is Vratra, like the others terms, Vrata also occurs in the vedic literature, although its meaning is very much obscure.82 Panini refers to vrata as a way of living.83 Patanjali further elaborates this term for a multitude or mass composed of various castes, who have no fixed employment and live by violence or physical labour. Those who lived

69 X.knzO;L;kigrkZ fookL;%] & Visnu., V 167. 70 Manu., I, 118. 71 Xk.k laM+?kkrks] of.kDdk:dq”khyoknhukHkw-] & Ibid., Vol. I, p. 50. 72 Okf.kDlewgksx.k-] gLR;kjksgkfn lewg bR;U;s] Dh.K., Vol. 1, Pt. I, p. 899. 73 C.I.I., Vol. IV. No. 120, p. 612. 74 Ep. INd., Vol. I, No. 16, p. 196. 75 :nzkS oS iwx% & Kauritiki Brahmana, XVII, 7. 76 Ckgqiwxx.kl?kL; foFkqd] & Panini, V, II, 50 77 iwxk´«;ksMxzkeihiwofr]& Ibid., V, III, 112, see aho, Anguttara Nikaya, II, 21. 78 Narada., X 2, Brah., XVIII, 16. 79 Lkewgksof.ktknhuka iwx% laifjdhfrZr%] Kat., V. 679. 80 Iwkxk%gLR;”okjksgdfn;% P. 40 Sm.C., Vol. III. Pt.I, p.521. 81 Czkkáekfn lewgk% iwxk% Dh K., Vol. I, Pt. I, p.40. 82 Rg. III, 26,6;V, 53, 10; IX, 12, 12; X, 34, 12; Arthravaveda, II, 2; Tandya Brahmana, XVIII, 1,5; Panchivmsa Brahmana, XVII, 17, 1. 83 Czkkrsu thofr] & Panini, V, II, 21. 17

the Vrata were called Vratin.84 Katyayana defines Vrata as a troop of persons nearing various kinds of arms85 and he groups gana, Puga, Vrata, Sreni etc. together as forming the constituents of a varga86 But, in view of some verses from Naradasmriti. It is hard to believe that Vrata continued to make their livelihood by predatory activities.87 Originally Vratas were like tribes subsisting on the earnings of their arms, but with the growth of civilization they turned towards peaceful means of livelihood under their traditional calling.

Another important term for the corporate organization is Samgha, the word itself suggests a corporate structure. It is clear from Panini Sutra that it was similar in nature to Puga and gana.88 Panini himself regards gana and Samgha to be synonymous terms.89 In Buddhist and Jaina literature the Samgha used for monasteries of monks (Bhinu Samagha)90 The Apasthaba Dharmasutra refers to a Brahmacharismagha setting forth for alms.91 Katyayna defines Samgha as a group of followers of Cernats and of Saugatas.92

Thus the term lost its original conversation with the passage of time. It is often used in generic sense of a corporation, either religious, economic or political, but it is mostly applied to religious congregations of Buddhists and Jainas.

Another term is Naigma, the term occurs frequently in literature, epigraphs coins, seats and scaling. In Panini’s Astadhayayi, it is grouped along with gocara, sancena etc. as ambiguous terms.93 In the Amarkosa naigma and Vanika said to be synonymous with each other.94 The term occurs in Smiritis along with Sreni, Puga, Vrata, Gana etc.95 Nilkantha construes the term as those traders who are not opposed to the Vedas96

84 Ukuktkrh; vfu;r o`Ùk; mRls/kthfou la?kkozkrk%] rs’kka deZ ozkru ozkrdeZ.kka thorhfr & ozkrhu%] & Mahabharya, Vol.IV, P.314. 85 Ukuk;q/k/kjk ozkrk% leosrk% izdhfrZrk% Kat., V. 678. 86 Kat; v. 682. 87 Narada., X, 2. 88 Panini, V, 11,52. 89 l/kksn/kkS x.kiz”kal;ks] & Ibid., III, III, 86. 90 Mahaparinibbana Sutra, P. 10, Liider Nos. 1024,1127. 91 Apasthamba Dharmsutra, I, I, 3, 26. 92 vkgZrlkSxrkuk rq lewg% lM~/k mP;rs] & Kat., V. 681. 93 Panini, III, III, 119. 94 Amarkosa, II, 9, 78, Seeaho, Vikramaveriya, IV 13. 95 Yaj, II, 192, Narada, X, 2. 96 Vyavaharunayukta, p. 241. 18

Besides there literary evidences, the term naigma or negama is traced in various inscriptions.97 The keen association of naigma with sreni evident from the Nasik cave inscription98 also which records the endowments made by Rasabhadatta. The amount was deposited with two weaver Srenis at Govardhana. The Records mentions that all these endowments were proclaimed and registered at the town hall (naigama-sabha). It appears that the merchant corals had the power to compel the Sreni fulfil their engagements.

It seems that originally merchants were designated as Naigma. Because of their allied nature with Sreni and better status in society, they began to exercise same control over Sreni or craft guilds generally inhabiting the villages.

Next term is Sartha, means ‘a Caravan’. The term in conspious by its absence in the vedic literature, but frequently occurs in Mahabharata Vanaprava provide us a beautiful description of a Mahasstra which was mainly comprised traders and merchants.99 The head of Sartha was known as Sarthavaha. The term occurs in a number of inscriptions100 and some seals excavated from Basrah.101

Vaillabhattasvamin temple inscription of Gwalior, Damodar copper plate inscription and seals, all represent Sartthavaha, along with Sresthi and Kuliga as holding important place in the town council. This on the one hand establishes the intrinsic connection between Sarthavaha, Sresthi (the baber) and Kulika (head of the artisans) and, on the other hand, hints at a somewhat permanent organisation of caravan merchants in Sartha under the able leadership of Sarthavaha. The synonymous use of Sattha and naigma also lands furthers force to this inference.

We have one more term i.e. Desi used for corporate organizations. It is a new synonym for Sreni which occurs in inscription of early medieval India line-8 of Peheva inscription from the temple of Garibanatha dated 882-883 A.D. reads as “nanaderabhatakanyavahardea-desi”.102 The Nadlai inscription records that the Vanajarakas of Abhinavpuri Badari and Nadlai assembled together in a

97 Liider’s Nos. 978, 995,998, 1000, 1001, 124, amnigham, A., Stupa of Bharhite, NO. 16, p. 131. 98 A.S.W.I., Vol. IV, NO. 7, P. 102. 99 Mbh,111, 61, 117-118, 121-122; 62, 8, 9, 17. 100 Ep. INd., Vol. I, No. XX, pp. 153-162; NO XXXIV, pp. 293-303; Vol XV, No 7, pp. 13146. 101 Bloch, T., op. cit., p. 104. 102 Ep. Ind. Vol. I, NO XXIII, P. 188. 19

desi.103Karitalai stone inscription, an undated record, also bears the term desi making some donations.104 Therefore, it can reasonably be inferred that desi also denoted merchant guilds in the early medieval India.

A comprehensive study of different terms help us to know how far these terms provides us relevant information on the subject of guilds. The reason for variation in its meaning has been explained by professor Aiyanger. He had the view that, “either in course of time corporate organisation changed their composition and function while retaining their old class titles or that in the days when the later smritis and digests were composed, such corporations had fallen in to decay and definitions of the digest writers were based on vague traditions and not on contemporary observations.105 The fundamental unity underlying these various terms is explicit while Sreni, Puga, Desi, Naigma, and Sartha often denoted an economic organization, either industrial or merchantile, gana and samgha usually stored for political corporations or religious congregations. Among these various terms, Sreni and Naigma are of basic importance to the present study as they denote craft and trade guilds respectively.

A close study of the literature and epigraphs of this period clearly indicates that men following similar means of livelihood usually formed themselves in to a corporation with definite rules to guide themselves. These corporations are guilds Although the actual number of guilds must have always for exceeded even these numbers. It is interesting to note that the idea of the conventional 18 guilds persisted down to modern times in India. The compound gana-pana is used in the sense of communal and professional guilds and these formed parts of the local assemblies.106 The paucity of material makes impossible to trace the history of the all guilds in detail. We can only hope to describe the general course of their development during the successive periods of Indian History.

To start with the vedic period, there is considerable disagreement among scholars whether the guilds existed in that age or not. The terms desi, puga, sreni, samgha all were used in vedic literature and the terms like sresthin and Sraisthya are also founds in the vedic literature, on the basis of also these terms we can say that

103 Ibid., Vol. XI, No. XI, p. 42. 104 C.I.I., Vol. IV, No. 42, p. 186. 105 Aiyanger, K.V., Aspects of Ancient Indian Political Thoughts, p. 186. 106 Ep. Ind., XX, p. 90, f.IX, 2. 20

guilds were emerged during vedic period. We can only admit that trade and industry were advancing rapidly towards specialization and by the concluding centuries of the later vedic period the background for the emergence of economic organizations was laid.

The period following the later vedic age up to 400 B.C. has been termed as pre-mauryan age. Indian society was well settled by that time. The period witnessed a further growth in the field of made and industry. The Industrial guilds were flocked by people from all Varanasi this period. We come across the terms like Srenimubhja,107 Srenimahatras,108 nigmamubrya,109 all these were the head of the guilds we have instances of 500 or even 1000 families of crafts being organised under headmen.110 Another thing that marked the guild organization of this period was localization of crafts we have instances when parts of cities, suburban areas or sometimes even the whole village was inhabited by people enjoyed in a single craft.111 Trade guilds were not as well organised in this period as the Industrial guilds. Guilds enjoyed the liberty of arranging for their own safety also.112 It is clearly evident that the guilds had become powerful institution by this period. Most of the crafts and industries were organised into guilds in this period. A list of 48 guilds functioning in this period can be compiled on the basis of the available sources.113

In the Mauryan period guilds flourished all around. A number of powerful guilds were functioning in the country, as it is evident from the impression of Srenipraya114. In fact, the industrial and mercantile organizations were an important sources of the state revenue. A significant advance made by the guilds in this period was their functioning as bank. The guild deposited their money with other reliable guild and drew money from them.115 Kautilya also accept the inclusion of the Srenibala among the six fold army of a King116 The guilds also extended their activities to municipal sphere. Kautilya granted many liberties to industrial and

107 Rama, II, 29, 16, mbh, XII, 59, 49; 140, 64. 108 Rama., II, 94, 26. 109 Rama., II, 15,2. 110 Jat., Vol. IV, No. 466, p. 158. 111 Jat, Vol. III, No. 365, p. 198. 112 Ibid., Vol. II, No. 159, p. 36. 113 E.I. & H., p. 526; Davids, Rhys, Buddhist India, pp. 90-97. 114 Astha., VII, 1. 115 Ibid., III, 10. 116 Ibid. IX, 2. 21

mercantile guilds, but not the independent status which they enjoyed in proceeding centuries. The available sources indicates that 14 guilds to be functioning in the age of the Maurya. With the evident of 4th century A.D. the period of Golden age of Guptas, came to be a most flourishing period for the guilds. The full-fledged development of guilds in this period attested by the later Dharmasastras of Narada, Brahaspati, Katyana and other secular literature, inscriptions seals and sealing. The guild laws, customs and convections continued to operate with royal sanction behind them. Although the head of the guild and the Executive officers were given full authority in all matters arising with in a guild. The guilds continued to function as ordinary courts of justice, as mentioned by Yajnavalkya.117 The banking functions of guilds was still intact. The inscriptional evidences in this context stated that the guild was bound to fulfil the agreement “till the sun, the moon and earth endure” and even the guild monetary from its settlement.118 It seems that the guilds had their own insignia, flags and seals. In Harivansa, the guilds are stated to have gone to the court of Kamsa, with their respective flags.119 The overall development and autonomy enjoyed by the guilds in this period. We see that the power of the guilds reached its zenith in the Gupta period on basis of available sources the numbers of guilds existing during this period can be put as 26. After the death of Harsha, India again lost her political unity under such disturbed political conditions the trade and industry were addressly affected and so were the guilds. The power and autonomy which the guilds enjoyed ended Gupta’s us now where visible in the guilds of this period. The reasons for this degeneration of the guilds in early medieval India can be summed up a follows. The most important was the disturbed political conditions of that time. There was complete absence of any powerful control authority after Harsha winch could unify the whole of northern India under its sovereignty. The political disturbances must have kept the people busy in moving from one place to another for safety and security and so also to the trades men and craftsman. Thus political upheaval exercised its worst effect on the guild organization.120

117 Narada., I, 7; Brhas., I, 75; Kat., V. 82. 118 C.I.I., Vol. III, No. 16, p. 68ff. 119 Harivansa, 29, 5. 120 Jain, P.C. Socio-economic exploration of Medieval India, p. 301. 22

The 6th century A.D. witnessed the ascending of the landed aristocracy in the form of somantas over the Naigamas, Sarthas and Srenis.121 Therefore Samantas replaced Srenis and naigmas in the political administration. The Dudhapani rock inscription of the 8th century A.D. tells us that the three merchants become masters of three villages in the Hazaribagha district of Magadha.122 The Barla inscription of 11th Century A.D. records that Thakura Palhudas was a trader by profession.123

The traders and merchants were under the burden of additional taxes in this period. During the reign of Raypala, his feudatory sons issued in 11th Century A.D. an order that one Palika (measure) of oil due to them was to be collected from each oil mill.124 Again in same century, another feudatory of the same king asked for 2 Pakilas of oil due to him from each oil mill.125 An additional tax was imposed at the custom house in the 11th Century A.D.126 On account of these taxes, the guilds of merchants and traders could not flourished and prosper as in the preceding centuries. The Gwalior stone inscription records that in 876 A.D., nine chiefs of oil millers of four villages and all the members of the guild of oil millers came to an agreement with each other that each of them would give 1 Palika of oil on the 9th day of the bright half of every month for the illumination of a lamp in the Vaillabhattaswamin temple. On the same date, guild of gardeners combined to provide 50 flower garlands for the worship of the same deity.127

The decline of guilds was also the result of their being consolidated in to sub- castes. One important factor which turned these guilds into sub castes was supplied by the hereditary character of occupation. This made the guild life permanent and resulted in the transformation of guilds into closed groups with their own rules and occupations. Since the beginning, guild rules (Srenidharma) were placed on equal footing with the caste rules (Jatidharma).128

The transformation of guilds into sub castes was further accelerated by the

121 Majumdar, B.P., Merchants and Landed Aristocracy infeudel economy of Northern Indusry, pp. 67-68. 122 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIII, No. 18, pp. 225-229. 123 Ibid., Vol. XXXIII, No. 52, pp. 299ff. 124 Ep. Ind., Vol. XI, NoH, p. 32. 125 Ibid., p. 41. 126 Ibid., p. 48. 127 Ep. Ind., Vol. I, No. XX, pp. 159-60. 128 Manu., VIII, 41. 23

assimilation of some ethic groups in the rank of mixed castes.129 In early medieval India, the guilds mostly appear to have fossilized into sub castes.130 Within these sub casts, however some sort of social control over members and the instinct of co- operation was still alive. But the economic co-operation which was at the root of all their successes in ancient India, was rapidly disappearing. This change, therefore appear to be one of the important factor which contributed to the degeneration of guilds.

The Smritichandrika and the Virmitrodaya defined Sreni as 18 low caste people such as the rajakas (washermen)131. Bhattotpala simply defines Sreni as a group of people belonging to the same caste.132 In Kanhadadeprabandha, four castes and 18 varnas are referred to which clearly attests to the transformation of guild into sub castes.133On account of there aforesaid reasons, the guilds lost their ground in the early medieval period. Unlike the previous centuries which had witnessed a very strong and compact organization of guilds, the guilds of this period do not indicate any traces of a very sound organisation. It is evident from the statement of Medhatithi, a 10 century A.D. commentator of the Manusmriti that executive officers of guilds were loosing their control over the members. Mutual co-operation and confidence were the basic ideas of a co-operation like a guild which seemed to be disappearing from the organization.134

The local character of the guilds is also one of the distinguished features of this age. The guilds were circumscribed to a particular region and came to include men of some particular areas. In general the commentators of this period define Sreni as a group of people following the same profession such as, oilmen, artisans, money- lenders, betel sellers, traders, weavers etc.135

In early Medieval India the temples stood in competition with the ancient institution of guilds severing the society as banks. Temples were bestow with substantial gifts by rulers and other different donors in this period which resulted in

129 Gopal L. Economic groups and the caste system’, J.I.H., Vol. 43, pt. 2-3, pp. 775-778. 130 Basham, A.L., The wonder that was India, p. 217. 131 Js.;ks ”ktdkk.jkn”kghutkr;%& 1 Sm C, Vol. III, Pt. I, P. 40; see also, Viram, p. 12. 132 On Brahatsanhita, XXXIV, 19, Gopal, L. The Economic life of Northern India, P. 83. 133 Kanhadadeprabandha I, 238 – Jain, K.C. Rajasthan through the Ages, p. 500. 134 See also, Jain, P.C., op. cit. p. 304; Gopal L., op. cit., p. 82. 135 Mita., p. 944; Viram; p. 38; Dh.K., Vol. I, Pt.I, pt.2. 24

the temples becoming the richest institution of the time.136 A Siyadoni inscription records that in 912 A.D, Nagaka, a merchant withdraw the money he had earlier deposited with distillers of spirituous liquor and reposited the amount with a temple.137 But this is not suggest that the guilds did not receive public deposits at all as banks and did not pay a regular interest in earlier period.

The literature and the epigraphic sources of this period tells us that guild organization and their administrative machinery their localized nature, their right to enact rules and regulations their judicial authorities were still intact and no remarkable change was visible in these centuries. During the period of 700 to 1200 A.D. its organizational solidarity and corrosion was fast vanishing. The constant wars of Mohammad Ghori from 1175 to 1206 A.D. and finally of Timur he came in 1398 A.D., broke down the vast organization of trade and industry in India. As a result of these blows the curtain drew down, on the history of guild organization in India. Security of life and prosperity were not restored until the reign of Akbar, the great. The number of guilds is again given to be 18 in the literature of the early medieval India.138 But in earlier times, inscriptions and literature mention much more that 18 trades and industries being organised into guilds.

Thus the guilds present a picture of rise and fall throughout early medieval India. They emerged out of existing social, political and economic conditions and gradually assumed the shape of an established institution of the country. Growing specialization in the field of made and industry added to their number as most of the trades and crafts became organized in to guilds. The institution provided political and social shelter to an individual workman who could hardly establish his long existence in those times when laws for traders and artisans were very severe and their social status was for from satisfactory.

In medieval period, the guilds system was not very popular. They converted themselves into karkhanas. Now the guilds termed as karkhanas. The new rulers were interested in products of artisans manufacture and not the castes of artisans, and so were indifferent to the imposition of caste restraints that had burdened the town

136 C.I.I., Vol. IV, No.31, p. 147. 137 Ep. Ind., Vol .I, No. XXI, p 166. 138 Pramananda, Mahakavya, XVI, 193; Prasnavyakarna, pp. 193ff. Jambu., 111, 43, pp. 193ff. Trisashtishalakpurushcharita, Vol. I, Ch. IX, 662. 25

artisans and checked inter-professional mobility in pre-Sultanate India. From the villages, the rulers wanted more revenue; and so the greatest of them, ‘Ala’uddin Khalji’ (1296-1316) eliminated the ‘intermediaries’ who used to take a large share of the surplus and oppress the lower peasantry.139

The increase in craft production that accompanied urban growth was also reinforced by a number of changes or improvements in technology which can be ascribed to the period of the Sultanate. First of all, in the cotton textile sector the arrival of the spinning wheel was bound to increase the production of yarn manifold.

Another textile craft whose introduction from Persia took place very probably in the Sultanate period was carpet-weaving on the vertical loom; definite evidence of the importation of this technique into India, however, dates only from the Mughal period.140

Other manufacturing crafts were also established, most notably that of paper. The earliest surviving piece of paper presumably made in India belongs to the early thirteenth century and comes from Gujarat.141 By the early fourteenth century its manufacture had become so extensive that sweetmeat-sellers in Delhi could pack their preparations in paper for the convenience of their customers.142

The building industry underwent a notable technological transformation. The growth of commerce under the Sultans is reflected pre-eminently in their coinage.

The major channel growth of an urban Muslim artisan class. Standing outside the rigorous framework of the caste system, this probably contributed an important element of competition and mobility in the organization of Indian craft production. There is, on the other hand, no evidence of any direct assault from the state or the Muslims upon the caste system, nor even of any revolt from within, until the fifteenth century, when Kabir’s verses might suggest the first misgivings of the artisan regarding caste restraints and regarding his lowly position within the social order.

The royal and aristocratic demand for luxuries and craft products helped

139 . Introduction to new edition of Elliot and Dowson, History of India, Vol. II, p. 81. 140 See Irfan Habib, ‘Indian Textile Industry in the Seventeenth Century’, in Essays in Honour of Professor S.C. Sarkar, edited by Diptendra Banerjee et al., New Delhi, 1976, p. 183. 141 D.C. Sircar, Indian Epigraphy, Delhi, 1967, p. 67 fn. 142 . Hamid Qalandar’s record of conversations of Shaikh Nasiruddin, Khairu’l Majalis, edited by K.A. Nizami, Aligarh, 1959, p. 203. 26

maintain large populations of not only local craftsmen but also craftsmen working in towns in distant regions, specializing in particular goods. Even the demand for imported horses of high breeds from Iran and Central Asia indirectly assisted the Indian craft sector, since the animals were paid for mainly by export of Indian products, notably textiles.

Even though the service sector accounted for a large part of the population, the towns were still home to very large numbers engaged in manufactures, extractive industries and construction. M.D. Morris has shown, there was considerable flexibility in the caste system for professional adjustments in the long term.

Market relationships dominated craft production outside the villages. Many artisans simply produced their wares and put them up for sale in their huts or shops or in the open in fairs and bazaars, especially if the costs of materials were low (of which ordinary potters provide). But even where materials were more expensive, as in the weaving of ‘amberty’ calicos, where the further process of washing had also to be paid for by the weavers, we find the weavers selling their products to merchants waiting for them in the markets (‘gonges’ – ganj). Some artisans, like goldsmiths, who dealt in still more expensive wares, had workshops (karkhanas) of their own, and worked presumably with hired labourers.

The merchants’ control over artisanal production began with the effort to induce artisans to produce according to their orders, the obligation secured through the giving of advances (dadani). In certain cases, merchants made the advances not in the form of money but in that of the material to be worked, e.g., silk-yarn to weavers in Bengal. The next step was for them to establish karkhanas of their own. The way two English factors, on their first visit to Patna in 1620, set up a ‘Cor Conna’ employing nearly a hundred workmen to wind silk, suggests that they were only following a locally established practice.

The king, princes and nobles too had their karkhanas where numbers of workmen were employed to manufacture luxury goods, weapons, etc., for their use, but these workshops did not produce goods for the market and, therefore, could only have limited economic significance. They were by no means nuclear of capitalistic activity, for which profit is the basic objective.

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Till the beginning of the nineteenth century India was famous for its handicrafts all over the world. They were not only very important items of export, but a strong pillar of the Indian economy. They consisted of textiles, metal wares, artistic pottery, arms, carpets, woodwork and so on. They provided employment opportunities and sources of income to a number of people and helped develop artistic skills. These handicrafts catered largely to the needs of export, aristocrats and other urban dwellers and the army.

In the rural areas there were cottage industries, catering mainly to the needs of the local people. They were cheaper and not very artistic or of high quality. They were based on locally available raw materials and skills and were produced for local market. The artisans engaged in them were either full-time or part-time workers and were indispensable for the rural economy. There was a unity between agriculture and village industries. While agriculture supplied food and raw materials to artisans, the latter supplied and repaired implements, ornaments, pottery, cloth, shoes, furniture, etc. There was very little use of money in the process of exchange in rural areas. It was the barter system which prevailed. As is well known, villages had a large measure of self-sufficiency.

According to industrial activities, the most important was the production of textiles, both cotton and woollen. The production of cotton textiles was spread all over the country. The woollen goods of Kashmir, Punjab and other neighbouring places were much in demand. Varanasi, Mirzapur, Moradabad, Nasik, Pune, Hyderabad, Vishakhapattnam, Tanjavur, Sialkot, Lahore and so on were famous for metalwares of various kinds. Rajasthan was well-known for its enamelled jewellery, stone-carving and arms.

All these handicrafts entered in an era of decline in the second half of the eighteenth century with the establishment of British rule in India. It meant the collapse of the Mughal rule and weakening of social prestige and economic power of regional rulers. The disappearance of Indian rulers and their courts meant the cessation of almost entire volume of demand for artistic goods and a great deal of demand for other urban handicrafts. Handicraftsmen lost their patrons who had been giving them material help and encouragement to improve their skills and indulge in experiments to bring in new patterns and designs. At times these patrons organised

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exhibitions and competition to induce handicraftsmen to better their skills and products.

With the establishment and extension of the British rule, the number of tourists coming from Europe increased tremendously. The development of railways and construction of better kinds of roads, along with bringing into existence a measure of security and safety to travellers, led to an upsurge in the number of visitors from abroad. They were attracted to Indian handicrafts and, for a while, it seemed that the tourists’ demand would arrest the rapidity of decline of handicrafts and give a new lease of life to them. They wanted the craftsmen to cater to their own fancy designs and patterns. Obviously, this marred the creative talents of craftsmen. Their products became lifeless and shoddy and their artistic value-became a thing of the past.

The disappearance of Indian ruling families and their courtiers alongwith a radical change in the nature of arms and ammunitions and the technology of warfare rendered blacksmiths and those who manufactured the equipment for horses, elephants and camels to be used in battles jobless. Blacksmiths who, till 1850s, were engaged in damascening and inlaying of arms, weapons and shields, were rendered jobless. After 1858 when a measure of law and order was restored in the country, it became unnecessary for individuals to possess arms for their own protection while at home or on journey.

As has already been noted, the craftsmen based in urban areas produced goods of excellence and were highly skilled. They always took care to improve their arts and crafts and seldom compromised on quality. They were organised into guilds which exercised a very tight quality control and helped the members with money, raw materials and marketing facilities when the need arose. They saw to it that no undesirable elements entered them. The chiefs of these guilds, known as shreshthis or Nagar Seths, were hereditary and very wealthy people. During the Mughal rule, there were various kinds of karkhanas attached to the royal palaces and emperors took pains to help craftsmen improve their skills. Akbar and Jahangir invited specialists from abroad to instruct craftsman attached to their karkhanas.

With the establishment of the British rule, the guilds fast declined and European merchants and their Indian agents entered into direct contracts with craftsmen and began advancing money, raw materials and other facilities. They

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provided marketing facilities. They dictated patterns and designs and were interested in quick turnover and the result was a sharp decline in workmanship and artistic and commercial value of the products and they could no longer maintain their supremacy in the markets at home and abroad.

Industrial Revolution in Britain brought a radical change in the state of economic and commercial relations with India. With the emergence of factory system which worked with new inanimate sources of energy and a huge number of workers, and on the principle of division of labour. Thus Britain had to look to India for marketing manufactures and securing raw materials, minerals and foodgrains to feed its factories and a fast growing number of workers.

With the rise of the railways, the importance of waterways declined and a number of centres of handicrafts situated on river banks ceased to be commercially significant,. The trade of the city has now diminished owing to the opening out of new lines of railway in the districts north of the Ganges… with the decline in commercial importance of these places, craftsmen concentrated there lost buyers and gradually migrated to villages to eke out a living.

Cities like Delhi, Murshidabad, Patna, Dacca, Lucknow and so on became politically much less important after the establishment of British rule and this adversely affected the fortunes of craftsmen. British government responsible for the decline of indigenous industries, leading to the process of de-industrialisation and growing pressure of population on land.

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Chapter – 2

Structure of Guilds

Structure of Guilds

The people following the same trade or industry grouped themselves in to associations which amongst its wider social and religion functions regulated the economic life of their members and dealt with the people at large on behalf of its members. These associations, which secured social and legal recognition of their status, rights and activities and possessed a true corporate identity, may conveniently and appropriately be termed guilds various terms used for these organizations like Kula, Sreni, Puga, Jati, Vrata, Samgha, Samudaga Samuha, Sanbhya-Samutthana, Parisat, Varga, Satha and Naigma and their different interpretations by various authorizes were discussed. A guild was a coherent body, well-formed and well-defined. Its compactness stood the test of time and won the confidence of the people.

As already seen, most of the industries and trades were organized into guilds because they were reckoned as a successful means to organized labour. They provided protection to individual woman and supplied the best possible environment for them to demonstrate their genius and talent. As a guild, it had a common aim and purpose. Therefore, the main emphasis of the institution was laid upon the common welfare and the individual security of its members. To achieve their ends, the guilds devised a very compact internal organization was maintained intact by some of the factors which governed the internal organization of a guild and save the individual units from splitting away. In order to understand the guild organization better, it is important to examine these factors in the beginning.

These corporate activity seems to be quite a common feature in the economic system of post Vedic India. A clone study of the literature of this period clearly indicates that men following similar means of livelihood usually formed themselves into a corporation with definite rules to guide themselves. Thus we find as stated in the Dharma-sutra of Gautma1 that the additional occupation of vaisyas are, agriculture, trade, tending, cattle and lending money at interest. This list must be taken to include at least all the important occupations of the people at large, that were within the purview of the writer, and so it becomes significant2 that cultivators, traders, herdsmen, money- lenders and artisans chance authority to lay down, for respective class having learned

1 S.B. E II p. 232 X 49 2 XI 21.

the (state of) affairs from those who in each case have authority the legal decision.3 This means that practically all the different branches of occupation mentioned above had some sort of definite organization. This organization must be looked upon as an important one, in as much as its rules were recognized as valid in the eye of the law and its representatives had a right to be consulted by the king in any affair that concerned it.

The particular term used to denote the corporation of tradesmen or merchants is “Sreni”. This is defined as a corporation of people, belonging to the same different caste, but following the same trade and industry. This organization corresponds to that of guilds in medieval Europe, and may be freely rendered by that term. Ancient literature, both Buddhist and Bramanical, as well as ancient inscriptions, contains frequent references to guilds, and this corroborates the inference. We have deduced from the Gautmadharmasutra that nearly all the important branches of industry formed themselves in to guild. The number of these guilds must have differed considerably not only in different periods but also in different localities.

The first step in the formation of a new guild was to inspire mutual confidence among the intending members. Mutual confidence having been first established by means of sacred libation, by a stipulation in writing, or by inspires, they shall then set about their work. Thus the test of a man’s purity was that he should take three mouthfuls of water in which an image of the deity whom he holds sacred has been bathed and worshipped. If he should meet with any calamity within a week or fortnight of this ceremony, he was regarded guilty; otherwise he was pure and hence covered become a member of guild. The second condition was the drawing up of rules and regulations for common guidance and the third condition might have meet the practice of securing guarantees for the faithful conduct of the members.

Guilds were organized on the basis of a common profession with the passage of time each profession started becoming hereditary. Generally, the profession of the father became the fate of the son and then technical skill and accumulated experience descended from generation to generation. Infact, it was considered easy to accept the profession of forefathers at it did not require to prepare the background. In the Kathakas and other literature, families are referred to in terms of their traditional calling often Kula and Putta are affixed to the name of the profession which alludes to the

3 S.B.E. II, P. 237: XI, 20

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hereditary nature of the craft. There are, for instance, such expressions as Sattahawakelan (family of caravan drivers)4 dhannawanikakelam (grain merchant’s family)5 Panikabulam (green grocer’s family)6, Kumbhkarakelam (Potters’ family)7, Atariarakkhekakulam (family of torester)8, Kammarautta (son of Smith)9, Vaddhakubula (family of a carpenter)10, Nesadaputta (son of a hunter)11, Pasankottasaputta (son of astone grinders family)12 and so.

This hardly leaves doubt that normally crafts and trades were organized on a hereditary basis. It is argued that there hereditary families pursuing a single vocation for generation, borrowed in course of time, the customs of endogamy and prohibition of commensality from old tribes and thereby, solidified themselves into isolated units which later on were termed as caste. The ranking of any caste as high or low depended upon whether the industry represented by the caste belonged to an advanced or backward status of culture. Thus, the castes following the most imperimitive occupations like hunting, fishing and basket making were regarded as the lowest, the metal-workers, agricultures and traders were estimated as higher in rank while the highest caste was those of priest and teachers. This theory has found the most logical and clogmatic champion in Nesfield and has been supported well by modern writers to some extent.13 But, any attempt to trace any similarity between there two system remains fruitless.14

Basically guilds are economic in origin, while caste is a social institution caste is essentially hereditary and man born in a particular caste could not change it at his own discretion. Although as noted above, a profession was also generally hereditary, though not essentially. A man customarily followed his father’s profession, but he did

4 Jat, Vol. I, NO.1, p. 98; No. 2; P.107; No. 29, P. 194; No. 76, P. 312; Vol.II, No. 177, P. 79; Vol, No. 366, P. 21; Daskumacharitiam, P. 358; Samaraiccakaha, P. 151. 5 Jat; Vol. III, No. 365, P. 198. 6 Ibid., Vol. I. No. 70, P. 312. 7 Ibid., Vol. I, No. 178, P. 79; Vol. III, No. 408, P. 376. 8 Ibid., Vol. III, No. 265, P. 300. 9 Ibid., Vol. III, No. 387, P. 281; Majjhima Nikaya, I, 256; Digha Nikaya, II, 127;Suttanipata, V. 83, P. 15; Mahaparinibbansutta, IV, 14. 10 Jat, Vol. I, No. 44, P. 247; Vol. II, No.156, P. 22; Vol. IV, No. 466, P. 160. 11 Jat, Vol. I, No. 159, P. 36 12 Ibid., Vol. I, No. 137, P. 477. 13 Boswe, A.N., Social and Rural Economy of Northern India, P. 232, Lao, B.C., India as described in Early Texts of Buddism and Jaisim; P. 142; Chakraborty, Haripada, Trade and Commerce in Ancient India, PP 20-210; Fick, R., The Social organization in North-East India in Buddha’s Times, P. 285. 14 U.R.S. & C.A.I, P. 268.

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not necessarily bound his son to do so. Along side the literary evidences in favour of hereditary nature of trades and crafts there are also references pointing towards the fact that the people of different Varnas flouted their hereditary professions and joined vocations of their own choice. There were no obstacles for a person desirous of shifting from one profession to another15 Such liberty, now ever did not exist under the caste system. Besides, the fact, that the law book discriminated between Jati dharma and Srenidharama is a positive proof that Srini and caste were two different system.16

Definitions assigned to term Sreni hint that it was a corporation of people pursuing the same vocation irrespective of their caste.17 Its members could be of one caste or belong to different castes. Therefore, a Sreni’s membership was open to people of all castes, although the possibility of guild recruiting members from a single caste was always there.18 In homogeneously populated areas, caste and guild membership often coincided, but in large towns people from all castes were attracted towards a particular industry and, eventually, the guild thus formed based on common interests of the people and included members of various castes. Economic gain being the back bone of subsistence’s. It always attracted people from strata of society.

Thus economically, guilds were the most potent factor in destroying the edifice of the caste system.19 As question of caste was of little importance so far as the incorporation of a person into a particular guild was concerned, not such light is thrown by the sources on the constituents of any guild. But we can justify our inference from both Pali and Sanskrita literature, and even by some epigraphs, that all the four varnas followed economic pursuits.

Even in the Rigveda, where the organization juncture of the four varnas is fixed, we find artisan’s classes as respectable citizens of the Rigvedic society. In fact no occupation was regarded as degrading for an Aryan freeman, though the position of the priest and rulers conferred upon them the highest status in society. As a place in the Rigveda, we find Brahmanas exercising the function of a physician without dishonor.20 The different occupation did not impart any blemish to Brahmana families is indicated

15 . See also, Das, S.K; Economic History of Ancient India, Vol. I, P. 246; Mehta, R.L., Pre-Buddhist India, P. 205; L.G.A.I. P. 62. 16 Srivastava, G.P., Traditional Forms of Co-operation in India, P. 31. 17 Vidasupra; Ch.I. 18 Anstey, Vera, Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. VII, P. 217. 19 U.R.S. & C.A.I. P. 273. 20 Rg., X. 97, 12.

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in another Sutra of Rigveda,21 where Rsi sings; “I am a poet, my father is a Physician, my mother a grinder of corn with our different views seeking after gain, we run as after cattle.” The Ribhus, who were supposed to have been skilled artisans, were exalted to divine honour.22 Some of the descendants of great sage, Bhrgu were expert chariest- makers.23 In the pre Buddhist period, represented by the Jatakas, also we have exceptions which show that the barriers dividing one profession from another were not insurmountable. In the Bhimsena Jataka, a weaver changes his handicraft for that of an archer.24 epigraph also records a Manikara or jeweler giving his daughter to a black- smith. Possibly he may himself have been a black-smith at the time he gave his daughter in marriage. He might have made his fortune later as jeweler, the profession which might have attracted him.25

Not only the people of lower classes exchanged their professions, horizontally and vertically, but even Brahanas and Kshtriyas also crossed the boundaries of their spheres and joined these industrial and mercantile units on account of the encrative nature of economic professions. In Jatakas we find frequent references to Brahmans pursuing industrial and mercantile activities. Panini mentions of a celebrated grammarian, Candravarman, who was Kshatriya by birth.26

The Brahmanas turned towards trade and industry is evident from various references by eagar writers foo. Gautma, the earliest of legal writers states; “On failures of the occupation of Kshatriya, and on failure of these, he may live by the occupations of Vaisyas and further, if no other cause is possible, a Brahmana may support in any way except by following the occupation of a Sudra.27 But Gautama adds further, some permit even this in case his life is in danger. But to mix with that caste and forbidden food must be avoided even in times of distress.28 Gautma also allows the use of arm to Brahmana and permits the Ksatriyas to follow the occupation of a Vaisya29 Legal writers have classed the members of higher varnas resorting to the profession of lower varnas together with the lower Varnas.

21 Ibid., IX, 112, 3. 22 Rg., 161, 1-5. 23 Ibid., X, 39, 14. 24 Jat., Vol. I, No. 80, P. 355. 25 Ep. INd., Vol. I, No. XLIII, Pt.IV, P. 383. 26 Panini, VI, I, 130. 27 Gautma, VII, 6-7, 22; Narada, I, 56. 28 Gautma., VII, 23-24; See also, Aparthmba Pharmasutra, I, 7, 20, 10. 29 Gautma., VII. 25-26, (.S.B.E. Vol. 11, P. 209)

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Baudhyana informs us that in the central country (Madhyadesa) Brahmanas did become labourers and artisans.30 Manu enjoins that; “Brahansas who live by tending cattle as well as those Brahmans who are traders, artisans professional actors or musicians, money-lenders are in the service of anybody should be treated as Sudras, if summoned to a court as witnesses.31 Narada, at one place, declared that a wiseman should always obstain from levying a toll on that property, of a learned Brahmana, which belongs to his household; but not on that which he uses for trading purposes.32

Narada prescribes penances for a Brahmana who had live through in times of distress with the wealth acquired by following the occupation of a Kshatriya.33 If a Brahmana takes delight in these occupations, he is declared a Kandaprsishtha and must be expelled from society because he has swerved from the path of duty.34 Narada has listed the articles which a Brahmana should or should not sell while he is following the occupation of vaisya.35 The Mahabharta too refers to those Brahmanas who, on account of neglecting their duties prescribed in the religious text, are likened to the Sudras.36 These slackening rules, pertaining to the adoption of a profession under distress and similar other provision contained in legal literature, indicate that the Brahmana and kshatriya followed professions assigned to Vaisya and Sudras.37 The Mirichhakatikam refers to a Brahmana Sarthhavaha (dgijasattaha) Charudatta.38

The representative character of the guild is further confirmed by Mandsaur inscription of Kumargupta and Bandhuvarmana39 It describes the individual members of a silk weaver guild. This guild had within its fold those “who unassuming in their modesty and devoted to the discourses of the true religion became able to say much that was free from hardness and yet was salutary.

Other among them were valorous in battle and were to affect by force the destruction of their enemies. Some of the members of the guild belonged to famous and

30 Baudhayana Dharmasutra, 1,5, 10, 24; See also, Vasistha Dharmasutra, 111, 3(S.B.E., Vol. XIV, pp. 16-17). 31 Manu., VIII, 102; See also, III, 181; X, 82-85. 32 Narada., III, 14 (S.B.E Vol. XXXIII, P. 127) 33 Narada, I, 59 (S.B.E., Vol XXXIII, P. 55) 34 Narada, I, 60 (Ibid) 35 Ibid, I, 61-67 (Ibid., P. 57). 36 Mbh., XII, 76, 4. 37 See also, Gautma., X, 5, Manu., IV, 6; Vaj, III, 42. Bauehhajana Dharmasutra, II, 2,4,19; Visn., LIV, 18-20; Narada; I, 186. 38 Mrchhapatikam, Act. I, P. 5. 39 C.I.I., Vol. III, No. 18, P. 79.

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mighty lineage befitting their birth. And so the guild shines gloriously all around through those who are of then sort and through others who overcoming the attachment for worldly object being characterized by piety and possessing most abundant goodness are very gods in an earthly habitation.40 Inspite of the fact that the inscription does not specifically give a description of Varnas and castes of its members, yet in all probability it refers to the same.41 The Brahmana are addressed in the traditional style as ‘god moving upon earth.’ The Ksatriyas are denoted by the expression ‘proud of their noble lineage.’42

The Indore copper plate inscription refers to two Kshatriyas, Acalavarman and Bhrkenthasimha, by name as merchants.43 The Vaillabhattaswamin temple inscription at Gwalior refers to via Kshatriya, Memmaka, the son of Devavarman, as the cultivator of fields.44 The Peheva inscription records the names of certain horse-dealers who came together in desi. There are in it some Brahmanical such as Vamuka.45 The sale of horses was forbidden for a Brahman.46

Thus it can be seen that the higher Varanas often neglected the prohibition imposed and joined industrial and mercantile vocation in order to earn profits and gain prosperity. In fact, they were drawn towards there democratic organization for economic gain only. As these organizations functioned on the principle of equality, they summed all their privileges and preferred to be ranked as Sudra or a Vaisya or even as out castes. But some inscriptions of Narada and Brahampati, it appears that they generally acquired the headship of the guild. Brahspati enjoins, “Honest persons, acquainted with the Vedas and with duty, able self-controlled, sprung from noble families and skilled in every business shall be appointed as head of an association.47 Narada also declares that a Brahmana who works as Kulika is an incompetent witness.48 The term kulika denotes the head of the artisan guild.

In fact, serial barriers had not been fully established at that time and even members of royal families cherished a benevolent attitude towards trade industry. There

40 C.I.I., Vol. III, No. 18, p. 85. 41 U.R.S. & C.A.I. I, P. 279. 42 C.I.I., Vol. III, No. 18, P. 85; Kane, P. V. History of Dharmasastra, Vol.II, Pt.1; P. 37, Fn. 85. 43 C.I.I., Vol. III, No. 16, P. 71. 44 Ep. Ind., Vol. I, No. XX, P. 159 45 Ep. Ind. Vol. I, No. 23, P. 184. 46 Manu., X, 89. 47 Brh., XVII, 9 (S.B.E., Vol. XXXIII, P. 346). 48 Narada., I, 186-187 (Ibid, P. 89).

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are several instances in Jatakas of inter marriage of kings with women of low status and people from every strata sending their sons to the same teachers for learning.49 In the Kusa Jataka, there is a reference to a prince who in his infatuation for Prabhavati appears in driquise successively as a royal potter, a basket maker, a florist and work to his father-in-law. He was not subjected to any social humiliation vein his intrigues were disclosed.50 In the Mahavamsa, king Jetthitissa of Ceylon is described as a skillful carver and painter who himself taught his subjects.51 In Bana’s Harshcharita also, we find that on the occasion of marriage of princess Rajasiri “even Kings girt-up their low and made themselves busy in carrying out decorative work set as tasks by their sovereign.52 Even Manu ordains that a king must learn from his subjects about trades and professions.53

These evidences escene hardly dry doubt about the free mobility of labour, both vertical and horizontal. Members of the four varnas were following economic pursuits and dignity of labour and received royal recognition. Although, legal, Sanskrita and Pali literature declared certain as hinacrafts. Yet the declaration was made for the guidance of Brahmanas and Buddhist monk only. They were forbidden from following the low craft and any deviation from ideal path could hold them back from participating in the Sraddha ceremony and denied them many other privileges which they enjoyed for example, the occupations of basket makers, potters, weavers, cobblers, barbers, persons explaining signs, moans and auguries, foretellers of events, wrestlers, wheel wrights, sweepers, butchers, animal hinters, salvagers, quacks and tailors etc were declared to be low trades and stigma was attached to them.54 Usually the parents freely discussed with their sons the best profession which they might choose, such was

49 Jat., Vol. I. No. 107, p. 120; No. 108, P. 422; Vol. III, No. 302, PP 9-13. No. 380. PP. 249-54; No. 401, P. 340; No. 115, P. 406, No. 425, P. 415; Vol. IV, No. 445, P. 38; Vol. VI, No.546, P. 438; Meczer, J.J. Hindustates, P. 176. 50 Jat; Vol. V, No. 531, PP. 290-299. 51 L.G.A.I., P. 61. 52 Harshcharita, IV, P. 157. 53 Manu, VII, 43. 54 Jat., Vol. I, NO. 80, P. 356; Vol. II, No. 294, P. 267, Vol. III, No. 421, P. 446., Vol. V, No. 481, P. 244; Aanguttara Nikaya, I, 1, 107; Sutta Vibhanga, 11, 2; Digha Nikaya, III, P. 100 (SB., B, Vol. II, P. 100); Cullavagga, XII, 1,3, (S.B.E., Vol. XX, P. 389), Lalitvistara, III, P. 37; Manu., 111, 155, 158; Vasistha Dharmasutra, III, 3; Narada., I, 178, 181, 184; Visn, XXXVII, 32; Manu., III., 163; IV, 215; XI, 64.

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writing (lekham), accountancy (ganam) and money changing (rupam) without reference being made to their father’s trace.55

Apprenticeship

In order to cope with the advancement of the industrial knowledge, the ever increasing degree of specialization and the complication of business enterprises, the artisans were required to go through some sort of training before taking up an industry. They were introduced to technicalities and problems, the modes and the implications of the vocation concerned during the period of training which proved useful in the long run and turned them in to prefect earthmen. This system of apprenticeship was mainly responsible for the efficiency of guild organization. It raised the level of industrial latent within a guild which contributed much towards industrial development of ancient India.

A new learner of a craft (Silpavidyarthi) was known as Antevasi. This term occurs for the first time in Panini’s Astadhyayi where it stand for ‘a mere beginner’, a little naughty boy in whom the only means of instilling knowledge was through the rod (danda)56 Elsewhere, Panini refers to an Antevasi whose name was derived from that of his teacher.57 Perhaps it was common in the time of Panini to give a new name to the antevasi derived from is teacher’s name. Although the Pali literature abounds in references to the system of apprenticeship.

The legal literature deals with the system of apprenticeship in details Brahaspati sheds light on the attributes of an apprentice and his reasons for living with his teacher.58The Smiritichandrika elucidates that working in the gold points to crafts of goldsmith, but the work of mason the mason, the potter and such other artisans are also meant to be included in the list.59 Narada further adds that before leaving for his teacher’s house, he must seek the sanction of his relatives and, before he started living with the teacher, the exact duration of his apprenticeship should be duly fixed.60

55 Vinaya Text, I,77; IV, 178. 56 Uk n.Mek.k okUrs okfl’kq – Panini., IV, 130 57 vkpk;ksZiltZu”pkUrsoklh –Ibid., VI, 2, 36 58 Brh., XVI, 16 (S.B.E., Vol. XXXIII, P. 344) 59 Sm. C., Vol. III, Pt I, P. 456. 60 Lof”kYifHkPNUukgrqZ okU/kokukHkuqK;kA vkpflL; olsnUrs dky d`Rok lqfuf”pre~A - Narada., VI, 15; See also, Kat., V. 333.

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Yajnavalkya also emphasizes that the period of training should be fixed.61 The Mitakshra and Viramitrodaya explain the stipulated period (Krtakalam) to be as long as may have been fixed under an agreement.62

Smritichandrika observes that as the apprentice in not to be made to do any other work, the only way in which he can serve the master is through handing over to him the product of his craft apprenticeship.63

“When the apprentice has mastered the art of his craft within the stipulated period, he should make gifts to his teacher according to his means and then take leave of him.64 Asahaya however, says that, after completing his training he should seek the permission of master and should circumambulate the anaster and then lake leave of him.65

Katyayana gives us additional information that “Property of those students of veda and of the craft which was enjoyed by their friends and relatives while they were absent is not lost by the lapse of time.66

These rules clearly indicate that industrial apprenticeship was a type of contract based on two main stipulations. Firstly, it fixed the time limit during which the master and the pupil were found to each other. Secondly, it also defined obligations of both the teacher and the taught during the period of apprenticeship.

Thus the rules regarding apprenticeship were complete in all respects and mart and the pupil had well defined spheres of their activity and obligations. The system provided the best possible environment to the beginner to learn the craft of his own choice. The master also could not be partial to the pupil in importing him his knowledge as the pupil throughout lived and worked with him. By devising a special mode living, the pupil throughout lived in an environment which that particular craft

61 Yaj., II, 184. 62 vUoklhrs xqjkse`gs d`rdky o’Zprq.V;;k;qosZnkfnf”kYif”k{kFkZ Ron~x`gs olkehfr ;konMxhd`rrkoRdky olsrA - Dh.K. Vol. I, Pt. II, P. 824; Viram., P. 353. 63 Sm.C., Vol. III, Pt. II, P. 456.

64 f”kf{kr”p f”k.;% laiwfjrf”kYidle;Lra xq: euqKkA okP; iznf{.khd`R; p xq:x`gkfUuorZrs Loax`g izs;kfnfrA - Dh.K., Vol. I, Pt. 11, P. 828 65 osru ok ;fn d`ra KkRoka f”k.;L; dkS”kye~ vUrsoklh lHknn;kUr pk 66 Kat., V. 337.

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demanded. Although a learner, he was left free to absorb that craft and of assimilate within himself all its aspects and peculiarities by experience and observation. All this must have resulted in making him a perfect craftsman ready to impart his own knowledge to other beginners and to carry ahead the craft by his own contribution.67

Thus, it can be seen that each guild served like a technical school for new aspirants. In each workshop, which was usually the residence of the chief craftsman, there were always a few apprentices, some of them beginners, some having completed the terms of training, while still others specializing in the craft, all contributing towards achieving specialization and excellence in the craft concerned.

Localization of crafts :

The localization of craft was also an important factor which governed the guild organization. The concentration of craft at one place favourable for its growth and business transactions, helped the guild considerably to acquire social recognition and in dependence. It strengthened the guild organization and facilitated specialization in craft. Common interests, availability of raw material and prospects of industrial growth were other factors which necessitated the growth of separate industrial settlements.68 The tendency was further accelerated by the policy of segregation adopted by the higher varnas and the kings to keep aloof from the people following hinasippas.

The Buddhist literature refers to localization of trades industries in abundance. The localization of craft can be mainly classified into three divisions – inside the towns, outside but in the suburban areas of the towns and in the remote and isolated parts of the country within the towns.69

The Mahamagga Jataka describes Mithila as composed, in parts, of four suburb extending beyond each of its gates (Naigama), the workshops in the streets of which were open to view, which proves that there was localization of Industries in separate streets of towns and cities.70

67 Cf. L.G.A.I., PP. 56-57. 68 U.R.S. & C.A.I., P. 121; Das, S.K.., o. cit., P. 243. 69 Mehta, R.L., op. cit., p. 213; Davids, Rhys., ‘Organisation of Labour Industry and Commerce, J.R.A.S., 1901, p. 864. 70 Jat., Vol. VI, No. 546, P. 330

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Other examples are, the ivory worker’s street (dantakaravithim),71 tantavitatthanamvithi (weavers’ street)72 Vaddhakivithi (street of carpenters)73, rajakavithi (washermen street)74, uppalavithim (the lotus street)75, Vessanamvithiya (the street of vessas)76, Pesakarvavithi (the street of Pesakaras)77, Surapana (place of liquor shops)78, Malakaravithim (florists shop)79, gandhikapana (Perfumer’s bazaar)80, Cooks quarters (Suvakaravithi)81, etc. The Milinda panho82 also refers to a fruit Bazar, an antidote bazaar and a bazaar of all kinds of merchandise. The localization of industries and trades in different streets of a city or town was necessary to suit the convenience of general public to facilitate state regulation and also fulfill the demand of trades and industries. This led to the segregation of trade and industries from each other.

Sometimes, the congregation of people with the same industrial pursuit formed their own exclusive villages in proximity of the towns or cities. These localized settlements reveal a much more developed organization compared to the streets that were inhabited by single craftsman. The Kumbhakara Jataka mentions suburban village in vicinity of Banaras inhabited by the potters.83 A carpenter’s village with 500 or 1000 families existed in the frontier of the state of Kasi.84 There were weavers villages85, Smith’s villagers86, foresters villages87, hunters villages88, forter’s villages89, washermen’s village90, robber’s village91 and fishermen’s villages92 also in vicinity of

71 Ibid., Vol. I, No. 72, P. 320; Vol. II, No. 221,; P. 197. 72 Ibid., Vol. I, No. 80, p. 356, Vol. IV, No. 509, P. 184. 73 Ibid., Vol. III, No. 315, P. 43. 74 Ibid., Vol. IV, No. 454, P. 81. 75 Ibid., Vol. II, No. 261, P. 321. 76 Ibid., Vol. VI, NO. 547, P. 485. 77 Dhammapada, I, 424. 78 Jat; Vol. I, No. 4, P. 121; No. 47, P. 252; No. 53 P. 269; No. 78, P. 350; Vol. II, NO. 289; P. 427; No. 291, P. 431; Vol. IV, No. 459, P. 115, No. 477, P. 223; Vol. V, No. 512, P. 12. 79 Ibid, Vol. IV, No. 454, P. 82; Milindpanha, V-5, P. 212. 80 Jat., Vol. N., No. 454, P. 82. 81 Ibid., Vol. III, No. 315, P. 49. 82 Milindpanha, V. 5, P. 212. 83 Jat., Vol. III, No. 408, P. 376. 84 Jat., Vol. I, No. 44, P. 247; Vol. II, No. 156, P. 18; No. 283, P. 405; Vol., IV, No 466, P. 159; NO. 475, P. 207. 85 Dhammala’s Commentary on Therigatha, P. 157 ff; Jat., Vol. I, No. 80, P. 356. 86 Jat., Vol. III, No. 387, P. 281; Maha., Vol. II, P. 80. 87 Ibid., Vol. II, No. 265, P. 232. 88 Ibid., Vol. II, No. 144, P. 428, Vol. II, No. 159, P. 36; Vol. IV, No. 501, P. 413; Vol. V, No. 533, P. 333. 89 Ibid., Vol.V, No. 333, P. 333. 90 Ibid., Vol. IV, No. 454, P. 80.

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towns or cities. These villages of craftsmen derived benefits from a nearby market which provided outlet for their products and also supplied them with the ordinary needs of daily life, such as, clothes food stuffs, implements and other articles. However these villages also came to be considered as markets for the surrounding areas. Large towns were surrounded by clusters of villages of which the inhabitant were blacksmiths, carpenters, weavers, dyers, potters, ivory workers and so on. In fact, the settlement of a village belonging to a single craft provided the possibility of another village with a subsidiary trade,. Supplying the previous one with implements and material. These villages sprang up very naturally on account of the practical need and the gregarious instinct of craftsmen.93

Kautilya also borrowed the idea of the establishment of guild in the different words of a city. According to the Arthasastra, while colonizing new land, specific parts were allotted for the residence and workshop of artisans and craftsmen belonging to different industries Kautilya has devoted a full chapter about the town-planning in which every care was taken to allot quarters and streets to different craftsmen.94 Kautilya mentions that merchants trading in scents, garland grains and liquids and flesh and prostitutes in the southern quarters; artisans manufacturing worsted threads, cotton threads, bamboo mats, skins, amours weapons and gloves and the Sudras in western quarters; smiths, workers in precious stones and Brahmans in Northern quarters. Kautilya observes” artisans and other handicraftsmen may on their own responsibility allow others handicraftsmen to reside where they carry on their work.”95

The Agnipurana also supplies relevant information regarding the localization of industries and trades. The goldsmiths were to live in south-west corner of the town, the professional dancers and musicians and harlots in southern; the stage managers, the carriage men and fishermen in the south-west, religious people in the northern, the fruit venders in the north-east. All these were in outer circle. The military men, the civilians and alike men of the town constituted the outer circle.96 In the Shilpashastra work called Manasara, there is the description of a village plan called Nandyavarta.

91 Ibid., Vol. I, No. 31, P. 198; No. 48.,P. 254; No. 63, p. 292; No. 120; P. 438; Vol. IV, No. 503, P. 430. 92 Ibid., Vol. 1, No. 418, 234, NO. 139, p. 482. 93 C.f., Fick. R.; op. cit., PP. 282-83. 94 Artha; 11, 4. 95 Artha., 11, 34. 96 Agnipurana, 106, p. 227.

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According to this plan, the houses of all types of workmen or labourers should be on the high way; towards the South of the village should be the rows of houses for vaisyas and Sudras; between the east and southeast should be rows of houses of milkmen; between the south and west the weavers should be lodged and beyond these are to be the houses of tailors and shoe-makers between the west and the north-west are to be the settlement of fish mongers and butchers, and on the outskirts should be the houses of those who deal in the bark of trees and of the oilmen.97 Svayambhu also refers to separate localities of betel-sellers and garland makers98 We also find references to Putikapana (sweet market), Madyapana (wine market) and dosihatta (textile market) in Kathakosaprakrana.99 Even in a camp the various trades had their own separate rows of shops. In the Dasakumrcharitam also there is a reference to a village of Merchants (Vanigagranama)100

Besides these literary evidences, some epigraphic records which provide information about the localization of various professions into villages. For instance, in the Museum copper plate grant of Balvarmadeva dated 10th cen. A.D., there in reference to a village of merchants.101 In the Betkavasudeva image inscription of 23rd year of the Govidachandra of Chandra dynasty of Bengal, there is a reference to a village exclusively inhabited by betel-leaf cultivators who had carried on their traditional trade since time immemorial.102The localization of various industrial labourers is also mentioned in the Kahla plate of Kalachuri Sohadeva.103 The Vishnusena charter laid down that all guilds were not to work in one and the same market.104 The Kaman stone inscription refers to Kambalihatta or cattle market.105

The localization of industries was mainly aimed at achieving efficiency and higher production which helped much in the transmission of skill from generation to generation. As the industry was localized at one place, everyone living there, especially the young ones came to learn the crafts almost unconsciously. Although the localization

97 Acharya, P.K., Arcitecture of Manasara, pp. 63-92. 98 . Svayambhu, Vo. III, Ch. 45, V. 6, 10, Jain, P.C., Soco-economic exploration of Medieval India, P. 311. 99 Kathakosaprakrana, P. 87. 100 Dasakumachari, P. 371. 101 I.A., Vol. XX, PP. 123 ff, see also Ep. Ind., XXIII, NO. 15, pp. 101 ff. C.71, Vol. IV, No. 31, PP. 46-148. 102 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXVII, No. 7, PP. 26 ff 103 C.I.I., Vol. IV, No. 74, P. 394 104 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXX, No 30, pp. 174 ff. 105 Ibid., Vol. XXIV, No 45, P. 329..

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of trades and crafts tended to create an isolation from the rest of the society, its advantages were several . Localization helped greatly in the consolidation of the caste system on the basis of profession.106

Besides these literary evidences we have epigraphic evidences also which attest to mobile nature of the guilds. The Mandsaur inscription of Kumargmpta and Bandhuvarman records the migration of silk weaver’s guild from the Lata visaya to the city of Daspura being attracted by the virtues of the king of that country.107 Another inscription mentions about the migration of Mahajara community from Vatanagar to Aranyaupaguri.108 The Sonepur plate of Mahabhavagupta refers to the shifting of the merchant’s association from Khadirapadra to Suvarnapura.109 The Indore copper plate inscription also hints at displacement of the guild at it specially binds the guild to fulfill its engagement even if it gets displaced from original place of settlement.110 Thus it can not be doubted that, inspite of the highly localized character of trade and industry the industrial guilds were mobile in nature These displacements were generally motivated by better economic pursuits and craving for more peaceful atmosphere.

Thus the guild organization, which was able to win the confidence of people and enjoyed the reputation of a wall established social institution, was largely the result of factors mentioned above. The representative character of guilds was certainly responsible for the growth in the volume of trade and industry which alternatively supplied adequate labour. The organization necessarily had democratic setup, did not grant any privilege to any member on the basis of his caste. Everyone worked together, shared together and enjoyed the privileges of membership together. Therefore, it helped, to a large extent, in equalizing the unbalanced social stratification sectioned by Srutis and Smritis.

Every one enjoyed the liberty of joining any guild and pursuing a vocation of his own choice with the prior permission of his fellow men or kingsmen. But new aspirants had to undergo a training, under a very favourable atmosphere, to imbibe technical knowledge and to gain an insight into problems of the trade. At the same,

106 Adhya, G.L., Early Indian Economics P. 85; fick. R., op. cit., PP. 282-283. Cf. Mehta, R.L., o. cit. P. 215.. 107 C.I.I., Vol. 111, No. 18, P. 79. 108 Ep. Ind. Vol. XX, No 9, P. 97.. 109 Ibid., Vol. XXIII, No. 40, P. 249.. 110 C.I.I., Vol. III, No. 16, 71.

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with view to attract beginners from corners and to have the reputation of long standing technical school, it was necessary for the craftsmen in all respect such as easy availability of raw-material, proximity of a market to meet their daily requirements as well as for disposal of their finished goods, attracted large number of craftsmen to settle down in one place. This resulted in the formation of workers’ villages and workers streets. The localized nature of the crafts at different laces went side by side with the mobile nature of guild. Although the guild shifted from one place to another, they did not loose their bonds of union. The Mandasaur inscription goes to the extent of recording that after shifting from Lata to Dasapura many of craftsmen left their original profession of silk weaving and took to other vocation. But whenever the question of fulfilling their part agreement came up, they still acted as one body.111 This indicates that the instinct of co-operation and communion was so strong and insurmountable that any change of place hardly affected their organization.

It is thus an undoubted fact that there were some building forces which served to bring together several units of a particular guild in to one unbreakable unit and infused into them a sense of realizing the benefits of guild life.

111 C.I.I., Vol. III, No. 18, P. 79; I.A., Vol. XV, No. 162, P. 194; Sircar, D.C., Select Inscriptions, No. 21. P. 288

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Chapter – 3

Activities of Guilds

Activities of Guilds

The extent of guild activity was not confined to strictly professional business. Besides being an economic unit, it had developed itself into a social and political institution as well and the area of its activity transcended the limits of economic sphere. Hence, they were also numbered with many social, political and commercial responsibilities.

A characteristic feature of craft and commercial organization in ancient India is to be found in professional classification by corporative groups. This is another aspect of the social structure providing divisions in the society. The sreni s (guilds) were able to build up large reserves of funds and could therefore exercise an undoubtable role in the local and state affairs.

Homogeneity was the basic character of a guild. It was composed of units cherishing a single purpose and a common aim. Each guild pursued a single vocation and carried the responsibility of achieving advancement and perfection in that particular craft of trade.

The guilds were highly elastic bodies, capable of moving from place to place in response to the necessities of the situation. A remarkable instance of the mobility of labour and capital on a large scale is recorded in the jatakas. It is the case of the migration of a big guild of carpenters.

One of the most important function of a guild was to provide a peaceful and secure life to its own members. Their life and material welfare was to be duly safeguard from the internal and external agencies. Much of the fear of internal security was removed by densing an efficient administrative machinery and framing rules and regulations governing the area of activity of each member and his relationship with in co-members. But the security of life and property of each individual member form external disturbance was the main point of attention which the guilds had at all times. Trade and industry being, by its very nature, lucrative, most guilds commanded great wealth at their disposal. Thus, the property of individual and in turn his life were always in danger from enemies outside the guild such as robbers, brigards, thieves etc.

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The merchant guilds were always forced to move through insecure roads and forests loaded with costly ware. As mentioned earlier, we often find mention in the Jatakas of caravans of merchants being attacked by bands of robbers who bereft them of all their belongs. 1 In such cases the security of material possession and individual’s life were joint responsibility of guild assembly ( samuha ). Brahaspati was of the opinion that protection against a common danger was one of the main functions of a guild, danger is defined as something that is apprehended from robbers or thieves which must be considered a common distress to be repelled by all, not by one man alone whoseever he may be. 2 Therefore, to deal with this joint responsibility of faceting a danger, they carried arms to protect their lines and property and distinguished themselves as a military force, as well, in the country. The military power of artisan and merchants guilds is referred to in literature and epigraphs by the term Srinibala. The term has been variously entered by various modern writers. A group of scholars interpreted the term in the sense of a corporation of mercenary soldiers living by the profession of arm. 3 While some others interpret is as denoting a special class of industrial guilds carrying on military profession simultaneously. 4

Dr. P.C. Jain is one of the foremost advocates of the first view. He strongly asserts his views in this regard. In favour of his assumption, he has advanced two main arguments. Firstly, that guilds at that time, were solely devoted to achieving advancement in arts and crafts and did not time to devote to military pursuits as well. Caravans maintaining their army as referred to in the Jatakas, are not specifically mentioned to be composed of traders only. 5 Secondly, the particular use of the term sreni for some well known war like tribes, like Kamboja and Saurastra by Kautilya leads to presumption that srenibala denoted a corporation of soldiers and not a militia of trade and craft guilds. 6 The fact that a third place was occupied by the srenibala

1 . Jat Vol. 1, No. 1, p. 98; No. 59, p. 278; No. 60, p. 280; No. 76, p. 332; vol., vol. II, No. 265, p. 336; vol. III, No. 414, p. 403. 2 . xzkeJsf.kx.kkFkZ rq lMdsrle;fØ;kA Ckk/kkdkys rq lk dk;kZ /keZdk;sZ rFkSop AA Pkkj pksj Hk; ck/kk loZlk/kkj.k Le`rkA rJksi'kaeua dk;Za losZusZdSu dsufprAA (Brh., XVIII, 5-6 (S.B.E., vol. XXXIII, p. 346) 3 . L.A.I., pp. 196-197; Shamasastry, R., Kautilya’s Arthasastra, p. 374; Kangle, R.P., the Kautiliya Arthasashtra, Pt. III, p. 246. 4 . C.C.A.I., pp. 30-31. 5 . L.A.I., p. 196. 6 . Ibid., pp. 196-197. 48

among the six kinds of army which a king could maintain was according to him, due to their propensity to bargain, and explains why they were considered inferior to the hereditary army and the hired army. 7

This was an age of advancement and the guilds were almost fully engaged in contributing towards this end yet, besides their strictly professional business, they also served as barks for common people, as ordinary courts of law and as public and spiritual benefactors. There is sufficient evidence to prove that all these functions were carried on by guilds side by side with their professional duties. 8 When the term sreni is used along with bala in Arthasastra by Kautilya, no special mention is made by him that the srenibala he meant only the soldier guild and not all the industrial and merchantile guilds maintain their army. Therefore, the term should be taken in the ordinary sense implying the powers of the guilds in general. Guilds, in fact functioned on the tribal traditions and had to functional division within their group. Within the group all worked together for economic gain and when occasion demanded, all attempted to face the danger jointly. 9 In fact, the extent of autonomy the guilds enjoyed in all their affairs and the need for defending their treasures must have prompted them to employ their own methods of self-defence. 10

Further we have evidences about the guild assembly possessed military resources is supplied by later literature and epigraph as well. Narada stated that royal inference in the affairs of guilds under some special circumstances. One of such situations is mentioned as arising at the time of unlawful bearing of arms by the assembly ( samuha ). When there was no apprehension or danger from any quarter, the bearing of arms by these guilds is declared by Narada as unlawful and detrimental to the peace of society. 11 Katyanan’ s provision, that he arrange sanes from or thieves or form water or form fire any chattel, should be given a tenth part of it, also supports the view that guilds had their own defensive measures. 12 The Manasollasa also describes srenibala as composed of persons interrelated through caste and

7 . Jain, P.C., Socio-Economic Exploration of Medieval India , p. 319. 8 . vide Infra, pp. 145-171. 9 . U.R.S.E.C.A.I., p. 293. 10 . L.G.A.I., p. 219. 11 . feFk la/kkrd.kaefgr 'kL=/kkj.ke~A ijLijksi?kkar p rs"kka jktk u e"kZ;srAA Narada; X.5. 12 . Kat., v. 631. 49

profession 13 and who have entered to a compact ( niscitiam samayaih ). The Mandsaur inscription of Kumargupta also points to same conclusion. It records that some members of silk weavers guild took to profession of arms after migrating from lata province to Dasapura . The inscription add, “others of them varourous in battle effect by force the destruction of their enemies. 14

Kautilya has dealt with srenibala in some detail. The evidence of powerful guilds within the state stood in sharp contrast to Kautilyan concept of absolutism. Therefore, he was not complimentary about there corporation and their strength. At one place he mentions that a king should be conversant with the strength or weakness of all the six kinds of the army Maulabala, Bhrtabala, Srenibala, Mitrabala, Ataibala and Amtritabala .15 Kautilya regards srenibala as inferior to hired troops (bhrtabala), some verses in the Mahabharata describes it being equal to bhrtabala and a king is enjoyed to avail himself of srenibala. 16 In Karnavarva several srenis are recorded as having been destroyed by Arjuna. 17 Bhattaaraka , the founder of the Maitrika dynasty of valabhi is, for instance, mentioned to have acquired royal fortune with the help of the srenibala , along with other five forces. 18

Thus the function of guilds as a military force both to serve their own organization and the control authority is established. As a guild was a self governing unit, it should not appear to be stupendous if it possessed its own army also in order to scare its existence form internal and external wrangles. It seems that whenever the state was threatened by some external, the king could enlist the services of havemen from all the guilds in his kingdom and the troops thus formed was termed as srenibala . An able and intrepid man among them was chosen as their commander and he was given an adequate amount of salary to keep up the group. Because the diverse elements of which srenibala was composed, it was not reckoned to be very reliable although it undoubtedly added to the political status of the guilds with the state fabric. 19

13 . Manesollasa, vol. I, V. 558, p. 79; Cf. L.A.I., p. 318. 14 . C.I.I., vol. III, No. 18, p. 85. 15 . Artha., II, 33. 16 . Mbh, XV, 8, 7-9. 17 . Ibid., VIII, 5, 39. 18 . Ep. Ind., vol. I, No. 13, p. 85. 19 . Cf. Jain, P.C., op.cit., p. 319. 50

Municipal functions of Guilds

Guilds, in ancient India, also served as municipal bodies. In this capacity they covered a wide area of activity. All the municipal functions that a guild was expected to perform were contained in a document to which all the members of the guild had to solemnize and necessarily follow. Such documents must have differed from guild to guild. It was considered to be a part of the agreement on which the general edifice of the guild stood. Thus Brahaspati records “when a stipulation has been entered in a document as follows – The construction of a house of assembly, of a shed for accommodating travelers with water, shed for poor and a garden, relief to helpers or poor for the performance of sacrificial acts, a common path or defence, shall be undertaken by unimproportional share, that is a lawful agreement. 20

Thus the guilds extended their helping hands to the public, in general, and to the poor and destitute in particular. They constructed public halls, provided public ways with waterbooths, shadowy trees and rest houses. They also contributed towards reviving the religious sentiment of society and their spiritual and moral uplift by constructing huge temples for worship. Dhrmasastras prescribed their role in assisting the poor and indigent to perform rituals and sacraments. Elsewhere, Brahaspati states that, whatever is obtained by a member, shall belong to all or it shall be bestowed upon the idiotic, the aged, the blind, the women, the children, the afflicted and diseased persons, to person having issue or the king (worthy person); this is the eternal law. 21 It confirms that the guilds performed their common functions in aid of poor to enable them to live happily.

These municipal functions of the guilds are attested by epigraphical sources as well.

A Junar inscription records the planting of road side Karanja and Banyan tree by the guild of own dealers. 22 Another Junar inscription records the planting of

20 . lHkkiziknsoxzg nsorM+kxxe laLd`fr%A Rfkk ukFk nfjnzk.kk laLdkjks ;tufØ;kAA Dqyk;ua fujks/k'p dk;ZHkLekfHkj'kr%A ;=SrfYyf[kar lE;d ¼i=s½ /kEeZ;klk le;fØ;kAA Brh., XVII, 11-12 (S.B.E., vol. XXXIII, p. 349) 21 . Brh., XVII, 22-23 (S.B.E., vol. XXXII, p. 349) 22 . A.S.W.I, vol. No. 10, p. 94. 51

roadside Karanja and Banyan trees by the guild of Konakas. 23

A Kosam inscription of Bhdramayha of the later Kusana period, informs us about the construction of a cavedwelling by the guild of merchants. 24

The installation of Asana pattas i.e. seats, by a guild of stone mason is mentioned in a brahmi inscription of Bandhogarh. 25 The Mandasaur stone inscription of Kumargupta dated 439-473 A.D. records that in the reign of Bandhuvarman a notable temple of the bright rayed sum was caused to be built by the silk-clothes weavers. In course of time under other kings, parts of thin temple fell in to disruptive and was repaired by the munificent corporation. 26 The samoli inscription of the time of Siladitya , dated V.S. 703, mentions that a Mahajana community, headed by Jentaka , stated constructing an agara (mine) in Aranjangiri which became a source of livelihood for the people. The Mahattra Jentaka founded at the place of a temple (devakula ) of Aranjavasini (Durga ). 27 The Sakrai inscription also mentions about the construction of a mandapa infront of the goddess Sankara by an association or a committee composed of eleven members, all of whom are bankers. 28 The construction of a temple of Shiva and a vapi (tark) by Jamna, a teli patel, is mentioned in Jhalargatan stone inscription of Udayditya , dated 1086 A.D. 29 A Siyadoni inscription records dated 1047 A.D., refers to a guild of betel sellers and its chief Canduba who raised a temple of SriVishnu Bhattaraka probably with the co-operation of guild members. 30 The second prasasti of Baijnath , records the construction of a temple of Shiva and a Mandapa in front, by the heads of oilmillara.31

These inscriptions along with the above quoted passages from the Brhaspatismiriti , clearly indicates that the guilds carried the responsibility of philanthropic functions also. They helped the general public in several ways at their own expense. They constructed several temples for the satisfaction of the religious propensity of ancient Indian population. Public confidence in their utility and

23 . Ibid., No. 24, p. 96. 24 . Ep Ind., vol. XXXI, No. 23, p. 167. 25 . Ibid., vol. XXIV, No. 33, p. 253. 26 . I.A., Vol. XV, No. 162, p. 194. 27 . Ep. Ind., vol. XX, No. 9, p. 97. 28 . Ibid., vol. XXVII, No. 7, p. 27. 29 . J.A.S.B., vol. X, 1914, No. 26, p. 241. 30 . Ep. Ind., vol. I, No. 21, p. 175. 31 . Ep. Ind., vol. I, No. 16, pp. 116-118. 52

reliability must have increased which was a key to their success and formed the basis of their existence.

Besides helping the general public and building magnificent temples, the guilds also had a religious significance. There are epigraphic evidences which inform us about the magnificent religious endowments and benefactions of various guilds. The Sanchi stupa inscription mentions that its carving was dome by the workers in ivory of vedisa who had organised themselves in to a guild and made collective gift. 32 A votive inscription in the chaity came at Karle records the gifts of a pillar by the community of traders from Dhenukakota .33

The Sonepur plate of Maha-Bhavagupta (II) Janamejayo refers to the donation of a village by the king to Kamalavana vaniksthana . The merchant association transferred the same gift as a registered grant to Sri Kesava-Bhattaraka devakula and Sri Bhattaraka devakula , for defraying the cost of offerings to the deities and of repairs to the shrine. 34

The Nagardhana plate of Svamiraja, dated Kalachuri year 322, also refers to the gift of 20 nivartnas of land in the village Chinchapattika made by Mahamatm gana on the occasion of an eclipse. 35

An inscription from Vaillabhatta svamin temple of 9 th cen A.D. at Gwalior records that, in order to provide oil for the lamps of the temple, the chief of the oilmillers and other members of the guild of oilmillers were to give one pallika (measure) of oil per oil-mill on the 9th day of the bright half of every month. Further, on the same day, another perpetual endowment was made to the effect that the chief of the gardners dwelling at the top of Sri Gopa-giri and other members of the guild of gardners were to give daily for the worship fifty garlands of such market flowers as were available in a particular season. These gifts were made out of their own property for as long as the moon and the sun and the earth exist.36

The Peheva inscription of the temple of Garibanath , dated 882-83 A.D., states that certain horse-dealers who met at horse-fair held at Peheva agreed to impose upon

32 . Ep. Ind. Vol. XXIII, No. 40, p. 249. 33 . Ibid., vol. XVIII, No. 36, p. 325. 34 . Ibid., vol. XXIII, No. 40, p. 249. 35 . C.I.I., vol. IV, No. 120, pp. 612 ff. 36 . Ep. Ind. Vol. I, No. 20, pp. 159-162. 53

themselves and upon their customers certain taxes or tithes the proceeds of which were to be distributed among the temple priests and sanctuaries in proportions duly specified. The taxes imposed were : (i) two dharmas (money or coin) to be deducted from the sum received by the dealer for each animal sold at Prthudaka to the king or to any subject, (ii) one dharma was to be paid by the buyer of each animal in addition to the price stipulated.37 The second prasasti of Baijnath , dated 804 A.D., records the donation of an oil mill, one shop, a piece of land and four ploughs by Manyuka and Ahuka to the temple of Shiva they had themselves built. They were the members of a guild of 38 oilmen. The Harsa stone inscription of the Cahmana Vigraharaja, dated 970 A.D., refers to the taxes on salt and horses for the benefit of the temple by the traders of Sakambhari and by the horse-dealers from the north. 39 The Vasantgarh inscription of Varmalata of the year 625 A.D. records a gosthi or guild committee arranging for the construction of a temple. 40 In 1143 A.D., the mahajanas and bankers of Nadlai , after meeting in an assembly, made some donations for the temple of Mahavira which were in the form of fractions of various commodities in which they dealt. 41 A Jain inscription from Ghatiyala, dated 918 A.D., refers to a king who authorized the bhatiakagosthi to protect the temple of Jina which he bad built and donated. 42 The Siyadoni inscription alludes to Nagaka, probably a member of the guild, arranging for a palika of oil to be donated to the temple by the members of each mill. Another endowment, dated 858 A.D. refers to a gift by Kesava, Durga-ditya and other members of the guild of oil-millers, who donated a palika of oil to Sri- Cakrasvamideva temple .43 The Ahar temple inscription of the time of Guhila Allata, dated 864 A.D., refers to a pala of oil from every oil-mill being donated to a Visnu temple for its maintenance.44 The second Ahar stone inscription records that the community of

37 . Ibid., vol. I, No. 23, pp. 184 ff. 38 . Ibid., No. 15, pp. 116-118. 39 . Ibid., vol. II, No. 8, p. 116. 40 . Ep. Ind., vol. IX, No. 25, p. 92. 41 . Ibid., No. 11, p. 24. 42 . Nahar, P.C., Jain Lekha Samgrah , Vol. I, p. 261. 43 . Ibid., Vol. I, No. 21, p. 175. 44 . Ibid., vol. XIX, No. 7, p. 54. 54

sauvarnika traders, together with two persons, assigned the avari to the temple of Kanchanadevi to provide funds for saffron, flowers, incense, lamps, sags, white washing, cleaning and plastering and the repairing of broken and cracked buildings. 45

An inscription from Shergarh , dated 1017 A.0., records that Thiyaka , the head of the guild of oilmen, in order to provide oil for the temple lamps, assigned to the temple the entire produce of two of the oil mills owned by him. He also donated a vasanika to the same temple. 46

The Partabgarh inscription of king Mahendrapala II , dated 946 A.D., refers to a permanent endowment of one palika (measure) of oil per oil mill, five bundles of foliage, 100 garlands of four strings, on the 9th day of the bright half of the month of Chaitra, together with two palas (measure) of saffron and one pala of betel nuts from the trading community in the month of Chaitra in favour of Vata Yaksini devi .47

The Sanderva stone inscription of Kelhanadeva , dated V.S. 1221, records that one haela of Yugmadhari was granted by the rathakaras or the cart-builders, e.g. Dhanapala, Surapala, Jopala, Sigada, Amiyapala, Jasahada, Delhana and so forth, all residing at Shamderaka in connection with the Kalyanaka falling on the 13 th of the bright half of Chaitra .48

These inscriptions invariably indicate that the guilds had an inborn inclination towards dharma. They invested a large amount of their profits and wealth in religious undertakings. Besides building temples from their own funds, they provided, for their maintenance by defraying the expenses of daily requisites. They either donated in the form of material like garlands, oil, saffron, ghee etc. for the temple or donated lands, villages and houses to the temples, the earnings from which could be utilized for the temple. In early medieval India when their wealth had suffered much from continuous wars and invasions even then they did not allow their old traditions to die out. In that age the guilds of a region assembled together and pulled their resources to fulfil their traditional duties. Their association with the temples automatically added to their social status also.

45 . Ibid., p. 55. 46 . Ep. Ind., vol. XXIII, No. 20, pp. 131-138. 47 . Ibid., vol. XIV, No. 13, p. 182. 48 . Ep. Ind., vol. XI, No. 13, p. 47. 55

Guilds as Banks

Being an economic institution and having great wealth at their disposal, the guilds also served as banks in ancient India. Money saving as a measure of safety in times of stringency, has always been prevalent. In the absence of institutions like bank, usually floors and walls of houses, river banks and forests were chosen as places for storing money. But there was always the fear of money being stolen or lost in one way or the other. There is the story of king Dhanananda’s immense wealth being swallowed up by the inundated river and same was the fate of Anathapindika’s hoard of coins. 49

Archaeological finds of hoarded treasures at several places testify to the prevalence of this method of keeping money in ancient India. From the Jatakas we learn of sresthis acting as private bankers who lent money to aspirants in trade and industry and to provide them facilities for betterment of life. 50 But we do not find the guilds acting as banks in the pre-Buddhist period. In the succeeding centuries the guilds definitely emerged as established banking institutions. There are adequate evidences to prove that they received public property, paid regular interest on the same and lent money to needy persons.

In a passage of the Arthasastra, Kautilya speaks of deposits of guilds (upanidhi) . The passage runs ; “Those who can be expected to relieve misery, who can give instructions to artisans, who can be trusted with deposits, who plan artistic work after their own design and who can be relied upon by guilds of artisans may receive the deposits of the guilds.

The guilds shall receive their deposits back in times of distress”. 51 Elsewhere also he attests to their function of money-lending when he says; “King’s spies disguised as merchants may borrow from corporations bar gold and coined gold for various kinds of merchandise to be procured from abroad”. 52 No hint is available from these passages that the guilds were functioning as banks for the public in general. Kautilya mentions some extra qualities which were necessary for a guild to function as bank. This shows that not all the guilds were capable to function as banks.

49 . Jat., Vol. I, No. 40, p. 227. 50 . Ibid. 51 . Artha., IV, 1. 52 , Ibid., V, 2. 56

The receiving guild was expected to relieve misery (arthya pratikarah). It also points to the fact that the guilds had to be necessarily wealthy in order to be in a position to render help by making advances on interest.

Secondly, it was expected to be proficient in the craft which it undertook (karusasitdrah). It should have an established reputation as a-school for imparting instructions to new artisans. It is also-likely that some fee was charged from those who received instructions. Thirdly, the guild should enjoy the confidence of other guilds (sannikseptarah). This point is significant as financial matters could only be entrusted to reputed institutions. People should not run the risk of their money being lost or embezzled.

The receiving guild should also be adequately competent to undertake any artistic work expected from it. It should enjoy a good reputation in the artistic field as well so that the other guilds also could have their requirements fulfilled. This hints at their extra-professional qualifications. Finally, the guild should carry the confidence of the depositors. Kautilya further observes that the depositor guild could receive its deposits back in times of distress (vipattau sreni niksepam bhajeto). It seems that, in times of financial stringency, the depositor guild could draw its money back. 53 Thus Kautilya provides us with a concrete basis for assuming that the guilds in his time were functioning as banks also, although in a limited scope. Owing to their stability, integrity, mutual obligations and responsibility, the guilds, in later centuries, began to attract the general public also for depositing their money with them and receiving regular interest there on.

Some seals bearing the legend sresthi-nigama have also-been unearthed at Basarh. These seals point to the guilds of bankers who had their own seals. From these seals, Spooner has concluded that banking was as prominent in Vaisalt as could be expected. 54 It seems that following the example of artisan guilds, the sresthis also organized themselves into guilds, and performed the banking function simultaneously.

Much of the support given to the view that the guilds functioned as banks is provided by inscriptional evidences. They also make a mention of the rate of interest

53 . E.I.E.H., p. 664. 54 . Spooner, D.B., ‘Excavations at Basarh’, A.S.I.A.R., 1913-14, p. 122; Deva and Misra, Vaisali Excavations , 1950, p. 56. 57

charged for the purpose of the deposit in detail. Therefore, much of the information regarding the guilds functioning as banks rests-upon the study of inscriptions. The following inscriptions of northern India pointedly suggest that the guilds received permanent deposits from the public under certain stipulations.

A Kshatrapa inscription of Usavadata, the son-in-law of the Kshatrapa king Nahapana, dated 119-24 A.D., records a permanent endowment (aksayanivi) of 3000 karsapanas (money) invested with two weavers’ guilds at Govardhana. Out of this, two-thousand karshpanas were deposited with a weavers’ guild at a rate of 1% interest per month. The remaining one thousand were deposited with another weavers' guild at some rate of interest per month, Usavadata invested this money for the community of monks hailing from the four points of horizon living in the cave for defraying their expenditure on clothes and on paying the cost of kusana (pocket money). These karshpanas-were not to be repaid by one who paid the interest. All this was proclaimed in the guild hall (nigama-sabha) and was written on boards according to the custom. 55

In another Nasik cave inscription of Ishvarasena, there is reference to a perpetual endowment being made by Visnudatta to provide medicine for the sick among the community of Buddhist monks dwelling in the monastery on the Trirasmi mountain. A thousand karshpanas were deposited with the guild of kularikas (potters), two thousand with the guild of manufacturers of hydraulic engines (odayantrikas), five hundred with another guild whose name is lost and some more with the guild of oil-millers (tilapisaka). Details regarding the rate of interest have also been mutilated. The expression sugatana-gatasu is intended to commit the specified guilds existing at the-time and their successors to the payment of a perpetual interest. 56

An inscription at Junar mentions the investment of the income from the two fields with the guild at Konacikas for planting Karanja and Banyan trees. 57

Another Junar inscription states that with the guild of bamboo workers one

55 . A.S.W.I., vol. IV, No. 7, p. 102; Sircar, D.C., Select Inscriptions , p. 157; Lud ., No. 1133; Ep. Ind., vol. VIII, No. 12, p. 82. 56 . A.S.W.I., vol. IV, No. 12, p. 103; Lud, No. 1137. 57 . Cf. A.S.W.I., vol. IV, No. 24, p. 96; Lud., No. 1162. 58

and three quartets, and the guild of braziers a quarter... 58 Here, the amount invested though mentioned is hardly legible because of the inscription being damaged.

The Mathura Brahmi inscription of 2nd cent. A.D. also purports to record the endowment of a punyasala with an aksayanivi i.e. a permanent endowment from which the capital could not be touched. On behalf of the donor, two srenis or guilds were entrusted with the management of 550 puranas each. The name of the first Sreni is lost and only two letters—raka can be read. The second was samitakara sreni i e. probably the makers of wheat flour. The permanent endowment was made with the stipulation that the capital could not be touched and out of the monthly interest (masdnumasam) expenses were to be covered for serving 100 Brahmanas in the hall (punyasala) and for keeping some provisions at the door daily for the benefit of hungry and indigent people. The rate of interest which the guilds paid for such aksayanivi is not specified. 59

Even eminent kings like Chandragupta II, and his successors, Kumargupta I and Skandagupta of Gupta dynasty, utilized these banks by depositing their religious endowments with them under certain conditions. The Gadhwa stone inscription of Chandragupta II states that he deposited 20 dinaras in two instalments with a guild headed by Matrdasa for the Brahmanas of the community of the perpetual almbouse.60

His son and successor, Kumaragupta I, also deposited, on-one occasion, 13 dinaras (currency) and, on another 12 dinaras with one or two guilds from the interest of which two almhouses were to-be perpetually maintained. 61 The Bihar stone pillar inscription of Skandagupta records a permanent endowment made by him with a guild in the town Ajapuraka . Further, information contained in the inscription cannot be derived owing to its damaged condition. 62

Devavishnu , a Brahmin from Indrapura , gave an endowment which was the permanent property of the guild of oilmen of which Jivanta was the head. The guild paid interest on the-amount which provided for two palas of oil for the lamp in the temple of the divine Sun, The guild was committed to supply the oil permanently till

58 . A.S.W.I., vol. IV, No. 27, p. 97; Lud., No. 1165. 59 . Ep. Ind., vol. XXI, No. 10, p. 58. 60 . C.I.I., vol. III, No. 7 & 8, pp. 36-37. 61 . C.I.I., No. 8, pp. 39-40. 62 . Ibid., No. 12, p. 52. 59

the sun and the moon endured and also, in case, they removed their residence from Indrapura . Even-the amount of oil given as interest could not be decreased. The transgressor of the grant was declared guilty like the slayer of a cow, or spiritual preceptor, or of a Brahmana and was to go to hell condemned with the guilt of those well known five sins-together with the minor sins. 63 A fragmentary Mauryan inscription from Mathura, dated 7th or 8th cent. A.D., records that a king deposited a good amount of money with a guild of florists (malakara-nikaya) as a permanent endowment for the supply to garlands regularly for adorning the head of the deity he worshipped. The garlands were meant to be placed on the head of the deity everyday “so long as the sun and the moon would shine”. 64 The Anjaneri plate of Bhogasakti registers the endowment of Tejavarman who deposited a hundred rupakas with the guild of merchants in the town of Jayapura, the interest of which was to be spent in providing guggula for the worship of the god, Bhogeswara, every year. 65 A Siyadoni record, dated 858 A.D., mentions a merchant, Nagaka of making a capital investment of 1350 srimadadi vardha drammas (currency) with the distillers of spirituous liquor who were to pay every month half a vigrahatungiya dramma on every cask of liquor to Sri Visnu Bhattaraka. 66 Three documents of Kaman stone inscription of 9 th cent. A.D. record the banking functions of guilds. A guild of potters living in Kamayaka, in return for a sum of money received in advance, stipulated to pay a permanent cess. Every potter, without any exception was to pay one pana (currency) per wheel every month. A guild of gardners living in Kamayaka, in return for a sum of money received in advance, stipulated to supply permanently sixty garlands, of which thirty four were to be delivered at the temple of Vishnu and the remaining 26 at the shrine of Chamunda . A guild of artisans in the place, in return for an amount received in advance, made a permanent endowment. Every .artisan working in that place was required to pay one dramma per month. 67

63 . Ibid., Vol. III, No. 16, p. 68-71; I.A., Vol. XVIII, p. 219; Sircar, D.C., op.cit., p. 309; Bhandarkar’s List No. 1279. 64 . Ep. Ind., vol. XXXII, No. 25, p. 208. 65 . C.I.I., vol. IV, No. 31, pp. 146 ff. 66 . Ep. Ind., Vol. I, No. 21, pp. 163-166. 67 . Ibid., Vol. XXIV, No. 45, p. 329. 60

The object of one of the Eastern Ganga inscriptions was to instal a perpetual lamp “to last as long as the moon and the sun endure for the god Krtivasa ”. To provide oil for the lamp, Balakachhotika is known to have deposited five mddhas gold with a section of the merchants belonging to Achapada grama. 68

A very valuable information is furnished by the Puri inscription of Chodaganga , dated 1114-1115 A.D. It records that the sadhu Bhimadeva, a resident of Niralo grama, along with Rudra and Hari , accepted a certain amount or coins of gold for one Chayadipa meant to be a perpetual lamp to be burnt, before the god Markandeswara .

The epithet ‘sadhu’ applied to Bhimadeva shows that he belonged to the mercantile community. The responsibility of Bhimadeva and his colleagues was to supply oil for the lamp in lieu of the interest on the gold deposited with them. The inscription also records that “now Bhimadeva’s son Nana arranged for the discharge of his obligations”. This shows that, in all probability, after Bhimadeva’s death, his son Nana refunded the deposit and thereby freed himself from the obligation of supplying oil for the perpetual lamp. This inscription further records that Jivanta sresthin accepted gold for the lamp. It obviously implies that on the termination of the old endowments, they created a fresh endowment by depositing the same gold with another person named Jivanta sresthin. The conditions binding him to state that in respect of the said perpetual lamp, god Markandeswara would receive two hundred measures of oil every month. 69

It is, thus, evident that the guilds functioned as banks throughout the length and width of ancient India. They received deposits of public money and paid regular interest on it. This, in itself, is a testimony to their command of public confidence. To find a place in public confidence needed not merely the constitutional guarantee, but its proper practical application as well. It undubitably points out their internal coherence, solidarity and efficient functioning.

The public entrusted large sums of money to them without any fear and these institutions came true to their expectations. Another support to their long standing reputation was provided by the contemporary princes. They too invested their

68 . Ibid., Vol. XXXIV, No. 15, p. 117. 69 . Ep. Ind., Vol. XXXIII, No. 35, pp. 181-184. 61

religious endowments with them instead of using the royal treasury to make the remittance. Inscriptional evidences show that kings like Chandragupta II , Kumargupta and Skandagupta made their investments with these guilds. This must have encouraged ordinary people to entrust their amount with these institutions. The only care taken was that all the agreements were registered in the town ball to which guilds were ultimately responsible. 70 Naigama-sabha exercised its vigilant eye over their working and any deviation from the agreement fell within its jurisdiction. But no case is recorded where naigama-sabha had to punish any guild for its breach of contract. It seems that such breaches were negligible because of the severe penal-laws formulated by the legal writers for those who broke a contract.

The efficiency of their organization is further proved from the longevity of the terms expressed in their contracts. They were committed to execute the contract "till the sun, the moon and the earth endured”. Thus, the generations to come were bound by the agreement once made and a change of" members did not in the least affect the conditions. Still more surprising is the evidence recorded in the Indore copper plate inscription that even a change of place did not liberate them from their liabilities to the depositors. Only one inscription of 1114-1115 A.D. at Puri records that the descendants freed themselves from the obligation of their forefathers by returning back, the amount deposited. But in early medieval India the guilds on the whole had degenerated and so had their banking business. Besides this particular inscription, no other inscription records anything similar.

The rate of interest at one per cent and three-fourth per cent per month were low as compared to that which is sanctioned by the Smrtis. 71 For instance, Manu and Vasistha allow one and a quarter per cent per month on money lent or deposited. 72 This low rate of interest testifies to their stability and security of public money. As the guilds enjoyed legislative-authority and formulated rules on all the important aspects of its organization, variation in the rate of interest must also have been governed by certain rules depending on the nature and type of investment. 73

The endowments were usually made in cash, but sometimes also in the form of

70 . Altekar, A.S., ‘Economic Condition of Western India’ , Indian History Congress , 1951, p. 29. 71 . C.lL.A.I., p. 12; L.G.A.I., p. 88. 72 . Manu , VIII, 140; Vasistha Dharmasutra , III, 51. 73 . Mohan, Vishwa Mitra, The Sakas in India and their Impact on Indian Life and Culture , p. 152. 62

public property as is evident from the Junar and Eastern Ganga inscriptions. The variety of objects with which endowments were made is also a remarkable feature. The guilds were expected to perform several extra professional tasks like planting of trees, providing medicine and clothes to monks, providing oil, garlands etc. to the temples and so on. It must have required extra ability and efficiency as well. Besides being busy in their own profession, the carrying on of such varied functions must have needed a sound planning and high working capacity.

This function of guilds as banks was based on joint business. They received public money and paid a regular interest on the same. In order to pay interest regularly, they must have lent out money to others to secure profit. The interest charged for that must have been greater in amount than the interest given on endowed money. This enabled them to pay regular interest to the depositors. There is also the possibility of an alternative explanation. They might have expanded their business with the money deposited and fetched large amounts of money from that business. The money deposited with them must have provided a scope to widen their business and to earn more money. Sometimes the guilds did not pay interest from their common funds but levied a cess on all members, as is evident from the Kaman inscription, the Peheva inscription and the Harsa stone inscription.

In their capacity as banks, the guilds provided facility to the population for satisfying their religious sentiments. They took permanent custody of their money and fulfilled the wishes of the donor by spending the interest thereon according to his wishes. Thus, the guilds served in many ways the religious and benevolent propensities of society. This function was considered to be very prestigious and all the guilds were eager to attract public endowments, as is clear from the charter of Visrjusena, dated 593 A.D. One of the privileges claimed by the merchants in this charter was that no trust should be entrusted to the government officers. Trusts should be consigned to the guilds only “for kingdoms may come and go but the guilds go on for ever”. 74

It has been argued that the guilds worked in a way similar to modern banks in ancient times. 75 Although the guilds received public property as deposits, gave

74 . Ep. Ind., Vol. XXX, No. 30, p. 171. 75 . C.L.A.I., p. 12. 63

interest and lent money to people, yet we cannot subscribe to the view that the guilds served as modern banks. The guilds mostly received religious endowments and their advantage was enjoyed and appreciated by all as a means to maintain religious institutions and to satisfy the spiritual instincts. 76 But, never was an amount invested

with them for the sake of safe custody and the accretion with the time scale , as is the usual practice in modern times. Their scope and extent was very much limited in comparison to modern banks. Broadly, the guild banks were the precursors and the prototype of the modern banks and they stimulated the sacred instinct in society.

Guilds as Judicial Courts of Law

The authority of the guilds to administer justice contemplates the autonomy exercised by them within their own spheres. The head of the guild enjoyed considerable judicial authority over the guild members. 77 But he did not exercise the supreme authority. The king restricted his decisions and, at times, punished the head for his unjust behaviour. 78 The decision of guild disputes by its own members is testified by other early Buddhist literature also. The Majjhima Nikaya charges a man for speaking a lie and who, when called upon to give testimony before his guild, said; “He knows when he does not know and when he does not know, he does know or that he saw, when he did not see or that he did not see when he did see, etc.” 79 A feminine thief could not be ordained as a nun in the Buddhist order without the sanction of the guild. 80 In this case the .commentator’s explanation is that, where the king ruled, his consent and, where guild ruled, its permission, had to be obtained. 81 From Gautama also we learn that the king had to consult the accredited spokesmen of the guilds before delivering any judgement concerning them. 82

It is thus clear that the king was not free to impose his own will upon these organizations. Similarly, other legal writers also have sanctioned the judicial authority

76 . See also, Samadder, J.N., ‘Industrial and Trading Organization in Ancient India, J.B.O.R.S., Vol. VII, pt. IV, p. 53. 77 . Jat., Vol. I, No. 31, p. 198; No. 139, p. 482. 78 . Jat., Vol. I, NO. 31, p. 198. 79 . Majjhima NIkaya , I, 286; III, 48. 80 . Vinayapitaka , IV, 226. 81 . jktk uke ;RFk jktk vuqlklfr] jktk viyksdsrCcks] x.kks uke ;RFk x.kks vuqlklfr] x.kks viyksdsrCcks] iwxks uke ;RFk iwxks vuqlklfr] iwxks viyksdsrCcks] lsf.k uke ;RFk lsf.k vuqlklfr] lsf.k viyksdsrCcksA Ibid., p. 302. 82 . Gautam., XI, 22. 64

of the guilds; Brhaspati says ; “For the persons roaming in the forest .a court should be field in the forest; for warriors in the camp; and for merchants in the caravan”. 83 He further adds” “Cultivators, artisans (such as carpenters and others), artists, money lenders, companies of tradesmen, dancers, persons wearing the pasupatas, and robbers should adjust their disputes according to the rules of their own”.84 And then; “The king Should cause the disputes of ascetics and of persons versed in sorcery and witchcraft to be settled by persons familiar with the three Vedas only and not decide them himself for fear of rousing their resentment”.85

Vyasa also favoured the view that grama, gana, sreni, kula, teacher, master, kinsmen, father etc. should decide disputes among people under them, and traders, artisans, cultivators, dyers should decide their disputes by their experts”. 86

Likewise, Sukra endorses; “The cultivators, the artisans, the artists, the usurers, corporations, the dancers, the ascetics and thieves should decide their disputes according to the usages of their guild. It is impossible to detect them through others help. So they are to be found out with the help of persons born of them”. 87 Sukra further dilates; “The foresters are to be tried with the help of foresters, merchants by merchants, soldiers by soldiers and in the village affairs are to be administered by persons who live with both parties i.e. neighbours”. 88 He gives the prounds for the validity of such courts when he says ; “Those persons are the best' judges of the merits of the case who live in the place where the-two parties stand and where the disputed matters and grounds of quarrel exist”. 89 Therefore, each guild was expected to investigate and decide its own cases.

83 . ;s pkj.;pjkLrs"kkej.;s dj.ka Hkosr~A lsuk;ka lSfudkuka rq lkFks"kq of.ktka rFkkAA Brh., I, 72 (S.B.E., vol. XXXIII, p. 281). 84 . dhuk'kk% dk:dk eYyk% dqlhfnJsf.korZdk%A fyfMxuLrLdkjk'pSo Losu /kesZ.k fu.kZ;%AA Ibid., p. 74 (Ibid.) 85 . Ibid., I, 27 (Ibid.) 86 . dk;s"of/kd`rk jktk xzkeJsf.kx.kk% dqye!A xq: Lokeh dqVqEch p firk T;s"B% firkeg%A fooknkufi i';s;q% Lok/khus fo"k;s u`.kke!A of.kd~f'kfYiizHkwfr"kq d`f"kjM~+xksitksfo"k~A v'kD;ks fu.kZ;ks gkU;SLrTlSjso rq dkj;sr!AA Dh. K., Vol. I, p. 64. 87 . Sukra, IV, 5, 44. 88 . Ibid., IV, 5, 45. 89 . Ibid., IV, 5, 46-47. 65

These courts must have-originated from the need to suit the convenience of the subjects. It also appears that the rulers respected such traditional courts to avoid the possibility of rebellion from them. Brhaspati enjoins in this regard; “The time honoured institutions of each country, caste and family should be preserved intact, otherwise the people will rise in rebellion, the subjects will become disaffected with the rulers and the army and the treasure will be destroyed”. 90

Therefore, he advises the king “to enact that which; has been pronounced by dutiful and equitable associations, corporations and chief judges in an impartial spirit devoid of malice and avarice”. 91 It is, thus, quite explicit that each guild decided its own cases within its fold according to its own rules and regulations, and its decisions carried the weight of implication. Through their own courts, they could apply their own laws of which they themselves were the maters. But perhaps they were not authorized to decide heinous offences as Katyayana held the view that a member of a group guilty of a heinous offence (sahasa), who .caused a split in the group or destroyed its wealth, was to be dealt with by the king and to be destroyed by that group. 92

In fact, such offences directly affected the peace of the country and as such were not brought within the jurisdiction of a guild court. It seems that, after ascertaining that the offence related to mahaparadha, the guild concerned brought it before the king and, 3fier the king bad condemned the guilty person, the guild destroyed him. Thus, their jurisdiction was limited to civil cases only and for others they depended upon the central authority.

We get an interesting evidence in favour of the guilds functioning as judicial courts in the Dasakumaracharita. It describes a knave who approached a merchant, Anantakirti, ‘with an anklet for sale. The merchant at once recognized the .anklet as it belonged to his wife. The merchant insisted that the -man should confess from where be bad procured it. The knave refused to tell anything and later ion conceded that he would confess before the merchant guild of which Ananakirti himself was a member. He was brought before it and there he disclosed that, as he was appointed by the guild

90 . Brh., II, 28 (S.B.E, vol./ XXXIII, p. 287). 91 . Brh., V, 16 (S.B.E., vol. XXXIII, p. 296). 92 . lkglh Hksndkjh p x.knzO;fouk'kd%A mPNs|k% loZ ,oSrs fo[;kI;Soa u`is Hk`xq%AA Kat., V. 672. 66

to guard the local -cemetery, he used to be on duty there in a night One night he saw a woman clawing, a half-burnt corpse from its pyre. While attempting to catch her, he somehow scratched her thigh and succeeded in pulling out that anklet from her foot. After a due hearing of the case, the guildsmen unanimously voted that the woman was a witch and that she had been discarded by her husband. 93

It is thus very clear from this incident that the guilds acted as courts, lent a proper hearing and ultimately pronounced verdict. But an appeal could be made to the king’s-court against their decisions. In the Divyavaddna, Purna, an adventurous merchant, appealed to the king against the decision of the guild which had fined him 60 karsapanas for his offence. The king, after hearing the case, nullified the judgement of the-guild. 94

More important than this is the fact that the guilds not only functioned as courts for its own people but were also-indispensable members of the common tribunals constituted by the king for the common people. Katyayana emphatically enjoins: “The court room should be presided over by incorruptible and diligent assessors (sabhyas), by wise Brahmanas who are hereditary, who are well versed in the meaning of sacred! texts and the science of politics, by a few merchants, who form a group (or guild), who are men of high family, character, well advanced in years, are endowed with good conduct and wealth-and are free from malice. In that court room merchants are to be appointed to listen to the cause and to took to the administration of justice”. 95

Besides being appointed as investigators of justice in the royal court, the guilds formed the ordinary court of law for the common people. 96 We do not get any reference to ordinary courts in the Dharmasutras, in the, Manusmrti and in the Kautilya’s Arthasasra. It is difficult to ascertain whether these were in existence or not as they might not have been mentioned owing to their unofficial nature. The latter assumption seems-more probable as the guilds were not much developed in the Dharmasutras period and Kautilya favoured centralized government. 97 In the Manusmrti too we do not notice the existence of very developed guilds. Therefore, the

93 . Dasakumaracarita , p. 180. 94 . Divyavadana , pp. 30-32. 95 . Kat ., v. 57-58. 96 . C.L.A.I., p. 24; L.A.I., p. 206. 97 . Cf. Altekar, A.S., State and Government in Ancient India , p. 246. 67

guilds must have acquired the status of popular courts only at a later stage as a result of the laissez faire policy adopted by the post-Mauryan rulers.

For the first time, Yajnavalkya enunciates the principle of gradation of courts. He maintains; “In matters of legal proceedings between men, officers appointed by the king, the pugas, the srenis and the kulas, each of these preceding should be considered to be superior in the order of priority specified here”. 98 Similar passage also occurs in the Naradasmirti, the Brhaspatismrti, the Katyayanasmrti and Sukraniti, substituting gana for puga. 99 It is very much explicit from these passages that the guild tribunal formed the second court of justice in order of superiority. These passages are incorporated in the chapters dealing with the constitution of the courts of justice and it is nowhere particularly mentioned that the judicial function of guilds referred to related to guild members only. Therefore, it is reasonable to infer that the guilds were ordinary courts of law. Further force to this inference is added by the injunction of Brhaspati that; “Relatives, companies of artisans, assemblies of co- inhabitants and other persons duly authorized by the king should decide law-suits among men excepting causes concerning violent crimes (sdhasa)”.100 The Sukraniti also excludes cases of robbery and theft from their jurisdiction. 4 Thus, it is not to be doubted that the guilds formed a tribunal for the common people as well in the country.

Brhaspati grants the right of appeal to the decisions of these ordinary courts and dilates; “When a cause has not been duly investigated by meetings of kindred, it should be decided after due deliberation by companies (of artisans); when it has not been duly examined by companies of artisans, it should be decided by assemblies of co-inhabitants and when it has not been sufficiently made out by such assemblies, it should be tried by the appointed judges”. 101 A further gradation of the courts of Justice in the country is made by the Sukraniti when it states ; “The councillors are superior to the kulas and the odhvaksa or chief officer in charge of justice is superior to the councillors. And the king is higher to them all — the dictator of what should be

98 . u`is.kkf/kd`rk% iwxk% Js.k;ks·Fka dqykfu p A iwoZ iwoZ xq: Ks;a O;ogkjfo/kkS u`.kke~AA Yaj., II, 30 (Gharpure, J.R., Yajnavalkya Smrti, Vyavaharadhyaya, ch. I-VII, p. 746). 99 . Narada ., I, 7; Brh., I, 75; Kat ., V. 82; Sukra ., IV, 5, 29. 100 . Brh., I, 28. 101 . Brh., I, 30. 68

done and what rot”. 102 Thus, the principle of subordination of all courts to the king and, he being the 'fountain head of justice', was recognized and maintained. 103

Dr. Mookerji asserts that “the gradation of courts was determined by their numerical strength and the degree in which they represented the various interests of classes or castes in the community concerned”. 104 But we learn from Mitramisra that the relative impartiality and intellectual capacity of the persons forming these courts must have been the basis for this kind of gradation. 105

Vijnaneswara further elucidates the relations existing between these ordinary courts. He explains that, in the case of a suit decided by officers appointed by the king, there would be no fresh hearing before the pugas etc. on the plea of a wrong judgement, even if the defeated party is dissatisfied. Similarly, even in the case of a suit having been decided by a puga, there would be no appeal to the srenis etc. Likewise, on a decision given by the srenis, there could be no appeal to the kula. But from a decision of the kula, one could go to Sreni etc.; from a decision of the sreni to the puga and from the judgement of the puga to the officers appointed by the king. In such a case, moreover, where a party appeals to the king in a trial, with a wager before the king and his councillors together with officers before whom it was first tried, the party complaining of impartiality is defeated, it should be fined. But, if it succeeds, then the officers appointed as judges should be fined. 106

It can be seen that every care was taken to ensure that the judgements were impartial. An appeal moving from lower courts to the king’s court, when the decision had been given after due consideration of the appeal by the king’s officers along with the officers of the lower court, removed all possibilities of a decision being partial. Further justice was ensured by devising the method of imposing fines on such court officers who acted with partiality.

At the same time, any attempt to waste the precious time of the higher courts by appealing against a right judgement was also severely punished. It is, however, not clear whether a commoner could resort to the king’s court directly without trying

102 . Sukra , IV, 5, 31. 103 . Choudhary, R.K., Studies in Ancient Indian Law and Justice , p. 42. 104 . L.G.A.I., p. 134. 105 . Viram , p. 38. 106 . Mita, p. 946 (Gharpure, J.R., op.cit., p. 746). 69

to get justice from the popular courts. But Visvarupa informs us that, in the case of a dispute, the king could be approached only in the order of kula .107 The authority and judgemeat of local courts were highly valued and the king, only in exceptional cases, reversed their decisions. Brhaspati commands that the local bodies should be approved by the king as well, as they were appointed managers of affair. 108 Thus, while these courts were essentially non-official and popular in nature, they still carried the royal authority behind them.

As the Sreni had its own executive committee of four or five members, it is likely that they may have functioned as the sreni court. 109

There was no limit to the jurisdiction of the popular, courts in civil matters. They could not, however, try criminal cases of a serious nature. Another verse in the Brhaspatismrti authorizes them to punish papakarma (sinful acts) and the punishments recommended are vagdanda, dhigdanda and parityaga i.e. reprimand, censure and excommunication. 110

The procedure prevalent in these popular courts was somewhat similar to the royal courts of justice. Katyayana expressly mentions; “Whatever are declared as the conventional usages of the association of traders, of guilds, of artisans and of groups of Brahmanas and the like, the means of proving them are documents, neither ordeal nor witnesses”. 111 But next to the documents, witnesses have also been an important factor in deciding a dispute. Manu has disqualified artisans to act as witnesses. 112 But Narada removes the restriction and says ; "Among companies of artisans or guilds of merchants, other artisans or merchants shall be witnesses and members of an association among other members of the same association; persons living outside among those living outside and women among women”. 113 But Narada imposes other restrictions. He observes that ; “If in a company of artisans or guilds of" merchants or in any other association some one falls out with his associates, they must not bear

107 . Dh. K., Vol. I, pt. I, p. 40. 108 . Brh., II, 30 (S.B.E., XXXIII, p. 281). 109 . Brh., XVII, 10 (S.B.E., XXXIII, p. 347). 110 . Ibid., 17 (Ibid., p. 348). 111 . iwxJs.khx.kknhuka ;k fLFkfr% ifjdhfrZrkA rL;kLrq lk/kua ys[;a u fnO;a u p lkf{k.kaAA Kat., V. 225. 112 . Manu., VIII, 65. 113 . Narada, I, 155 (S.B.E., vol. XXXIII, p. 81). 70

witness against him as they are likely to become his enemies. 114 He further declares some others as being unfit from being witnesses ; “Those who are interested in the suit, nor one who had bad nails or black teeth? nor one who betrays his friends ; nor a rogue, nor a seller of spirituous liquor nor a juggler, nor an avaricious or cruel man, nor an enemy of a company of traders or of an association of clansmen”. 115

This function assigned to them an important place in the political fabric of ancient times. Kautilya, however, was not willing to subscribe to their being a powerful organization. Therefore, he curtailed all their powers and brought them under strict government control. As a result, we do not find the existence of guild courts as courts of law in his time. But after Kautilya, the rulers generally adopted the policy of local, administration.

It became a necessity in view of the vast empires that developed and the absence of rapid means of communication. Therefore, later on the rulers generally came to encourage such courts. Besides, impartial judgement was possible only by the local people who had a first hand knowledge of the case and for whom the people bore esteem and regard. Very seldom could people dare to speak a lie before such old and respectable persons of the society, On the one-hand, it lightened the burden of the central government and, on the other, it provided a sort of a political training for the local people to exercise their authority over their fellow men. Usually it took a long time for the common people to seek justice from the royal court. Therefore, ordinary disputes were arranged to be decided at the local level only. Only complicated cases were brought before the royal court where the local court officials were also expected to be present at the time of the proceedings to supply first hand information in the case. The guilds were thus, subordinated to the stats in the legal sphere.

In view of their diverse functions, it would be correct to maintain that the guilds were an indispensable factor in the social and political fabric of the state. The institution was well established at that time and all and. sundry enjoyed its advan- tages. On the one band, they devoted themselves to achieve: advancement in trade and industry and, on the other, they facilitated the social and political life of ancient times. Their contribution as banks and as ordinary courts of law was remarkable and

114 . Narada, I, 156; Sukra ., IV, 5, 382. 115 . Narada, I, 184 (S.B.E., vol. XXXIII, p. 88). 71

among the six kinds of army which a king could maintain was according to him, due to their propensity to bargain, and explains why they were considered inferior to the hereditary army and the hired army.7

This was an age of advancement and the guilds were almost fully engaged in contributing towards this end yet, besides their strictly professional business, they also served as barks for common people, as ordinary courts of law and as public and spiritual benefactors. There is sufficient evidence to prove that all these functions were carried on by guilds side by side with their professional duties.8 When the term sreni is used along with bala in Arthasastra by Kautilya, no special mention is made by him that the srenibala he meant only the soldier guild and not all the industrial and merchantile guilds maintain their army. Therefore, the term should be taken in the ordinary sense implying the powers of the guilds in general. Guilds, in fact functioned on the tribal traditions and had to functional division within their group. Within the group all worked together for economic gain and when occasion demanded, all attempted to face the danger jointly.9 In fact, the extent of autonomy the guilds enjoyed in all their affairs and the need for defending their treasures must have prompted them to employ their own methods of self-defence.10

Further we have evidences about the guild assembly possessed military resources is supplied by later literature and epigraph as well. Narada stated that royal inference in the affairs of guilds under some special circumstances. One of such situations is mentioned as arising at the time of unlawful bearing of arms by the assembly (samuha). When there was no apprehension or danger from any quarter, the bearing of arms by these guilds is declared by Narada as unlawful and detrimental to the peace of society.11 Katyanan’s provision, that he arrange sanes from or thieves or form water or form fire any chattel, should be given a tenth part of it, also supports the view that guilds had their own defensive measures.12 The Manasollasa also describes srenibala as composed of persons interrelated through caste and

7 . Jain, P.C., Socio-Economic Exploration of Medieval India, p. 319. 8 . vide Infra, pp. 145-171. 9 . U.R.S.E.C.A.I., p. 293. 10 . L.G.A.I., p. 219. 11 . feFk la/kkrd.kaefgr 'kL=/kkj.ke~A ijLijksi?kkar p rs"kka jktk u e"kZ;srAA Narada; X.5. 12 . Kat., v. 631. 49

profession13 and who have entered to a compact (niscitiam samayaih). The Mandsaur inscription of Kumargupta also points to same conclusion. It records that some members of silk weavers guild took to profession of arms after migrating from lata province to Dasapura. The inscription add, “others of them varourous in battle effect by force the destruction of their enemies.14

Kautilya has dealt with srenibala in some detail. The evidence of powerful guilds within the state stood in sharp contrast to Kautilyan concept of absolutism. Therefore, he was not complimentary about there corporation and their strength. At one place he mentions that a king should be conversant with the strength or weakness of all the six kinds of the army Maulabala, Bhrtabala, Srenibala, Mitrabala, Ataibala and Amtritabala.15 Kautilya regards srenibala as inferior to hired troops (bhrtabala), some verses in the Mahabharata describes it being equal to bhrtabala and a king is enjoyed to avail himself of srenibala.16 In Karnavarva several srenis are recorded as having been destroyed by Arjuna.17 Bhattaaraka, the founder of the Maitrika dynasty of valabhi is, for instance, mentioned to have acquired royal fortune with the help of the srenibala, along with other five forces.18

Thus the function of guilds as a military force both to serve their own organization and the control authority is established. As a guild was a self governing unit, it should not appear to be stupendous if it possessed its own army also in order to scare its existence form internal and external wrangles. It seems that whenever the state was threatened by some external, the king could enlist the services of havemen from all the guilds in his kingdom and the troops thus formed was termed as srenibala. An able and intrepid man among them was chosen as their commander and he was given an adequate amount of salary to keep up the group. Because the diverse elements of which srenibala was composed, it was not reckoned to be very reliable although it undoubtedly added to the political status of the guilds with the state fabric.19

13 . Manesollasa, vol. I, V. 558, p. 79; Cf. L.A.I., p. 318. 14 . C.I.I., vol. III, No. 18, p. 85. 15 . Artha., II, 33. 16 . Mbh, XV, 8, 7-9. 17 . Ibid., VIII, 5, 39. 18 . Ep. Ind., vol. I, No. 13, p. 85. 19 . Cf. Jain, P.C., op.cit., p. 319. 50

Municipal functions of Guilds

Guilds, in ancient India, also served as municipal bodies. In this capacity they covered a wide area of activity. All the municipal functions that a guild was expected to perform were contained in a document to which all the members of the guild had to solemnize and necessarily follow. Such documents must have differed from guild to guild. It was considered to be a part of the agreement on which the general edifice of the guild stood. Thus Brahaspati records “when a stipulation has been entered in a document as follows – The construction of a house of assembly, of a shed for accommodating travelers with water, shed for poor and a garden, relief to helpers or poor for the performance of sacrificial acts, a common path or defence, shall be undertaken by unimproportional share, that is a lawful agreement.20

Thus the guilds extended their helping hands to the public, in general, and to the poor and destitute in particular. They constructed public halls, provided public ways with waterbooths, shadowy trees and rest houses. They also contributed towards reviving the religious sentiment of society and their spiritual and moral uplift by constructing huge temples for worship. Dhrmasastras prescribed their role in assisting the poor and indigent to perform rituals and sacraments. Elsewhere, Brahaspati states that, whatever is obtained by a member, shall belong to all or it shall be bestowed upon the idiotic, the aged, the blind, the women, the children, the afflicted and diseased persons, to person having issue or the king (worthy person); this is the eternal law.21 It confirms that the guilds performed their common functions in aid of poor to enable them to live happily.

These municipal functions of the guilds are attested by epigraphical sources as well.

A Junar inscription records the planting of road side Karanja and Banyan tree by the guild of own dealers.22 Another Junar inscription records the planting of

20 . lHkkiziknsoxzg nsorM+kxxe laLd`fr%A Rfkk ukFk nfjnzk.kk laLdkjks ;tufØ;kAA Dqyk;ua fujks/k'p dk;ZHkLekfHkj'kr%A ;=SrfYyf[kar lE;d ¼i=s½ /kEeZ;klk le;fØ;kAA Brh., XVII, 11-12 (S.B.E., vol. XXXIII, p. 349) 21 . Brh., XVII, 22-23 (S.B.E., vol. XXXII, p. 349) 22 . A.S.W.I, vol. No. 10, p. 94. 51

roadside Karanja and Banyan trees by the guild of Konakas.23

A Kosam inscription of Bhdramayha of the later Kusana period, informs us about the construction of a cavedwelling by the guild of merchants.24

The installation of Asana pattas i.e. seats, by a guild of stone mason is mentioned in a brahmi inscription of Bandhogarh.25 The Mandasaur stone inscription of Kumargupta dated 439-473 A.D. records that in the reign of Bandhuvarman a notable temple of the bright rayed sum was caused to be built by the silk-clothes weavers. In course of time under other kings, parts of thin temple fell in to disruptive and was repaired by the munificent corporation.26 The samoli inscription of the time of Siladitya, dated V.S. 703, mentions that a Mahajana community, headed by Jentaka, stated constructing an agara (mine) in Aranjangiri which became a source of livelihood for the people. The Mahattra Jentaka founded at the place of a temple (devakula) of Aranjavasini (Durga).27 The Sakrai inscription also mentions about the construction of a mandapa infront of the goddess Sankara by an association or a committee composed of eleven members, all of whom are bankers.28 The construction of a temple of Shiva and a vapi (tark) by Jamna, a teli patel, is mentioned in Jhalargatan stone inscription of Udayditya, dated 1086 A.D.29 A Siyadoni inscription records dated 1047 A.D., refers to a guild of betel sellers and its chief Canduba who raised a temple of SriVishnu Bhattaraka probably with the co-operation of guild members.30 The second prasasti of Baijnath, records the construction of a temple of Shiva and a Mandapa in front, by the heads of oilmillara.31

These inscriptions along with the above quoted passages from the Brhaspatismiriti, clearly indicates that the guilds carried the responsibility of philanthropic functions also. They helped the general public in several ways at their own expense. They constructed several temples for the satisfaction of the religious propensity of ancient Indian population. Public confidence in their utility and

23 . Ibid., No. 24, p. 96. 24 . Ep Ind., vol. XXXI, No. 23, p. 167. 25 . Ibid., vol. XXIV, No. 33, p. 253. 26 . I.A., Vol. XV, No. 162, p. 194. 27 . Ep. Ind., vol. XX, No. 9, p. 97. 28 . Ibid., vol. XXVII, No. 7, p. 27. 29 . J.A.S.B., vol. X, 1914, No. 26, p. 241. 30 . Ep. Ind., vol. I, No. 21, p. 175. 31 . Ep. Ind., vol. I, No. 16, pp. 116-118. 52

reliability must have increased which was a key to their success and formed the basis of their existence.

Besides helping the general public and building magnificent temples, the guilds also had a religious significance. There are epigraphic evidences which inform us about the magnificent religious endowments and benefactions of various guilds. The Sanchi stupa inscription mentions that its carving was dome by the workers in ivory of vedisa who had organised themselves in to a guild and made collective gift.32 A votive inscription in the chaity came at Karle records the gifts of a pillar by the community of traders from Dhenukakota.33

The Sonepur plate of Maha-Bhavagupta (II) Janamejayo refers to the donation of a village by the king to Kamalavana vaniksthana. The merchant association transferred the same gift as a registered grant to Sri Kesava-Bhattaraka devakula and Sri Bhattaraka devakula, for defraying the cost of offerings to the deities and of repairs to the shrine.34

The Nagardhana plate of Svamiraja, dated Kalachuri year 322, also refers to the gift of 20 nivartnas of land in the village Chinchapattika made by Mahamatm gana on the occasion of an eclipse.35

An inscription from Vaillabhatta svamin temple of 9th cen A.D. at Gwalior records that, in order to provide oil for the lamps of the temple, the chief of the oilmillers and other members of the guild of oilmillers were to give one pallika (measure) of oil per oil-mill on the 9th day of the bright half of every month. Further, on the same day, another perpetual endowment was made to the effect that the chief of the gardners dwelling at the top of Sri Gopa-giri and other members of the guild of gardners were to give daily for the worship fifty garlands of such market flowers as were available in a particular season. These gifts were made out of their own property for as long as the moon and the sun and the earth exist.36

The Peheva inscription of the temple of Garibanath, dated 882-83 A.D., states that certain horse-dealers who met at horse-fair held at Peheva agreed to impose upon

32 . Ep. Ind. Vol. XXIII, No. 40, p. 249. 33 . Ibid., vol. XVIII, No. 36, p. 325. 34 . Ibid., vol. XXIII, No. 40, p. 249. 35 . C.I.I., vol. IV, No. 120, pp. 612 ff. 36 . Ep. Ind. Vol. I, No. 20, pp. 159-162. 53

themselves and upon their customers certain taxes or tithes the proceeds of which were to be distributed among the temple priests and sanctuaries in proportions duly specified. The taxes imposed were : (i) two dharmas (money or coin) to be deducted from the sum received by the dealer for each animal sold at Prthudaka to the king or to any subject, (ii) one dharma was to be paid by the buyer of each animal in addition to the price stipulated.37 The second prasasti of Baijnath, dated 804 A.D., records the donation of an oil mill, one shop, a piece of land and four ploughs by Manyuka and Ahuka to the temple of Shiva they had themselves built. They were the members of a guild of 38 oilmen. The Harsa stone inscription of the Cahmana Vigraharaja, dated 970 A.D., refers to the taxes on salt and horses for the benefit of the temple by the traders of Sakambhari and by the horse-dealers from the north.39 The Vasantgarh inscription of Varmalata of the year 625 A.D. records a gosthi or guild committee arranging for the construction of a temple.40 In 1143 A.D., the mahajanas and bankers of Nadlai, after meeting in an assembly, made some donations for the temple of Mahavira which were in the form of fractions of various commodities in which they dealt.41 A Jain inscription from Ghatiyala, dated 918 A.D., refers to a king who authorized the bhatiakagosthi to protect the temple of Jina which he bad built and donated.42 The Siyadoni inscription alludes to Nagaka, probably a member of the guild, arranging for a palika of oil to be donated to the temple by the members of each mill. Another endowment, dated 858 A.D. refers to a gift by Kesava, Durga-ditya and other members of the guild of oil-millers, who donated a palika of oil to Sri- Cakrasvamideva temple.43 The Ahar temple inscription of the time of Guhila Allata, dated 864 A.D., refers to a pala of oil from every oil-mill being donated to a Visnu temple for its maintenance.44 The second Ahar stone inscription records that the community of

37 . Ibid., vol. I, No. 23, pp. 184 ff. 38 . Ibid., No. 15, pp. 116-118. 39 . Ibid., vol. II, No. 8, p. 116. 40 . Ep. Ind., vol. IX, No. 25, p. 92. 41 . Ibid., No. 11, p. 24. 42 . Nahar, P.C., Jain Lekha Samgrah, Vol. I, p. 261. 43 . Ibid., Vol. I, No. 21, p. 175. 44 . Ibid., vol. XIX, No. 7, p. 54. 54

sauvarnika traders, together with two persons, assigned the avari to the temple of Kanchanadevi to provide funds for saffron, flowers, incense, lamps, sags, white washing, cleaning and plastering and the repairing of broken and cracked buildings.45

An inscription from Shergarh, dated 1017 A.0., records that Thiyaka, the head of the guild of oilmen, in order to provide oil for the temple lamps, assigned to the temple the entire produce of two of the oil mills owned by him. He also donated a vasanika to the same temple.46

The Partabgarh inscription of king Mahendrapala II, dated 946 A.D., refers to a permanent endowment of one palika (measure) of oil per oil mill, five bundles of foliage, 100 garlands of four strings, on the 9th day of the bright half of the month of Chaitra, together with two palas (measure) of saffron and one pala of betel nuts from the trading community in the month of Chaitra in favour of Vata Yaksini devi.47

The Sanderva stone inscription of Kelhanadeva, dated V.S. 1221, records that one haela of Yugmadhari was granted by the rathakaras or the cart-builders, e.g. Dhanapala, Surapala, Jopala, Sigada, Amiyapala, Jasahada, Delhana and so forth, all residing at Shamderaka in connection with the Kalyanaka falling on the 13th of the bright half of Chaitra.48

These inscriptions invariably indicate that the guilds had an inborn inclination towards dharma. They invested a large amount of their profits and wealth in religious undertakings. Besides building temples from their own funds, they provided, for their maintenance by defraying the expenses of daily requisites. They either donated in the form of material like garlands, oil, saffron, ghee etc. for the temple or donated lands, villages and houses to the temples, the earnings from which could be utilized for the temple. In early medieval India when their wealth had suffered much from continuous wars and invasions even then they did not allow their old traditions to die out. In that age the guilds of a region assembled together and pulled their resources to fulfil their traditional duties. Their association with the temples automatically added to their social status also.

45 . Ibid., p. 55. 46 . Ep. Ind., vol. XXIII, No. 20, pp. 131-138. 47 . Ibid., vol. XIV, No. 13, p. 182. 48 . Ep. Ind., vol. XI, No. 13, p. 47. 55

Guilds as Banks

Being an economic institution and having great wealth at their disposal, the guilds also served as banks in ancient India. Money saving as a measure of safety in times of stringency, has always been prevalent. In the absence of institutions like bank, usually floors and walls of houses, river banks and forests were chosen as places for storing money. But there was always the fear of money being stolen or lost in one way or the other. There is the story of king Dhanananda’s immense wealth being swallowed up by the inundated river and same was the fate of Anathapindika’s hoard of coins.49

Archaeological finds of hoarded treasures at several places testify to the prevalence of this method of keeping money in ancient India. From the Jatakas we learn of sresthis acting as private bankers who lent money to aspirants in trade and industry and to provide them facilities for betterment of life.50 But we do not find the guilds acting as banks in the pre-Buddhist period. In the succeeding centuries the guilds definitely emerged as established banking institutions. There are adequate evidences to prove that they received public property, paid regular interest on the same and lent money to needy persons.

In a passage of the Arthasastra, Kautilya speaks of deposits of guilds (upanidhi). The passage runs ; “Those who can be expected to relieve misery, who can give instructions to artisans, who can be trusted with deposits, who plan artistic work after their own design and who can be relied upon by guilds of artisans may receive the deposits of the guilds.

The guilds shall receive their deposits back in times of distress”.51 Elsewhere also he attests to their function of money-lending when he says; “King’s spies disguised as merchants may borrow from corporations bar gold and coined gold for various kinds of merchandise to be procured from abroad”.52 No hint is available from these passages that the guilds were functioning as banks for the public in general. Kautilya mentions some extra qualities which were necessary for a guild to function as bank. This shows that not all the guilds were capable to function as banks.

49 . Jat., Vol. I, No. 40, p. 227. 50 . Ibid. 51 . Artha., IV, 1. 52 , Ibid., V, 2. 56

The receiving guild was expected to relieve misery (arthya pratikarah). It also points to the fact that the guilds had to be necessarily wealthy in order to be in a position to render help by making advances on interest.

Secondly, it was expected to be proficient in the craft which it undertook (karusasitdrah). It should have an established reputation as a-school for imparting instructions to new artisans. It is also-likely that some fee was charged from those who received instructions. Thirdly, the guild should enjoy the confidence of other guilds (sannikseptarah). This point is significant as financial matters could only be entrusted to reputed institutions. People should not run the risk of their money being lost or embezzled.

The receiving guild should also be adequately competent to undertake any artistic work expected from it. It should enjoy a good reputation in the artistic field as well so that the other guilds also could have their requirements fulfilled. This hints at their extra-professional qualifications. Finally, the guild should carry the confidence of the depositors. Kautilya further observes that the depositor guild could receive its deposits back in times of distress (vipattau sreni niksepam bhajeto). It seems that, in times of financial stringency, the depositor guild could draw its money back.53 Thus Kautilya provides us with a concrete basis for assuming that the guilds in his time were functioning as banks also, although in a limited scope. Owing to their stability, integrity, mutual obligations and responsibility, the guilds, in later centuries, began to attract the general public also for depositing their money with them and receiving regular interest there on.

Some seals bearing the legend sresthi-nigama have also-been unearthed at Basarh. These seals point to the guilds of bankers who had their own seals. From these seals, Spooner has concluded that banking was as prominent in Vaisalt as could be expected.54 It seems that following the example of artisan guilds, the sresthis also organized themselves into guilds, and performed the banking function simultaneously.

Much of the support given to the view that the guilds functioned as banks is provided by inscriptional evidences. They also make a mention of the rate of interest

53 . E.I.E.H., p. 664. 54 . Spooner, D.B., ‘Excavations at Basarh’, A.S.I.A.R., 1913-14, p. 122; Deva and Misra, Vaisali Excavations, 1950, p. 56. 57

charged for the purpose of the deposit in detail. Therefore, much of the information regarding the guilds functioning as banks rests-upon the study of inscriptions. The following inscriptions of northern India pointedly suggest that the guilds received permanent deposits from the public under certain stipulations.

A Kshatrapa inscription of Usavadata, the son-in-law of the Kshatrapa king Nahapana, dated 119-24 A.D., records a permanent endowment (aksayanivi) of 3000 karsapanas (money) invested with two weavers’ guilds at Govardhana. Out of this, two-thousand karshpanas were deposited with a weavers’ guild at a rate of 1% interest per month. The remaining one thousand were deposited with another weavers' guild at some rate of interest per month, Usavadata invested this money for the community of monks hailing from the four points of horizon living in the cave for defraying their expenditure on clothes and on paying the cost of kusana (pocket money). These karshpanas-were not to be repaid by one who paid the interest. All this was proclaimed in the guild hall (nigama-sabha) and was written on boards according to the custom.55

In another Nasik cave inscription of Ishvarasena, there is reference to a perpetual endowment being made by Visnudatta to provide medicine for the sick among the community of Buddhist monks dwelling in the monastery on the Trirasmi mountain. A thousand karshpanas were deposited with the guild of kularikas (potters), two thousand with the guild of manufacturers of hydraulic engines (odayantrikas), five hundred with another guild whose name is lost and some more with the guild of oil-millers (tilapisaka). Details regarding the rate of interest have also been mutilated. The expression sugatana-gatasu is intended to commit the specified guilds existing at the-time and their successors to the payment of a perpetual interest.56

An inscription at Junar mentions the investment of the income from the two fields with the guild at Konacikas for planting Karanja and Banyan trees.57

Another Junar inscription states that with the guild of bamboo workers one

55 . A.S.W.I., vol. IV, No. 7, p. 102; Sircar, D.C., Select Inscriptions, p. 157; Lud., No. 1133; Ep. Ind., vol. VIII, No. 12, p. 82. 56 . A.S.W.I., vol. IV, No. 12, p. 103; Lud, No. 1137. 57 . Cf. A.S.W.I., vol. IV, No. 24, p. 96; Lud., No. 1162. 58

and three quartets, and the guild of braziers a quarter...58 Here, the amount invested though mentioned is hardly legible because of the inscription being damaged.

The Mathura Brahmi inscription of 2nd cent. A.D. also purports to record the endowment of a punyasala with an aksayanivi i.e. a permanent endowment from which the capital could not be touched. On behalf of the donor, two srenis or guilds were entrusted with the management of 550 puranas each. The name of the first Sreni is lost and only two letters—raka can be read. The second was samitakara sreni i e. probably the makers of wheat flour. The permanent endowment was made with the stipulation that the capital could not be touched and out of the monthly interest (masdnumasam) expenses were to be covered for serving 100 Brahmanas in the hall (punyasala) and for keeping some provisions at the door daily for the benefit of hungry and indigent people. The rate of interest which the guilds paid for such aksayanivi is not specified.59

Even eminent kings like Chandragupta II, and his successors, Kumargupta I and Skandagupta of Gupta dynasty, utilized these banks by depositing their religious endowments with them under certain conditions. The Gadhwa stone inscription of Chandragupta II states that he deposited 20 dinaras in two instalments with a guild headed by Matrdasa for the Brahmanas of the community of the perpetual almbouse.60

His son and successor, Kumaragupta I, also deposited, on-one occasion, 13 dinaras (currency) and, on another 12 dinaras with one or two guilds from the interest of which two almhouses were to-be perpetually maintained.61 The Bihar stone pillar inscription of Skandagupta records a permanent endowment made by him with a guild in the town Ajapuraka. Further, information contained in the inscription cannot be derived owing to its damaged condition.62

Devavishnu, a Brahmin from Indrapura, gave an endowment which was the permanent property of the guild of oilmen of which Jivanta was the head. The guild paid interest on the-amount which provided for two palas of oil for the lamp in the

58 . A.S.W.I., vol. IV, No. 27, p. 97; Lud., No. 1165. 59 . Ep. Ind., vol. XXI, No. 10, p. 58. 60 . C.I.I., vol. III, No. 7 & 8, pp. 36-37. 61 . C.I.I., No. 8, pp. 39-40. 62 . Ibid., No. 12, p. 52. 59

temple of the divine Sun, The guild was committed to supply the oil permanently till the sun and the moon endured and also, in case, they removed their residence from Indrapura. Even-the amount of oil given as interest could not be decreased. The transgressor of the grant was declared guilty like the slayer of a cow, or spiritual preceptor, or of a Brahmana and was to go to hell condemned with the guilt of those well known five sins-together with the minor sins.63 A fragmentary Mauryan inscription from Mathura, dated 7th or 8th cent. A.D., records that a king deposited a good amount of money with a guild of florists (malakara-nikaya) as a permanent endowment for the supply to garlands regularly for adorning the head of the deity he worshipped. The garlands were meant to be placed on the head of the deity everyday “so long as the sun and the moon would shine”.64 The Anjaneri plate of Bhogasakti registers the endowment of Tejavarman who deposited a hundred rupakas with the guild of merchants in the town of Jayapura, the interest of which was to be spent in providing guggula for the worship of the god, Bhogeswara, every year.65 A Siyadoni record, dated 858 A.D., mentions a merchant, Nagaka of making a capital investment of 1350 srimadadi vardha drammas (currency) with the distillers of spirituous liquor who were to pay every month half a vigrahatungiya dramma on every cask of liquor to Sri Visnu Bhattaraka.66 Three documents of Kaman stone inscription of 9th cent. A.D. record the banking functions of guilds. A guild of potters living in Kamayaka, in return for a sum of money received in advance, stipulated to pay a permanent cess. Every potter, without any exception was to pay one pana (currency) per wheel every month. A guild of gardners living in Kamayaka, in return for a sum of money received in advance, stipulated to supply permanently sixty garlands, of which thirty four were to be delivered at the temple of Vishnu and the remaining 26 at the shrine of Chamunda. A guild of artisans in the place, in return for an amount received in advance, made a permanent endowment. Every .artisan working in that place was required to pay one

63 . Ibid., Vol. III, No. 16, p. 68-71; I.A., Vol. XVIII, p. 219; Sircar, D.C., op.cit., p. 309; Bhandarkar’s List No. 1279. 64 . Ep. Ind., vol. XXXII, No. 25, p. 208. 65 . C.I.I., vol. IV, No. 31, pp. 146 ff. 66 . Ep. Ind., Vol. I, No. 21, pp. 163-166. 60

dramma per month.67 The object of one of the Eastern Ganga inscriptions was to instal a perpetual lamp “to last as long as the moon and the sun endure for the god Krtivasa”. To provide oil for the lamp, Balakachhotika is known to have deposited five mddhas gold with a section of the merchants belonging to Achapada grama.68

A very valuable information is furnished by the Puri inscription of Chodaganga, dated 1114-1115 A.D. It records that the sadhu Bhimadeva, a resident of Niralo grama, along with Rudra and Hari, accepted a certain amount or coins of gold for one Chayadipa meant to be a perpetual lamp to be burnt, before the god Markandeswara.

The epithet ‘sadhu’ applied to Bhimadeva shows that he belonged to the mercantile community. The responsibility of Bhimadeva and his colleagues was to supply oil for the lamp in lieu of the interest on the gold deposited with them. The inscription also records that “now Bhimadeva’s son Nana arranged for the discharge of his obligations”. This shows that, in all probability, after Bhimadeva’s death, his son Nana refunded the deposit and thereby freed himself from the obligation of supplying oil for the perpetual lamp. This inscription further records that Jivanta sresthin accepted gold for the lamp. It obviously implies that on the termination of the old endowments, they created a fresh endowment by depositing the same gold with another person named Jivanta sresthin. The conditions binding him to state that in respect of the said perpetual lamp, god Markandeswara would receive two hundred measures of oil every month.69

It is, thus, evident that the guilds functioned as banks throughout the length and width of ancient India. They received deposits of public money and paid regular interest on it. This, in itself, is a testimony to their command of public confidence. To find a place in public confidence needed not merely the constitutional guarantee, but its proper practical application as well. It undubitably points out their internal coherence, solidarity and efficient functioning.

The public entrusted large sums of money to them without any fear and these

67 . Ibid., Vol. XXIV, No. 45, p. 329. 68 . Ibid., Vol. XXXIV, No. 15, p. 117. 69 . Ep. Ind., Vol. XXXIII, No. 35, pp. 181-184. 61

institutions came true to their expectations. Another support to their long standing reputation was provided by the contemporary princes. They too invested their religious endowments with them instead of using the royal treasury to make the remittance. Inscriptional evidences show that kings like Chandragupta II, Kumargupta and Skandagupta made their investments with these guilds. This must have encouraged ordinary people to entrust their amount with these institutions. The only care taken was that all the agreements were registered in the town ball to which guilds were ultimately responsible.70 Naigama-sabha exercised its vigilant eye over their working and any deviation from the agreement fell within its jurisdiction. But no case is recorded where naigama-sabha had to punish any guild for its breach of contract. It seems that such breaches were negligible because of the severe penal-laws formulated by the legal writers for those who broke a contract.

The efficiency of their organization is further proved from the longevity of the terms expressed in their contracts. They were committed to execute the contract "till the sun, the moon and the earth endured”. Thus, the generations to come were bound by the agreement once made and a change of" members did not in the least affect the conditions. Still more surprising is the evidence recorded in the Indore copper plate inscription that even a change of place did not liberate them from their liabilities to the depositors. Only one inscription of 1114-1115 A.D. at Puri records that the descendants freed themselves from the obligation of their forefathers by returning back, the amount deposited. But in early medieval India the guilds on the whole had degenerated and so had their banking business. Besides this particular inscription, no other inscription records anything similar.

The rate of interest at one per cent and three-fourth per cent per month were low as compared to that which is sanctioned by the Smrtis.71 For instance, Manu and Vasistha allow one and a quarter per cent per month on money lent or deposited.72 This low rate of interest testifies to their stability and security of public money. As the guilds enjoyed legislative-authority and formulated rules on all the important aspects of its organization, variation in the rate of interest must also have been governed by

70 . Altekar, A.S., ‘Economic Condition of Western India’, Indian History Congress, 1951, p. 29. 71 . C.lL.A.I., p. 12; L.G.A.I., p. 88. 72 . Manu, VIII, 140; Vasistha Dharmasutra, III, 51. 62

certain rules depending on the nature and type of investment.73

The endowments were usually made in cash, but sometimes also in the form of public property as is evident from the Junar and Eastern Ganga inscriptions. The variety of objects with which endowments were made is also a remarkable feature. The guilds were expected to perform several extra professional tasks like planting of trees, providing medicine and clothes to monks, providing oil, garlands etc. to the temples and so on. It must have required extra ability and efficiency as well. Besides being busy in their own profession, the carrying on of such varied functions must have needed a sound planning and high working capacity.

This function of guilds as banks was based on joint business. They received public money and paid a regular interest on the same. In order to pay interest regularly, they must have lent out money to others to secure profit. The interest charged for that must have been greater in amount than the interest given on endowed money. This enabled them to pay regular interest to the depositors. There is also the possibility of an alternative explanation. They might have expanded their business with the money deposited and fetched large amounts of money from that business. The money deposited with them must have provided a scope to widen their business and to earn more money. Sometimes the guilds did not pay interest from their common funds but levied a cess on all members, as is evident from the Kaman inscription, the Peheva inscription and the Harsa stone inscription.

In their capacity as banks, the guilds provided facility to the population for satisfying their religious sentiments. They took permanent custody of their money and fulfilled the wishes of the donor by spending the interest thereon according to his wishes. Thus, the guilds served in many ways the religious and benevolent propensities of society. This function was considered to be very prestigious and all the guilds were eager to attract public endowments, as is clear from the charter of Visrjusena, dated 593 A.D. One of the privileges claimed by the merchants in this charter was that no trust should be entrusted to the government officers. Trusts should be consigned to the guilds only “for kingdoms may come and go but the guilds go on for ever”.74

73 . Mohan, Vishwa Mitra, The Sakas in India and their Impact on Indian Life and Culture, p. 152. 74 . Ep. Ind., Vol. XXX, No. 30, p. 171. 63

It has been argued that the guilds worked in a way similar to modern banks in ancient times.75 Although the guilds received public property as deposits, gave interest and lent money to people, yet we cannot subscribe to the view that the guilds served as modern banks. The guilds mostly received religious endowments and their advantage was enjoyed and appreciated by all as a means to maintain religious institutions and to satisfy the spiritual instincts.76 But, never was an amount invested with them for the sake of safe custody and the accretion with the time scale, as is the usual practice in modern times. Their scope and extent was very much limited in comparison to modern banks. Broadly, the guild banks were the precursors and the prototype of the modern banks and they stimulated the sacred instinct in society.

Guilds as Judicial Courts of Law

The authority of the guilds to administer justice contemplates the autonomy exercised by them within their own spheres. The head of the guild enjoyed considerable judicial authority over the guild members.77 But he did not exercise the supreme authority. The king restricted his decisions and, at times, punished the head for his unjust behaviour.78 The decision of guild disputes by its own members is testified by other early Buddhist literature also. The Majjhima Nikaya charges a man for speaking a lie and who, when called upon to give testimony before his guild, said; “He knows when he does not know and when he does not know, he does know or that he saw, when he did not see or that he did not see when he did see, etc.”79 A feminine thief could not be ordained as a nun in the Buddhist order without the sanction of the guild.80 In this case the .commentator’s explanation is that, where the king ruled, his consent and, where guild ruled, its permission, had to be obtained.81 From Gautama also we learn that the king had to consult the accredited spokesmen of the guilds

75 . C.L.A.I., p. 12. 76 . See also, Samadder, J.N., ‘Industrial and Trading Organization in Ancient India, J.B.O.R.S., Vol. VII, pt. IV, p. 53. 77 . Jat., Vol. I, No. 31, p. 198; No. 139, p. 482. 78 . Jat., Vol. I, NO. 31, p. 198. 79 . Majjhima NIkaya, I, 286; III, 48. 80 . Vinayapitaka, IV, 226. 81 . jktk uke ;RFk jktk vuqlklfr] jktk viyksdsrCcks] x.kks uke ;RFk x.kks vuqlklfr] x.kks viyksdsrCcks] iwxks uke ;RFk iwxks vuqlklfr] iwxks viyksdsrCcks] lsf.k uke ;RFk lsf.k vuqlklfr] lsf.k viyksdsrCcksA Ibid., p. 302. 64

before delivering any judgement concerning them.82

It is thus clear that the king was not free to impose his own will upon these organizations. Similarly, other legal writers also have sanctioned the judicial authority of the guilds; Brhaspati says ; “For the persons roaming in the forest .a court should be field in the forest; for warriors in the camp; and for merchants in the caravan”.83 He further adds” “Cultivators, artisans (such as carpenters and others), artists, money lenders, companies of tradesmen, dancers, persons wearing the pasupatas, and robbers should adjust their disputes according to the rules of their own”.84 And then; “The king Should cause the disputes of ascetics and of persons versed in sorcery and witchcraft to be settled by persons familiar with the three Vedas only and not decide them himself for fear of rousing their resentment”.85

Vyasa also favoured the view that grama, gana, sreni, kula, teacher, master, kinsmen, father etc. should decide disputes among people under them, and traders, artisans, cultivators, dyers should decide their disputes by their experts”.86

Likewise, Sukra endorses; “The cultivators, the artisans, the artists, the usurers, corporations, the dancers, the ascetics and thieves should decide their disputes according to the usages of their guild. It is impossible to detect them through others help. So they are to be found out with the help of persons born of them”.87 Sukra further dilates; “The foresters are to be tried with the help of foresters, merchants by merchants, soldiers by soldiers and in the village affairs are to be administered by persons who live with both parties i.e. neighbours”.88 He gives the prounds for the validity of such courts when he says ; “Those persons are the best' judges of the merits of the case who live in the place where the-two parties stand and

82 . Gautam., XI, 22. 83 . ;s pkj.;pjkLrs"kkej.;s dj.ka Hkosr~A lsuk;ka lSfudkuka rq lkFks"kq of.ktka rFkkAA Brh., I, 72 (S.B.E., vol. XXXIII, p. 281). 84 . dhuk'kk% dk:dk eYyk% dqlhfnJsf.korZdk%A fyfMxuLrLdkjk'pSo Losu /kesZ.k fu.kZ;%AA Ibid., p. 74 (Ibid.) 85 . Ibid., I, 27 (Ibid.) 86 . dk;s"of/kd`rk jktk xzkeJsf.kx.kk% dqye!A xq: Lokeh dqVqEch p firk T;s"B% firkeg%A fooknkufi i';s;q% Lok/khus fo"k;s u`.kke!A of.kd~f'kfYiizHkwfr"kq d`f"kjM~+xksitksfo"k~A v'kD;ks fu.kZ;ks gkU;SLrTlSjso rq dkj;sr!AA Dh. K., Vol. I, p. 64. 87 . Sukra, IV, 5, 44. 88 . Ibid., IV, 5, 45. 65

where the disputed matters and grounds of quarrel exist”.89 Therefore, each guild was expected to investigate and decide its own cases.

These courts must have-originated from the need to suit the convenience of the subjects. It also appears that the rulers respected such traditional courts to avoid the possibility of rebellion from them. Brhaspati enjoins in this regard; “The time honoured institutions of each country, caste and family should be preserved intact, otherwise the people will rise in rebellion, the subjects will become disaffected with the rulers and the army and the treasure will be destroyed”.90

Therefore, he advises the king “to enact that which; has been pronounced by dutiful and equitable associations, corporations and chief judges in an impartial spirit devoid of malice and avarice”.91 It is, thus, quite explicit that each guild decided its own cases within its fold according to its own rules and regulations, and its decisions carried the weight of implication. Through their own courts, they could apply their own laws of which they themselves were the maters. But perhaps they were not authorized to decide heinous offences as Katyayana held the view that a member of a group guilty of a heinous offence (sahasa), who .caused a split in the group or destroyed its wealth, was to be dealt with by the king and to be destroyed by that group.92

In fact, such offences directly affected the peace of the country and as such were not brought within the jurisdiction of a guild court. It seems that, after ascertaining that the offence related to mahaparadha, the guild concerned brought it before the king and, 3fier the king bad condemned the guilty person, the guild destroyed him. Thus, their jurisdiction was limited to civil cases only and for others they depended upon the central authority.

We get an interesting evidence in favour of the guilds functioning as judicial courts in the Dasakumaracharita. It describes a knave who approached a merchant, Anantakirti, ‘with an anklet for sale. The merchant at once recognized the .anklet as it

89 . Ibid., IV, 5, 46-47. 90 . Brh., II, 28 (S.B.E, vol./ XXXIII, p. 287). 91 . Brh., V, 16 (S.B.E., vol. XXXIII, p. 296). 92 . lkglh Hksndkjh p x.knzO;fouk'kd%A mPNs|k% loZ ,oSrs fo[;kI;Soa u`is Hk`xq%AA Kat., V. 672. 66

belonged to his wife. The merchant insisted that the -man should confess from where be bad procured it. The knave refused to tell anything and later ion conceded that he would confess before the merchant guild of which Ananakirti himself was a member. He was brought before it and there he disclosed that, as he was appointed by the guild to guard the local -cemetery, he used to be on duty there in a night One night he saw a woman clawing, a half-burnt corpse from its pyre. While attempting to catch her, he somehow scratched her thigh and succeeded in pulling out that anklet from her foot. After a due hearing of the case, the guildsmen unanimously voted that the woman was a witch and that she had been discarded by her husband.93

It is thus very clear from this incident that the guilds acted as courts, lent a proper hearing and ultimately pronounced verdict. But an appeal could be made to the king’s-court against their decisions. In the Divyavaddna, Purna, an adventurous merchant, appealed to the king against the decision of the guild which had fined him 60 karsapanas for his offence. The king, after hearing the case, nullified the judgement of the-guild.94

More important than this is the fact that the guilds not only functioned as courts for its own people but were also-indispensable members of the common tribunals constituted by the king for the common people. Katyayana emphatically enjoins: “The court room should be presided over by incorruptible and diligent assessors (sabhyas), by wise Brahmanas who are hereditary, who are well versed in the meaning of sacred! texts and the science of politics, by a few merchants, who form a group (or guild), who are men of high family, character, well advanced in years, are endowed with good conduct and wealth-and are free from malice. In that court room merchants are to be appointed to listen to the cause and to took to the administration of justice”.95

Besides being appointed as investigators of justice in the royal court, the guilds formed the ordinary court of law for the common people.96 We do not get any reference to ordinary courts in the Dharmasutras, in the, Manusmrti and in the Kautilya’s Arthasasra. It is difficult to ascertain whether these were in existence or

93 . Dasakumaracarita, p. 180. 94 . Divyavadana, pp. 30-32. 95 . Kat., v. 57-58. 96 . C.L.A.I., p. 24; L.A.I., p. 206. 67

not as they might not have been mentioned owing to their unofficial nature. The latter assumption seems-more probable as the guilds were not much developed in the Dharmasutras period and Kautilya favoured centralized government.97 In the Manusmrti too we do not notice the existence of very developed guilds. Therefore, the guilds must have acquired the status of popular courts only at a later stage as a result of the laissez faire policy adopted by the post-Mauryan rulers.

For the first time, Yajnavalkya enunciates the principle of gradation of courts. He maintains; “In matters of legal proceedings between men, officers appointed by the king, the pugas, the srenis and the kulas, each of these preceding should be considered to be superior in the order of priority specified here”.98 Similar passage also occurs in the Naradasmirti, the Brhaspatismrti, the Katyayanasmrti and Sukraniti, substituting gana for puga.99 It is very much explicit from these passages that the guild tribunal formed the second court of justice in order of superiority. These passages are incorporated in the chapters dealing with the constitution of the courts of justice and it is nowhere particularly mentioned that the judicial function of guilds referred to related to guild members only. Therefore, it is reasonable to infer that the guilds were ordinary courts of law. Further force to this inference is added by the injunction of Brhaspati that; “Relatives, companies of artisans, assemblies of co- inhabitants and other persons duly authorized by the king should decide law-suits among men excepting causes concerning violent crimes (sdhasa)”.100 The Sukraniti also excludes cases of robbery and theft from their jurisdiction.4 Thus, it is not to be doubted that the guilds formed a tribunal for the common people as well in the country.

Brhaspati grants the right of appeal to the decisions of these ordinary courts and dilates; “When a cause has not been duly investigated by meetings of kindred, it should be decided after due deliberation by companies (of artisans); when it has not been duly examined by companies of artisans, it should be decided by assemblies of co-inhabitants and when it has not been sufficiently made out by such assemblies, it

97 . Cf. Altekar, A.S., State and Government in Ancient India, p. 246. 98 . u`is.kkf/kd`rk% iwxk% Js.k;ks·Fka dqykfu p A iwoZ iwoZ xq: Ks;a O;ogkjfo/kkS u`.kke~AA Yaj., II, 30 (Gharpure, J.R., Yajnavalkya Smrti, Vyavaharadhyaya, ch. I-VII, p. 746). 99 . Narada., I, 7; Brh., I, 75; Kat., V. 82; Sukra., IV, 5, 29. 100 . Brh., I, 28. 68

should be tried by the appointed judges”.101 A further gradation of the courts of Justice in the country is made by the Sukraniti when it states ; “The councillors are superior to the kulas and the odhvaksa or chief officer in charge of justice is superior to the councillors. And the king is higher to them all — the dictator of what should be done and what rot”.102 Thus, the principle of subordination of all courts to the king and, he being the 'fountain head of justice', was recognized and maintained.103

Dr. Mookerji asserts that “the gradation of courts was determined by their numerical strength and the degree in which they represented the various interests of classes or castes in the community concerned”.104 But we learn from Mitramisra that the relative impartiality and intellectual capacity of the persons forming these courts must have been the basis for this kind of gradation.105

Vijnaneswara further elucidates the relations existing between these ordinary courts. He explains that, in the case of a suit decided by officers appointed by the king, there would be no fresh hearing before the pugas etc. on the plea of a wrong judgement, even if the defeated party is dissatisfied. Similarly, even in the case of a suit having been decided by a puga, there would be no appeal to the srenis etc. Likewise, on a decision given by the srenis, there could be no appeal to the kula. But from a decision of the kula, one could go to Sreni etc.; from a decision of the sreni to the puga and from the judgement of the puga to the officers appointed by the king. In such a case, moreover, where a party appeals to the king in a trial, with a wager before the king and his councillors together with officers before whom it was first tried, the party complaining of impartiality is defeated, it should be fined. But, if it succeeds, then the officers appointed as judges should be fined.106

It can be seen that every care was taken to ensure that the judgements were impartial. An appeal moving from lower courts to the king’s court, when the decision had been given after due consideration of the appeal by the king’s officers along with the officers of the lower court, removed all possibilities of a decision being partial. Further justice was ensured by devising the method of imposing fines on such court

101 . Brh., I, 30. 102 . Sukra, IV, 5, 31. 103 . Choudhary, R.K., Studies in Ancient Indian Law and Justice, p. 42. 104 . L.G.A.I., p. 134. 105 . Viram, p. 38. 106 . Mita, p. 946 (Gharpure, J.R., op.cit., p. 746). 69

officers who acted with partiality.

At the same time, any attempt to waste the precious time of the higher courts by appealing against a right judgement was also severely punished. It is, however, not clear whether a commoner could resort to the king’s court directly without trying to get justice from the popular courts. But Visvarupa informs us that, in the case of a dispute, the king could be approached only in the order of kula.107 The authority and judgemeat of local courts were highly valued and the king, only in exceptional cases, reversed their decisions. Brhaspati commands that the local bodies should be approved by the king as well, as they were appointed managers of affair.108 Thus, while these courts were essentially non-official and popular in nature, they still carried the royal authority behind them.

As the Sreni had its own executive committee of four or five members, it is likely that they may have functioned as the sreni court.109

There was no limit to the jurisdiction of the popular, courts in civil matters. They could not, however, try criminal cases of a serious nature. Another verse in the Brhaspatismrti authorizes them to punish papakarma (sinful acts) and the punishments recommended are vagdanda, dhigdanda and parityaga i.e. reprimand, censure and excommunication.110

The procedure prevalent in these popular courts was somewhat similar to the royal courts of justice. Katyayana expressly mentions; “Whatever are declared as the conventional usages of the association of traders, of guilds, of artisans and of groups of Brahmanas and the like, the means of proving them are documents, neither ordeal nor witnesses”.111 But next to the documents, witnesses have also been an important factor in deciding a dispute. Manu has disqualified artisans to act as witnesses.112 But Narada removes the restriction and says ; "Among companies of artisans or guilds of merchants, other artisans or merchants shall be witnesses and members of an association among other members of the same association; persons living outside

107 . Dh. K., Vol. I, pt. I, p. 40. 108 . Brh., II, 30 (S.B.E., XXXIII, p. 281). 109 . Brh., XVII, 10 (S.B.E., XXXIII, p. 347). 110 . Ibid., 17 (Ibid., p. 348). 111 . iwxJs.khx.kknhuka ;k fLFkfr% ifjdhfrZrkA rL;kLrq lk/kua ys[;a u fnO;a u p lkf{k.kaAA Kat., V. 225. 112 . Manu., VIII, 65. 70

among those living outside and women among women”.113 But Narada imposes other restrictions. He observes that ; “If in a company of artisans or guilds of" merchants or in any other association some one falls out with his associates, they must not bear witness against him as they are likely to become his enemies.114 He further declares some others as being unfit from being witnesses ; “Those who are interested in the suit, nor one who had bad nails or black teeth? nor one who betrays his friends ; nor a rogue, nor a seller of spirituous liquor nor a juggler, nor an avaricious or cruel man, nor an enemy of a company of traders or of an association of clansmen”.115

This function assigned to them an important place in the political fabric of ancient times. Kautilya, however, was not willing to subscribe to their being a powerful organization. Therefore, he curtailed all their powers and brought them under strict government control. As a result, we do not find the existence of guild courts as courts of law in his time. But after Kautilya, the rulers generally adopted the policy of local, administration.

It became a necessity in view of the vast empires that developed and the absence of rapid means of communication. Therefore, later on the rulers generally came to encourage such courts. Besides, impartial judgement was possible only by the local people who had a first hand knowledge of the case and for whom the people bore esteem and regard. Very seldom could people dare to speak a lie before such old and respectable persons of the society, On the one-hand, it lightened the burden of the central government and, on the other, it provided a sort of a political training for the local people to exercise their authority over their fellow men. Usually it took a long time for the common people to seek justice from the royal court. Therefore, ordinary disputes were arranged to be decided at the local level only. Only complicated cases were brought before the royal court where the local court officials were also expected to be present at the time of the proceedings to supply first hand information in the

case. The guilds were thus, subordinated to the stats in the legal sphere.

In view of their diverse functions, it would be correct to maintain that the guilds were an indispensable factor in the social and political fabric of the state. The institution was well established at that time and all and. sundry enjoyed its advan-

113 . Narada, I, 155 (S.B.E., vol. XXXIII, p. 81). 114 . Narada, I, 156; Sukra., IV, 5, 382. 115 . Narada, I, 184 (S.B.E., vol. XXXIII, p. 88). 71

tages. On the one band, they devoted themselves to achieve: advancement in trade and industry and, on the other, they facilitated the social and political life of ancient times. Their contribution as banks and as ordinary courts of law was remarkable and significant. The guild militia also provided ample strength to the central government in times of exigency. The guilds, therefore, burdened themselves with diverse func- tions. The fact that they performed ail their functions with efficiency and sincerity and gave no occasion to the common people to doubt their reliability and worth, is in itself a tribute to their efficient working capacity, diverse interests and sound planning.

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Chapter – 4

Guiding Principles and Management of Guilds

Guiding Principles and Management of Guilds

The guilds were unaffected by the outer influences and were completely closed groups which were having their own administrative machinery and rules and regulations. Unified internal organization counterbalanced the strong and consolidated external organization of guilds which finally resulted in its long standing and widely popular existence in ancient India. The formalities concerning the formation of a new guild were included in the internal organization of a guild, its set of administrative machinery and its relation to the state. The complete picture of guild constitution was given by the legal literature, combined with other secular literature and epigraphs.

The nature of guild was economic and was composed of divergent elements. Organization of a guild rested upon the mutual confidence among the various units was the central point. “Mutual confidence having first been established by means of the ordial by sacred libation, by a stipulation in writing or by empires, they shall set about their work was admitted and enjoined by the Brhaspatismrti.1

The corporation which the members decided to form could not be easily dissolved or damaged because it was inspired by the Kosa (liberation) which was the means of inspiring mutual confidence for binding the parties by an oath. This ordial has been referred to by Narada 2 and Yajnavalkya 3 as being employed in judicial proceedings also. After drinking three mouthfuls of water a defendant could have himself exonerated from any blame and the image of the deity whom he held sacred and worshipped was immersed. If any misfortune happened within a week, it was considered as a proof of his guilt. Otherwise, in the present context a worthy member of the guild and considered to be pure and innocent. Some sanctity was attached to the oath which was formulated for binding the constituents into one unit through the device of sacred libation. “The ordial of ‘kosa’ alone should be offered in cases of securing confidence when there is suspicion, always at the time of partition among members of the same family and when several persons do one act in a body4 was the

1 . dks'ksu ys[kf=¸;k e/;L;Sok ijLije~A fo'okla izFkea dq;Zq% dk;kZ.;uUrje~AA Brh. XVIII, 7. 2 . Narada, I, 326-332. 3 . Yaj XI, 114-115. 4 . 'kø Kat, V, 415.

statement of Katyayana. Therefore, the kosa was, an oath which was solemnized by the intending members in a very sanctimonious way.5

The basic agreement incorporating rules and regulation, duties and functions etc. were referred as Lekhakrya of the guild to which all the members should subscribe. The virtual backbone of a guild was constituted by this only. The time, place and method of work which a particular guild was to undertake should be reduced to writing 6 was suggested by Kautilya. The agreements entered into by members of any association among themselves shall be valid even though entered into in private 7 was laid by Kautilya. The agreements must be reduced to writing for further reference in the mutual dealings of the corporation members. “Whatever are declared as the conventional usages of the association of traders, of guilds of artisans and groups of Brahmanas and the like, means of proving them are documents, neither ordial nor witnesses” 8 , was also injoined by Katyayana. Each member had to subscribe to it after looking into all its clauses and, thereafter, acquiring the membership of the guild, he desired. And it was the most important factor.

The faithfulness and propriety of a particular member were testified by a well known man Madhyastha. Madhyastha stood for middleman. In arbitrating any dispute that might have arisen or likely to emerge after the formation of a guild9 the presence of Madhyastha was necessary. But the meaning thus suggested does not find favour in the present context. Brhaspati stated that Madhyastha as one of the means of inspiring mutual confidence among members before the formation of a guild. Therefore, it seems more reasonable to regard madhyastha as a middleman guaranteeing the sincerity of the intending members. 10 For the establishment of a new guild, the previous sanction by the state was also necessary11 was stated by Sukracarya. The apprehension of Kautilya regarding the possibility of these organizations dividing the allegiance of the subjects 12 was the result of that injunction. A new guild was organized, after establishing confidence among the members by the above mentioned

5 . Cf. Maity, S.K., The Economic Life of Northern India in Gupta period, p. 156. 6 . fufnZ’V dkydk;Z p deZ dq;Zq] vfufnZ’Vdkya dk;kZins”ke~A Artha, 11, 14; IV,1. 7 . lkFkZcztkJeO;k/k pkj.ke/;sOoj.; pjk.kkej.;d`rk% fl/;s;q% Ibied, III, I. 8 . iwxJs.khxknhuka ;k fLFkfr% ifjdhfrZrkA rL;kLrq lk/ku ys[; u fnO;a u p lf{k.k II- kat, V. 225 9 . EIEH, p. 563. 10 . Se also C.L.A.I., p. 15. 11 . uolekt fu;e fu.kZ; tkfrnw’k.ke~A vLokfe&ukf’Vd /ku laxzga eU=Hksnue~ II Supra, I, 305. 12 . Shah, K.T. Ancient Foundations of Economics, p. 58.

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methods and seeking royal permission for its formation. Each guild had an objective before it which had to be in accordance with the sacred law in the interests. According to Narada “the king shall prevent the srenis from undertaking such acts as would be either opposed to the wishes of the king or contemptible in their nature or injurious to his interests”.13 He also adds, “Mixed assemblages, unlawful wearing of arms and mutual attacks between these persons shall not be tolerated by the king”.14

Naradasmrti’s commentator Mitramisra, gives a few examples to illustrate this point in Viramitrodaya. According to him, if the sreni has any objectives such as, “we should ask the subjects not to pay taxes to the king”, “we shall always go naked”, ‘we shall gamble”, “we shall visit prostitutes”, “we shall drive at excessive speed along the public road”, “we shall worship at the places were sakhotaka grows”, then the king should immediately liquidate them. 15 The objective of the sreni must be consistent with the injunctions of the sacred law and the regulations laid down by the king, sated by Yajnavalkya.

The Managing Committee

Sreni was headed by a President or Headman. Karyacintakas or samuhahitaradinam16 were the executive officers who assisted the headman.

The head of the guild

Each guild functioned under a leader designated variously throughout ancient literature and epigraphs. The terms jetthaka17, sethi18, pamukha19, sreni mukhya20, mahattara21, mahara22, pradhana23, mahasresthi24, mahaganastha25, raja26, pattalik27

13 . ukuqdwy p ;nzktk izd`R;oer p er~A Ckk/kd p ;nFkkZuka rRrsH;ks fofurZ;~ II Narada X, 4. 14 . feFk% la?kkrdj.kefgra “kL=/kkj.ke~A ijLijksi?kkra p rs’kka jktk u e’kZ;sr~ II Ibid, 5 15 . viram, p. 428. 16 drZO;a opua losZ% lewgfgrokfnuke~ }kS =;% i×p ok dk;kZ% lewgfgrokfnu%A drZO;a opua rs’kka xzkeJsf.kx.kkfnfHk%A 17 . Jat, Vol. I No. 63, p. 296, vol. II No. 265, p. 336, vol. III No. 387, p. 282. 18 . Ep. Ind. Vol. XI, No. 23, p. 174. 19 . Jat Vol. II, No. 154, p. 13. 20 . Ram, II 26, 14, VI, 127, 4, 27’; Mbh, XII 59, 49. 21 . Ep. Ind. Vol. I, No. 20, p. 159, Vol. XX, No. 9, p. 97. 22 . Ibid, vol. I, No. 20, p. 159. 23 . C II, vol. IV, No. 42, p. 195. 24 . Ep. Ind. Vol. VII, No. 8, pp. 91ff. 25 . Majumdar, N.G., Inscriptions of Bengal, vol. III, p. 57. 26 . Ep. Ind. Vol. XXIII, No. 20, p. 138. 27 . J.A.S.B., 1914, No. 26, pp. 241-43.

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etc. denote the leader of the guild. After that profession he was generally named such as, malakara jetthaka28, kammara jettaka29, vaddhaki jetthaka30, corajetthaka31, tailika raja32, telipatel33, kallapala mahattaka34, malika mahara35 etc. The headman known as satthavaha jetthakah generally organized the carvan of merchants. The experienced merchant having knowledge of the route through which the caravan had to march jetthaka 36 was appointed while on the way, he claimed full obedience from his fellowman.37

However it was not possible to distinguish that his post was elective or hereditary. By the unanimous election the member having distinguished position by virtue, captured the post of the jetthaka. But actually, he owned this office on account of his professional capabilities only. Thus his mastery over the craft ultimately was responsible for conferring upon him the headmanship. The Suci jataka, were informed that; “A blacksmith capable of making a perfect needle which was carefully polished with emery would be judged to have passed as a mater and might be chosen to succeed the head of the districts’ blacksmiths on the latter’s death”. 38 General assembly (samuha)39 choose him. A guild president of Benares was known to be rich, wealthy, opulent, having rich possessions and property, large treasures and granaries, abundant gold silver and other resources.

The principal smith of the suci jataka was ‘a favourite of the king (rajavallabha) rich and of great substance.40 Special joyous birthday was celebrated on the occasion of the birthday of his first son. Garlands and ointments, drinks, food, perfumes, oil, ghee and drinks floured like a stream. This was all done just to inform the guild president that there was some urgent state business to be done and that he should come at once.41 Bohhisattva was described as the head of the guild possessing

28 . Jat, vol. III, No. 415, p. 405. 29 . Ibid, vol. III, No. 387, p. 281; vol. V, No. 531, p. 282. 30 . Ibid, vol. II, No. 156, p. 18, No. 283, p. 404, vol. IV, No. 466. 31 . Ibid, vol. I, No. 63, p. 295; vol. II, No. 279, p. 388, vol. III 32 . Ep. Ind, vol. XXIII, No. 20, pp. 13ff. 33 . JASB, 1914, No. 26, p. 241. 34 . Ep. Ind, vol. I, No. 21, p. 166. 35 . Ibid., No. 20, p. 160. 36 . Jat, vol. II, No. 256, p. 295, No. 265, p. 335; vol. IV, No. 163, p. 137. 37 . Jat, vol. I, No. 1, p. 95, No. II, p. 110. 38 . Ibid., vol. III, No. 387, p. 181. 39 . Cf. Fick, R., the Social Organization in North-East India in Buddha’s Times, p. 183. 40 . Jat, vol. III, No. 387, p. 181. 41 . Maha, vol. III, pp. 402ff.

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a large estate. He always followed the percept of almsgiving and shared his opulence with others.42

Avishahya was another head of the guild with liberality, modesty, morals, sacred barning, spiritual knowledge and humility43 as their virtue. Thus, this proved that the virtuous, learned, prosperous and affluent man was the head of the guild. According to Brhaspati that a person who was acquainted with the veda (Vedadharmajna), able (daksah), sprung from noble families (kulodbhavah), honest (sucayo) and efficient in all kinds of business (sarvakaryepravinah) should be selected to be the head of the guild.44 The srenimukhyas exercised important powers in the state. A jetthaka was made the treasurer of the kingdom.45 The uraga jataka records that two heads of the guilds were appointed as mahamatra in the service of the king of Kosala. He took part in the coronation and consecration of the king. 46 Bharata returned back from Kekaya on the death of Dasaratha, he was intimated that his own people, the heads of guilds (srenimukhya) and the king’s people were waiting for him to consecrate him to the throne.47

In the Yuddhakanda Srenimukhya went out, along with the ministers, to welcome Rama back home after his axile. 48 He was an important elite in all the popular assemblies convoked by the king.49 He exercised a moral control on the state as is explicit from the remark of Duryodhana who, after being defeated by the Gandharvas could not dare to return back to his capital and face the heads of guilds chief in the political scene of the country is also explicit from the injunction that the creation of disaffection among the leaders of the corporations of enemy leads to his destruction.50 Srenimukhyas should neither be permitted to quarrel among themselves nor be allowed to present a united front.51

42 . Jatakamala No. IV, p. 25. 43 . Ibid, No. V, p. 30. 44 . Brh, XVII, p. 9. 45 . Jat, vol. IV, No. 445, p. 37. 46 . Ram, II. 47 . Ibid., 73.2. 48 . Maha, vol. 49 . Maha, vol. III, pp. 113, 442. 50 . vfXunSXfjnS”pSo izfr:id dkjdS%A Jsf.keq[;ksitkis’kq oh:/k”Nsnusu p II – Mbb., XII, 59, 49. 51 . Jsf.keq[;ksitkis’kq oh:/k”Nsnusu p vekR;ku~ ifjj{ksr~ Hksnla?kkr;ksjfi AA II – Mbb., XII, 140, 69.

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Commercial transactions were headed by him. The king is known to be summoning the master carpenter to give money for building a great hall 52 in the Mahamagga Jataka. Guild rules and the secured privileges and rights of the members were applied by him. When the monster fish attacked the caravan, the leader save the life of the members of the caravan.53

In the Kulavaka jataka, the head of the guild, came to rescue the whole guild from being trampled down under the elephant on the orders of the king.54 Parallel references are not wanting where the whole guild was destroyed by the folly of the jetthaka.55

The Executive Committee

Besides the headman, two, three or five members of the guild formed the executive committee.56 Karyacintakas or samuhahitavadinam the executive officers were nominated. As a corporation consisted of a large number of members of diverse opinions and idiosyncracus, it was almost impossible to obtain unanimity of decision upon any point. Hence, there arose the necessity of appointing a few representatives, councilors or advisors.57

The Executive Officers had to meet certain requirements which were as follows :

Councillors were those who harned in the veda and acquainted with its teachings, honest and not avaricious, should be councilors. 58 Persons who were bashful, indolent, malicious, dissolute, timid, avaricious, too old or too young were never chosen as councillors.59

However, who was to appoint the Executive officers was specifically mentioned. But it seems more probable that they were elected by the members themselves and not appointed by the king. The fact that the general assembly

52 . Jat., vol. VI, No. 546, p. 427. 53 . Maha, vol. III, pp. 35ff. 54 . Jat., vol. I, No. 31, p. 198. 55 . Ibid., vol. IV, No. 466, p. 161. 56 . Brh., XVII, 10. 57 . Sm.C., vol. III, pt. II, p. 526. 58 . osnKk% “kqp;ksMyqC/kk Hkos;q% dk;ZfpUrdk%A drZO; opua rs’kka lewgfgr okfoukE~k~ II – Yaj, II, 191. 59 . fon~osf’k.ks O;lfUu% “kkyhu lHkhjkoA yC/kkfro`nk cky”p u dk;kZ% dk;ZfpUrdk% II Bch., XVII.

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(samuha) could punish them, in case they violated the constitution or acted contrary to the interests of the sreni, also supports this contention.60

The Executive affairs really managed the affairs of the guild. These officers were entitled to a complete obedience from the members.61 Those who defined their orders were to be punished with the first amercement. 62 The first amercement is defined by Manu as a fine of two hundred and fifty panas. 63 Brhaspati says, “If, however, these heads combine through malice or greed to injure any single member of the community, the king, coming to know of it, shall restrain them and punish them in proportion to the injury”.64

The authority of the king was invoked in such cases to protect the helpless members. All that the king could do in such cases was to try to bring about a conciliation. As Brhaspati puts in: “when a dispute arises between the head and the corporation, the king shall enquire into it and keep both of them to the right path’.65

General Assembly

A number of members functioned under this efficient managing committee. Only in the Jatakas, villages consisting of 100 or 500 or even 1000 carpenters or smiths or fishermen are referred to. 66 Dr. Fich summarize the possibility of a limitation of the size of the guild.67 But the view is hardly tenable in view of other references of villages containing 1000 families pursuing a single craft.68

The general qualifications for membership of the General Assembly in Brhaspatismrti, the member should be of a noble parentage, clever, intelligent, conversant, active, expert in income and expenditure, honest and brave and should not be in competent, indolent, diseased, unlucky or destitute.69 The caste was no bar for

60 . Srivastava, G.P., Traditional Forms of Cooperation in India, p. 33. 61 . Yaj., II, 191; Brh., XVII, 10. 62 . drZO;a opua losZ% lewgfgrokfnuke~A lLr= foijhr% L;kr~ l nkI; %izFkea nle~ II Yaj, II, 188. 63 . Manu, VIII, 138. 64 . ck/kk dq;qZ;ZnSdL; lEHkwrk nos’klaeqrk %A jkKk ;s fofuok;kZLd “kkL;k”pSokuqcfU/kru%AA Ibid.,19. 65 . eq[;S% lg lewgkuka folaoknks ;nk Hkosr~A Rnk fopkj;snzktk Lo/kesZa LFkki;sPp rku~AA 66 . Jat., Vol. I, No. 41, p. 108; Vol. II, No. 265, p. 231. 67 . Fick, R., op.cit., 283. 68 . Jat., vol. III, No. 387, p. 181. 69 . Artha., II, 1.

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the membership of a guild. But, sometimes membership was confined to a particular locality. Kautilya was opposed to the entry of a local ones, into a village.70

New member was admitted only after establishing a mutual confidence by the above mentioned methods. Mitramisra clearly mentions that the inclusion of a new member in a sreni and also the exclusion of a member from its fold dependent upon the general assembly.71

The assembly was supreme and every decision of the guild depended upon its unanimous approval. The Vivadchintamani explains ‘pragata’ occurring in this verse of Katyayana as; “One who has obtained admission and has not been invited to join”.72 It draws a distinction between members who have joined by invitation and those who have become members by application.73

Assembly Hall

The general meeting of a sreni was usually held from time to time in its assembly hall (sabhagrha) for transacting business and they seem to have drawn up rules regarding attendance, which required the king’s approval. 74 Each member enjoyed a secured life within a guild and in case, he found himself involved in any unpleasant situation, the guild concerned always came to this rescue. The guild of which he was a member rescued him and he was released on bail offered by his guild till such time as sufficient proof could be obtained in his favour.75

General assemblies every member was responsible for its conduct. The general body investigated his conduct and, if he was found guilty of negligence or deceit, he had to take an oath for good conduct in future or undergo some ordial.76

Privileges of members

Certain powers were enjoyed by the members of guild assembly. Amercement77 was paid if a member opposed what was reasonable on who gave no

70 . Viram, p. 428 71 . x.kkuk Jsf.koxkZ.kka xrk% L;q;Zs rq e/;rke~A izkozruL; /klZoxkf.kk leka”kk% losZrq e/;rke~ rFkSo HkksT;oSHkkT; leka”kk% loZ ,o rsAA lewgLFkksa”kkHkkxh L;kRizxLRro”kHkMu~ rqA 72 . Vivadacintamani, p. 186. 73 . Jha, G.N., Hindu Law in its Sources, p. 331. 74 . ;ks/keZ% deZ ;×psS’kkeqiLFkkufof/k”p ;%A ;×pS’kka o`R;qiknkueuqeU;sr rRr;k II - Narada, x, 3. 75 . Dasakumaracarita, pp. 358-365. 76 . ;% df”p}×pdLrs’kka foKkr% _; fo_;sA “ki;S% l fo”kks/;% L;kr~ loZokns’o;a fof/k%AA

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attention to the speaker when the group met or who spoke what was absurd. On the basis of statement of Katyayana, Dr. Majumdar stated “Regular speeches seem to have been made in the assembly and the idea of the liberty of speech was probably not unknown”.78 But the passage does not seem to convey the sense of the expression ‘right of speech’. There seems to have been no restriction upon any member while speaking reasonably and in a proper way and also at the proper time.

The injunction was, in all probability, devised to ensure the smooth working of the guilds.79 In case a member proved in efficient80 then the person having power to appoint a substitution, the next privilege was enjoyed by them. The improper discharge of duties determined the inefficiency of a member. A member was considered to be inefficient if he deferred his share of work without assigning any genuine reason or caused loss in the execution of the work. In such case, the corporation had the right to appoint in his place another capable member so that the work could be completed in time.81

The next privilege was the right to remove the chief of the corporation. Kautilya states that a spy could accuse the chief in their assembly and adds that, “If the corporation punishes the chief”.82 It clearly points to the power enjoyed by the assembly to punish the chief. Kautilya does not mentioned that these cases should be referred to king. But, Brhaspati was of the opinion that, in cases of disputes between a guild and its chiefs, the king was to decide it and force them back to their duty.83 Katayana is even more rigorous in dealing with the guilty chiefs, he says “he who is guilty of sahasa (a heinous crime) or who destroys the wealth belonging to the group all these should be proclaimed to the king and destroyed by the group; this is the view of Bhrgu”.84

Yajnavalkya’s injunction that, “He who embezzles the property of gana as also he who violates their usage, the king should deprive such as one of all his effects and

77 . ;qfDr;qDra p ;ks gU;kn~oDrq;ksZMudk”kn%A vk;qDr pSo ;ks cwzrs l nkI;% iwoZ lkgle~AA Kat., V. 671. 78 . CLAI, p. 19. 79 . See also E.I.E.H., p. 564. 80 . Artha, III, 14. 81 . Ibid., XI, 1. 82 . Ibid. 83 . Brh., XVII, 20 (S.B.E., vol. XXXIII, 349). 84 . lkglh Hksndkjh p x.knzO;fouk”kd%A mPNsn~;k loZ ,oSrs fD[;kI;So o`is Hk`xq% II-kat., V. 672

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banish him from the realm 85 and further comments that the removal of the chief officers was the proper function of the assembly (mukhyadardane samuhasya vadhikarah).86 Manu where it is enjoined upon the king to banish the person who violates his agreement with a corporation.87 In the same breath, he quotes a passage from the Brhaspatismriti stating that one who malicious, a back-biter, a sour of dissension, given to violent deeds, or inimically disposed towards the guild, the corporation or the king, shall be banished from the community.88

To this he adds, “to be expelled from the place of the assembly, i.e. by the assembly itself. It cannot be argued that this interpretation is wrong in as much as the assembly has no right to award punishment, for the passage from Katyayana conclusively proves that it is the assembly only which has the right to punish the Executive officer’s”.89

Another privilege of the members was the enjoyment of equal proprietary right. All shared equally what was saved or borrowed or obtained by royal favour.90 Any embezzlement of common property has to cover the loss.91

The guild and state

Considerable decentralization of administration was witnessed in Ancient India. Besides the towns and cities, corporate constitution in certain special spheres.92

In the Nirodha Jataka we are told that the king of Magadha wished to bestow the office of the commander-in-chief on pottika, but he refused to accept it. Before this no such office had existed, but from now onwards this office continued to exist. The Bhandagarika seems usually to have been a very rich man and is sometimes mentioned to have possessed 80 crores.93

85 . Yaj., II, 187. 86 . Viram, p. 428. 87 . ;ks xzke ns”kkla?kkuka d`Rok LR;su lafone~A folaonsUujks yksHkkr~ r jk’Vªkn~ foizokl;sr~A 88 . Brh., XVIII, 16. 89 . lewgLFkkUokfUuofLFkrs lewgsusfo”ks’k% u p lewgL; n.Mdj tsMuf/kdkjkRlewgsfr”ks’k dj.kHk;qDrfefr oDrU;e~A iwoksDr dkR;k;u o pusu lewgL 90 . Brh., XVII, 22; Kat., V. 677. 91 . x.keqfN”; ;fDrfdRd`RoiZ Hkf{kr Hkosr~A vkRekFkS fofu;qDr dk ns;a rSjso rn~Hkosr~AA Kat., V. 674. 92 . vFk vLe lCclsf.kukea fopkj.kfge HkaMkxkfjdRFkkue~ uke vnfl iqCcs fdj ,oe~ FkkuUrje~ uk gksfl orks iRFkk; tkre~A Jat., vol. IV, No. 495, p. 37. 93 . Jat., Vol. I, No. 78, p. 349.

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In Jataka literature no other information was there regarding this officer. It has been speculated that the office originated in view of the occasional squabbles arising among the guild chiefs.94 Two of the jataka record the quarrels that broke out between the foreman of two guilds.95 The term Vicarara alludes more to the settlement of matters concerning bhandagara than to disputes among the guilds.96

Setthi, another officer about whom we find the reference in the early Buddhist literature as well as inscriptions. Setthi is a pari (language) word which denotes a treasurer, a banker, a cityman, a wealthy merchant and a foreman of a guild.97 In the Jatakas, the weath of Anathapindika, a mahasetthi has been described as Asitakotivibhavo (eight hundred millions).98

From the very Jataka, we learn that Anathapindika extended his borrowings to small peasants and traders with limited resources.99 In the Apadana sataka, a young banker (setthiputta) was visited by various craftsmen and merchants either for securing job or for selling their wares.100 At the same time, the setthi had to attend to the king daily. 101 In the Anguttara Nikaya, Bimbisara was requested by the king Pasenajit of Kosala, the king of Magadha to send him a setthi for appointment as nagar-setthi of saket. Bimbisara sent Dhananjaya of Bhaddya for appointment to this post.102 The appointed setthi had to seek the king’s permission before bestowing his money in charity 103 and wealthy householders were conferred the office of the treasurer (setthithanam). Within the jurisdiction of the king 104 disputes arising between them fell.105 Therefore, it is conjectured that, because of the setthi’s close association with different guilds as financer and stockiest and with royal courts as well, he acted as a judge in the disputes arising between headman of different guilds. 106 For instance, mercantile operations were brought under the director of

94 . Rapson, E.J., Cambridge History of India, vol. I, pp. 206-207; Davids, Rhys, p. 865. 95 . Jat., vol. II, No. 154, p. 12; No. 165, p. 52. 96 . El. E.H., p. 555. 97 . Pali-English Dictionary, P.T.S., p. 181. 98 . Jat., vol. I, No. 78, p. 349; No. 131, p. 466; vol. III, p. 188. 99 . Ibid., Vol. I, No. 103, p. 412. 100 . Apadana Sataka, ii, pp. 357 ff. 101 . Jat., vol. I, No. 4, p. 120; No. 53, p. 269, No. 78, p. 349, vol. III, No. 365, p. 199, No. 390, p. 299, No. 425, p. 475, vol. IV, No. 450, p. 63. 102 . Anguttara Nikaya I, 7, 2. 103 . Jat. Vol. v, No. 535, p. 383. 104 . Jat. Vol. v, No. 535, p. 383. 105 . Ibid, Vol. I, No. 131, p. 450. 106 . Davids, Dhys, op.cit., p. 865.

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bills.107 The records in writing, the names of the traders, the place they hailed from, the extent of merchandise they brought and the name of place where their identity passes were issued or the stamping was done by the collector of customs and tolls and receiver of duty. Those who tried to evade custom duty or indulged in cheating were heavily find.108

The guilds of weavers were under the superintendent of weaving (sutradhyaksa).109 The weavers were supposed to increase the weight of the thread in proportion of 10 to 11 by soaking the thread in rice grvel. An increase in the weight in case of silk clothes was to be in proportion of 1 to 1½ and in the case of woolen garments 1 to 2. Any loss in length was to be punished by a deduction from wages and a fine amounting to twice the loss incurred. Any loss in weight was to be punished by a fine equal to four times the loss. Substitution of yarn was to be punished with a fine equal to twice the value of the original.110

Goldsmiths craft was controlled by a special department presided over by suvarnadhyaksa.111 Goldsmiths, who purchased silver and gold without informing the government office and from people of suspected integrity without changing the form were to be fined 12 panas. The fee for the manufacture of articles of copper, brass etc. was 5 per cent.112

Trying to take possession of it in secret, was punished with 1000 panas. The city superintendent supervised over this work.113 The dangerous nature of the disease of the patient was informed by the physicians (bhisaja), if the patient did, he was punished with the first amercement. The physician was subjected to the next amercement, if the patient died from sheer carelessness. Growth of disease due to the negligence of a physician was regarded as an assault.114

Musicians (gandharvas) also came under the penal law, they were to stay in a particular place during the rainy season, failing which they were fined with 12 panas.

107 . Artha, II, 21. 108 . Ibid., III, 21. 109 . Artha. 110 . Ibid., II, 23. 111 . Artha, II, 24. 112 . Ibid., IV, 1. 113 . Artha., IV, 1. 114 . Ibid.

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Mendicants were to receive for an offence, as many lashes with an iron rod as the number of panas imposed on them.115

Narada enjoins, “whatever be their customs, or activities or rules of attendance or means of living – the king shall approve off.116 To this Brhaspati adds; “whatever in shape of favour or punishment is done honestly by these heads, should be approved off by the king also”.117 But the Dharmasastras enjoin the state to arbitrate in their internal disputes and regulate their relations with the outside world.118

The king was also expected to ensure that they conformed to their conventions and usages.119 Whatever trade conventions are considered suitable by the traders and reduced to writing they must be given effect to and the king should not do any thing contrary to them.120 Any deviation from the established path made it incumbent upon the king to annual their decisions and bring them to their duty through punishment or reconciliation.121 In judicial matters also, although those guilds had their independent sphere, yet any member could appeal to the king if he felt dissatisfied by the decision of the guild court. In case the king himself regarded their decision as unfair, he had every right to nullify it.122

The king also imposed restrictions on their autonomy and enjoyed the prerogative of taxing these institutions according to his own will. Normally, each article they manufactured or treaded in was taxed which they paid either in kind or in money.123 The king was free to tax them as he pleased and “A traders’ guild whose members conspire to cheat the king of the share due to him from their trade profits shall be compelled to pay eight times as much and shall be punished if they take to flight”.124 Kautilya has suggested several ways of fluing them in times of financial

115 . Ibid. 116 . ;ks /keZ deZ ;×pS’kkeiLFkkufof/k”p ;%A ;×pS’kka d`R;qiknkueuqeU;sr rRr;kAA Narada, X, 3. 117 . Brh., XVII, 18. 118 . Narada, X, 4-5, 7; Brh, XVII, 19. 119 . Manu., VIII.41; Yaj II 192; Brh, V, 16; Narada X.2. 120 . ns”kL;kuqersuSo O;oLFkk ;k fu:firkA fyf[krk rq lnk /kk;kZ eqfnzrk jkteqnz;kAA “kkL=o?kRurh j{ek rka fufj{; fofuZ.k;srA uSxeLFkSLrq ;Rdk;Z fyf[kra ;n~ O;ofLFkre~AA rLekRrlaizorsZr ukU;FkSo izorZ;sr~AA Kat., V. 48.50. 121 . Yaj. I, 361; Manu, VIII, 220-21. 122 . Brh, XVII, 19; Divyavadana, pp. 36-37. 123 . Visnu III, 32 (S.B.E. vol. VII, p. 17); Gautam X, 31, Mbh; XII, 87, 15; Narada III 12-13. 124 . lEHkw;sdsefrZ d`Rok jktHkkO;a gjfUr Fks%A os rn’Vxq.kaq nkO;k% of.kl”p iykf;u% Brh XVII, 21.

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bankruptcy. 125 But the Mahabharata warns against the tendency to tax them too heavily as their disaffection would be a calamity to the state.126

State fabric was the indispensable factor considered by the srenis. 127 Whenever the executive officers of the guild whenever they approached for some business of the guild the king expected that they will honour and bestow gifts on them.128 The gifts offered by the must have been considerable for Brhaspati makes a special mention of it in the list of incomes of a guild.129 The influence of guilds in the state fabric was considerable since they were big tax-paying institutions.130 They were indispensable elites on all important state occasions.131 Infact, Kautilya prefers the land with scattered people in comparison to one with a corporation of people because he considered the latter to be susceptible to anger and intolerant towards enemies.132

Guild Funds

The guilds were fairly wealthy institutions in ancient India. From the Arthasastra we learn that the artisan guilds possessed bars of gold or gold in coins which could be loaned to merchants.133 Kautilya also devised methods for making heavy recoveries from merchants, artisans, dramatists, prostitutes etc. which in itself testifies to their opulence.134 And also he includes the revenue paid by the guilds as one of the major sources of the state’s income.135 The guilds performed multifarious works at their own expense. From epigraphic sources we learn that the ivory workers of Vidisa were in a position to offer one of the four monumental porticoes of the great stupa of sanchi in the 1st cen. A.D.136 The silk weavers of Dasapura were able to erect a temple dedicated to the sun at their own expense and also provide for its necessary repairs thirty five years later.137

125 . Artha., V. 2. 126 . Mbh, XII, 87, 15. 127 . Amarakosa II, 8; Nitivakyamrta, p. 156. 128 . Yaj, II, 189-190; Kat V, 677; Trisastisalakapurusacaita, vol. I. 129 . Brh, XVII, 24. 130 . Artha, II, 4. 131 . Jat, Vol. IV, No. 499, p. 411, Vol. VI, No. 538, p. 14; No. 546, p. 427; Maha., vol. II, pp. 123, 442; Ram, II, 14, 54; 15, 2, 23; 79, 4; VI, 128, 3, 4. 132 . Artha. VII, II. 133 . Artha. V, I. 134 . Ibid, III, 14. 135 . lekgrkZ nqxZ jk’Vªa [kfua Lusrq oua czta of.kDiFkka pkds{ksrA “kqYda n.M% ikSroka ukxfjdks y{k.kk/;{kksa eqnzkM/;{k% lqjk lwuk lw=a ?k`r {kkja lkSof.kZd i.;lLFkk os j;k?kwra 136 . Ep. Ind., Vol. II, No. 31, p. 378. 137 . Ind. Ant., vol. 15, No. 162, p. 194.

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The source of the guild funds was derived from the contribution of individual members, the gifts from the king, the profit earned on public work, the fines imposed on those who violated the laws of the guilds and the profit from their banking functions. 138 In the Arthasastra, Kautilya specifically mentions that the guild of workers and those who undertook any cooperative work shall divide their earnings either equally or as agreed upon among themselves.139

Embezzlement of public funds was considered to be a serious crime and the misappropriator was heavily fined. Visnu says, “he who embezzles goods belonging to a corporation shall be banished”.140 Yajnavalkya is even more severe in this regard for he adds confiscation of property to banishment.141 This is in conformity with the view of Agni Purana also.142 There is a further provision that, those who did not surrender the money acquired from the corporation for themselves, shall be compelled to pay eleven times the amount as penalty.143 This reasonably explains why, inspite of the adverse situations existing in early medieval India, the guilds succeeded in maintaining their structure intact till 1200 A.D.

Legislation

The guilds were semi-states the state and claimed their own independent area of activity. The authority to enact rules and regulations to govern their own affairs and transactions is itself a testimony to their independent political status. 144 Potent instrument in the hands of the guilds to safeguard their own rights from the oppressions of kings. Thus, the legislative authority was sanctioned by legal texts, there was not much scope for the royal authority to interfere in their affairs at will.145

As a source of law the Dharmasastras sanctioned recognition to popular customs and traditions. The guilds was divided into the society as the castes were divided into various sub-divisions. Thus, side by side with the caste usages having the force of law, the customs and usages of the guilds also required legal sanction. The

138 . Brh, XVII, 24; Kat, V.677. 139 . l?kHk`k% lHkw;l eqRFkkrkjh ok ;FkklaHkkf’kra Oksru lea ok foHkkt[ksrju~ II-Artha, III, 14. 140 . Kat., Y. 674. 141 . x.knzO;LFkkigrkZfookL;% Visnu, V. 167. 142 . x.knzO; gjsn~;Lrq lafon yM~U?k;sPp ;%A loZLogj.ka d`Rok rka jk’Vªkfn~oizokl;sr~AA Yaj. II, 187. 143 . Agni Purana, 257, 39. 144 . L.G.A.I, p. 102. 145 . Cf. Gopal.

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Gautam Dharmasutra lays down aphorism on this important aspect of guild organization, for the first time. He also holds the view that, while justice must be determined in accordance with the precepts of Vedas, Angas and Puranas, ‘the laws of countries, castes and families when not opposed to the sacred records are also authoritative’.146 Also he adds to this cultivators, trades, herdsmen, money lenders and artisans have authority to lay down rules for their respective classes”.147 Thus this statement testifies to the legal authority of the guilds representing various professions. Thus, there were certain rules of the guilds evolved for the conduct of its business and its affairs, in general and, within the limits of the sacred law, all these rules and regulations were valid.

Legal disputes arising among the guilds were to be decided in accordance with these rules only. The king give decision in a legal suit only after ascertaining the actual state of affairs from those who had the authority to speak for their groups148 this was charged by Gautama. Hardatta the commentator of the Gautama Dharmasutra, further elucidates that, in cases of legal disputes, the king was expected to give his decision after knowing the established laws of the community from its authorized and nominated representation who explained them in the king’s presence.149

Manu recognized the guild laws, along with the country (desa), caste (jati) and family (kula). This was clarified by the Vasistha and he proclaims, “Manu has declared that the peculiar laws of countries, castes and families may be followed in the absence of rules of the revealed texts”.150 Srenidharma term was used by the Manu for the laws of guilds and includes it among the four categories of positive law.

He enjoins the king, familiar with the sacred law, to enquire into the laws of castes (jati) of districts (janapada) of guilds (sreni) and of families (kula)151 and thus settle peculiar law of each.152 According to this injunction, the king was authorized to look into the consistency of these laws with the sacred laws. It indirectly points to the

146 . ns”ktkfrdqy/kekZ”pMEuk;Sjkfo:)k% izek.ke~A Gautama, XI, 20, (SBE, vol. II, p. 234) 147 . d’kZdof.kDi”kqikydqlhfndkjo%A Ibid, XI, 21 (Ibid). 148 . rsH;ks ;Fkkf/kdkjeFkfUizR;ogR; /keZO;oLFkkA Gautama, XI, 22. 149 . Ibid., p. 89. 150 . ns”k/keZef×tkfr/kekZu~ dqy/kekZ”p “kk”orku~A Ik’k.Mx.kk/kekZ”o “kkL=s·fLeUuqäoku~ euqAA Manu I, 118. 151 . Vasistha Dharmasutra, I, 17 (SBF, vol. XIV, pt. II, p. 4). 152 . tkfr tkUinkU/kekZ×Js.kh/kekZ”pa /keZfor~A Leh{; dqy/kef”p Lo/keZ izfrikn;sr~A AA Manu, VIII, 91.

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authority of the king to even liquidate such laws of guilds as were opposed to the sacred law. Thus the superiority of the sacred law was maintained with all care. At the same time, possibilities of a king being unfair in his judgement were eliminated by the rule that, “what may have been practiced by the virtuous by such twice born men as are devoted to the law that he shall establish as law if it be not opposed to the customs of countries, families and castes”.153 It is, thus, clear that the king was not all-in-all in deciding the validity of guild laws. He was himself bound by the sacred law to act justly. He could neither lay down srenidharmas to serve his personal wishes nor could he go against political and economic needs of the state.

The laws of srenis were derived from customs, traditions and usages. Within the fold of srenidharma, each guild laid down rules for commercial transactions and for the general governing of the guild. These laws were given the term samvid. It included rules and regulations binding the constituents regarding disputes, profit distribution, distribution of labour and various other functions that a particular guild was required to undertake. Under its samvid, all agreements and contracts were termed as samaya.154

All these laws regulating the affairs of a guild were inserted into a document called sthitipatra in the Brhaspatismrti155 and, alternatively, as samvidpatra in the Katydyanasmrti.156

Samvid and samaya were considered to be inviolable as they carried the moral and legal sanction of srenidharma behind them. Any violation of contracts and conventions was considered to be a breach of guild laws as is evident from Medhatithi. In his Mahabhasya, he explains how certain principal tradesmen (vanikmahattara) offered to the king his royal dues, verbally fixed, by declaring before him ; “We are living by this trade, let the tax thereupon be fixed at such and such a rate, be our profits more or less”. After the king had agreed to this proposal, the tradesmen joined together to lay down certain rules intended to bring them large profits at the cost of the interests of the kingdom, e.g. a particular commodity could not be sold during a particular time. If anyone among them transgressed the rules, he

153 . lfn~Hkjkpfjr lRL;k)kfeZdS”; f}tkfrfHk%A rn~ns”kdqytkrhukefo:) izdYi;sr~AA Manu, VIII, 46. 154 . ik[k.MuSxeknhuka fLFkfr% le; mP;rsA Narada., X, 1; Apastamba Dharmasutra, I, 1, 2, 2. 155 . iwxJs;kfndkuka rq le;L; fLFkrs% d`re~A fLFkfri= rq rRizksDra eUokfnL`frosfnfHk%AA Brh.,VI, 19. 156 . pkrqfoZ?kiqj Js.kh x.k iksjkfnd fLFkfr%A ofRl);FkZ rq ;Yys[;a ;n~uoksfRLFkfri=de~AA & Kat., v. 254.

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was to be punished for breach of guild laws.157 Similarly, srenidharma is explained by the Smriticandrika as being rules for grocers, artisans etc. within their own respective groups, such as, “this is to be sold on this day, this is to be sold by this guild only” and so on.158

Thus, all rules and regulations which governed a public binding its members to be loyal to their respective shares of duties, were preserved in writing. All the members were required to solemnize it, before they started functioning as a corporate body, by the sacred libation (kosa) and by written agreement (lekhakrya) before the arbitrators (madhyastha). 159 The whole process was devised to eliminate all possibilities of a breach of contract and rules governing the guilds. It is important to note that the guild laws and conventions were applicable only when they were unanimously accepted by all the members. Rules framed in the absence of any member were not binding on him.

An anecdote, recorded in the Divyavadana, relates to the story of Purna, an adventurous merchant of Sopaia. One day he learnt about the arrival of 500 merchants from across the sea. He purchased all their belongings for eight lac karsapanas, paying.three lac kursapanas in advance, and having the whole merchandise sealed with his own stamp. On the following day, when the other merchants despatched their middlemen (avacarakdhpurusdh) to buy the cargo, they were told that Purna had already purchased the entire merchandise. The middlemen charged Purna for misappropriating the common property. They told him that the sreni, of which Purna himself was a member, had framed certain rules according to which no member was authorized to purchase anything on his own and that the purchase could only be made on behalf of the sreni. But Purna objected to this on the plea that, at the time when sreni had framed this rule, he and his brothers were not present. But the sreni concerned imposed a fine of sixty karsapanas on him. Purna, thereupon, appealed to the king against the decision of the sreni and won the case.160

157 . Dh. K., Vol. I, pt. I, p. 76. 158 . Js.kh/kekZ% of.kDdknhukaA Los Los oxZsa bnefLeu~ vghua u fods; bna pku;So Js.k;k fods;kfeR;soekn;%A Sm. C., Vol. III, pt. I, p. 65. 159 . Brh., XVII, 9. 160 . Divyadvadana, pp. 32-33.

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Another important fact about these rules and regulations was that they were not to be contrary to the religious duties of the members. 161 The Smrticandrika explains this point by mentioning that if there was a convention that all members of a corporation were supposed to be present in the king’s palace at a time which was laid down in the scriptures as the time for the twilight prayers, such convention should not be obeyed.162

The laws and compacts thus formed were binding on all members who were expected to be firm in their observance of the same. 163 Manu made it the moral obligation of the members to be loyal to their prescribed duties as those who followed them became dear to the people though they might be living at a distance. 164 Furthermore, these conventions were to be observed by the king also.165

The practice of having agreements on every aspect of the work undertaken must have been very essential or else they could hardly have functioned as corporate bodies in executing their work. Kautilya has specifically stated that guilds of workmen, workers employed by companies as well as those who carry on any cooperative work had to divide their earnings either equally or as agreed upon among themselves.166 The artisans had to state clearly the time, place and nature of work. Those, who taking shelter under the excuse that the time, place and nature of the work had not been prescribed and spoiled the work, were not only to forfeit their wages but were also-required to pay a fine twice the amount of their wages. 167 Besides the conventions regarding prices and monopolies, there were other matters too which prompted the guilds to form compacts among themselves. Brhaspati says’ “A compact formed among village companies and ganas is called convention (samayakrya); such conventions must be made at times of distress and also in regard to acts of piety”.168 Chandeswara, in his commentary on this verse, explains Samayakrya as (i) raising a common fund by subscription during famines or for repairing temples and the like (ii) arranging to supply armed guard to every, household when danger from robbers was

161 . Yaj., II, 186; Kat., v. 668. 162 . lkeftd le; fuoZR;ks /keZ%A ;% iqu% fut/keZfojks/kh lkef;dks /keZ ;FkklaU/;oUnUosyk;ka loSaZjso LoLoO;kikj ifjgksj.k jktHkoua izR;kxUr O;a] ;ks u xPNfr rL; izFkelkglks n.M bfrA Sm. C., Vol. III, pt. I, p. 525. 163 . ns”kL;kuqersuSo O;oLFkk ;k fu:firkA fyf[krk rq lnk /kk;kZ eqfnzrk jkteqnz;kAA & Kat., v. 48. 164 . Lokfu dekZf.k dqokZ.kk nqjs lUrksf·I ekuok%A fiz;k HkofUr yksdL; Los Los deZ.;O;ofLFkrk%AA & Manu., VIII, 42. 165 . ik’kf.MuSxeJs.kh iwx ozkrx.kkfn’kqaA laj{ksr~ le;a jktk nqxZas tuins rFkkAA & Narada., X, 2. 166 . Artha., III, 14. 167 . Artha., II, 14. 168 . xzkeJsf.kx.kkFkZ rq ladsrle;f=;kA ck/kkdkys rq lk dk;kZ /keZdk;sZa rFkSo p AA & Brh., XVII, 5.

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apprehended and (iii) to designate persons who were to form a deputation to wait upon the king for the redress of their grievances.169

It is thus clear that, besides commercial matters, all other matters which a guild had in view formed the part of the agreement. It facilitated the newcomer to know, before acquiring the membership of a guild, the share of responsibility he was required to carry out under prescribed circumstances. After joining the guild, each member was bound in his actions by the guild laws and bye-laws.

Not only the members, but even the king himself, was bound to respect and enforce these laws and compacts of guilds. Yajnavalkya held the view that the king should maintain the peculiarities and conserve these rules of old. 170 Vihsnu also maintains that it was the duty of the king to ensure that the four castes and the four orders performed their respective duties.171 The legal writers of later period were more commanding and left no scope for the ruler to exercise his discretion. Narada held the view that, “Among heretics, naigamas, guilds, corporations, troops or companies of soldiers, assemblages of kinsmen and other associations, the king must maintain the usage settled among them both in the fortified town and in the open country”, 172 and further that; “Whatever be their customs or activities or rules of attendance or means of living, the king shall approve off”. 173 But, later on, he cautioned the ruler against any custom that had an evil motive behind it or was opposed to the dictates of law and morality.174 He enjoined the king to suppress such tendencies even though they may be a long continued one.175

Narada has inserted the c6mmand to suppress such customs as had evil motives.176 But apart from these exceptional examples, the independent character of the guilds was justified by other legal writers as well, Brhaspati enjoined the king to preserve intact the time honoured institutions of each country, caste and family, otherwise the people would rise in rebellion, the subjects would become disaffected towards their rulers and the army and the treasure would be destroyed.177 He also held

169 . Vivadaratnakar, p. 178. 170 . Jsf.kuSxr ik[kf.Mx.kkukeI;ka; fof/k%A Hksna pS’kka u`iks j{ksRiwoZo`frZ p iky;sr~AA & Yaj., II, 192; I, 361. 171 . Visnu., III, 2 (S.b.E., Vol. VII, p. 15); See also, Vasistha Dharmasutra, XIX, 7. 172 . Narada, X, 2. 173 . ;ks /keZ% deZ ;PpS’kkeqiLFkkufof/k”p ;%A ;Pps’kka o`R;qiknueuqeU;sr rRrFkkAA & Narada., X, 3. 174 . ukuqdwya p ;nzktk izd`R;oera p ;r~A ck/kd p ;nFkkZuka rRrsH;ks fofuora;sr~AA & Ibid., 4. 175 . nks’kor~ dj.ka ;r~L;knukEuk; izdfYire~A izo`Ÿkefi rnzktk Js;Ldkeks fuorZ;sr~AA Ibid., 7. 176 . Viram., p. 429. 177 . Brh., II, 28; See also, Sukra., IV, 5, 89-91.

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the view that ; “When a decision is passed in accordance with local custom, logic of the case is overruled by it”178 Katyayana also states that whatever trade conventions are reduced to writing by traders as fit to be carried out, they must be given effect to and the king should not do anything contrary to them.179 Thus, these later law-books mark the transition of these guild customs and usages from a mere moral code to the inviolable status of law. While earlier legal writers enjoined the king to respect these usages, later writers have restrained him from exercising his despotism and have made these customs and usages inviolable.

These usages were considered sacrosanct and because of the high moral sense and reverence for dharma, breaches of contracts and customs must have been very few. The Mahabharata records that the violation of srenidharma is a sin for which there was no redress.180 Even if the srenidharma and samayas were violated, there emerged a title of law for which Narada employs the term samayasyanapakarma,181 and Manu uses the term sarhvidvyatikarama.182 Manu was also familiar with the term samayasydnapdkarma when he sajs ; “I shall now declare the rules applicable to those who violated samayas (conventions)”.183 It fell under the jurisdiction of the king to punish the wrong-doers and to restrict their autonomy to a certain extent.

Manu has prescribed banishment from the kingdom by the king of those who, after having entered into a compact under oath with a village, or a country, or a corporation, break it out of greed.184 Further, he says, having caught the violator of a compact, the king shall make him pay six niskas of four suvarnas each and also one silver satamana.185

In view of these two rules framed by Manu regarding the infliction of punishment, Medhatithi opines that the penalty of banishment prescribed in the preceding section applies to cases where the breach has been caused by the man's greed, while the later section lays down the penalty for cases where the breach has

178 . Brh., II, 26 (S.b.E., Vol. XXXIII, p. 286). 179 . uSxeLFkSLrq ;Rdk;Z fyf[kra ;n~ O;ofLFkre~A RlE;ŸlaizorsZar ukU;FkSo izorZ;sr~AA & Kat., v. 50. 180 . tkfrJs.k;f/koklkuka dqy/kef”p loZr% otZ;fUr p ;s /keZ rs’kka /keksZa u fo|rs AA Mbh, XII, 36, 39. 181 . Narada., X, 1; See also, Artha., III, 10. 182 . Manu., VIII, 5 (S.B.E., Vol. XXV, p. 253). 183 . Ibid., 218 (Ibid, p. 293) 184 . ;ks xzkens”kkla/kku d`Rok lR;su lafone~A folaonsUujks yksHkkra jk’Vªkf}izokl;sr~AA & Ibid, 219 (Ibid.) 185 . fux`â nki;sPpSu le;O;fHkpkfj.ke~A prq lqo.kfUif.u’dk×n~reku p jktreAA Manu., VIII, 220 (S.B.E., Vol. XXV, p. 293)

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been due to man's ignorance.186 But, according to the Viramitrodya, Manu lays down four distinct penalties : (i) banishment (ii) a fine of six niskas (in) a fine of four suvarnas and (iv) a fine of one satamana. Which penalty is to be inflicted .in a particular case shall be determined by the caste, the learning and other qualifications of the offender.187 Visnu also prescribes banishment from the town for breaking a compact.188

The Arthasastra also prescribes punishment for those who break a compact. It says that a healthy person who leaves his work half finished shall be fined 15 panas for none shall of his own accord leave his company. Those found neglecting their share of work for the first time shall be shown mercy and given extra proportionate work on promise of proportional share from their earnings. For neglecting his work again and going elsewhere, he shall be thrown out of the company (pravdsanam), and for a heinous offence (mahaparadha) he shall be treated as condemned. 189 The Dharmasastras, however, are not as lenient as the Arthasastra. According to Yajnavalkya, if any member of the corporation transgresses its rules, the king shall confiscate all his property and banish him from the kingdom.190 To this Brhaspati adds that, for a man who falls out from his associates or neglects his work, whoever he might be, a fine is ordained amounting to six niskas of four suvarnas each.191

Thus for those whom morality could not bind to be true to their duty, several penal laws were maintained which made it very difficult for the members to break the guild laws and agreements. Breaches of laws and compacts were definitely few and we expressly learn from inscriptional sources that guilds undertook the contracts to last till the Sun and the Moon and the Earth endure.192 Even after their displacement from the place of contract, the guilds are recorded to be fulfilling their agreements.193

It can thus be seen that all the members working within a guild were tied together as one unit by force of guild laws and the threat of expulsion. These were the most potent factors in restraining the members from falling out of the organization or neglecting their duties. It certainly made the members more sincerely devoted their

186 . Ibid., Vol. II, p. 210. 187 . Viram., p. 429. 188 . Visnu., V. 168. 189 . Artha., III, 14. 190 . Yaj. II, 187; See also, Brh., XVII, 13. 191 . r= Hksneqis{kk ok ; df”pRdq:rs uj%A prq lqo.kkZ% ‘kf.udkLrL; n.Mks fof/k;rsA & Brh., XVII, 14. 192 . C.I.I., Vol. III, No. 16, p. 68. 193 . Ibid., No. 18, 1. 194.

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obligations. The loyalty of the members to their organization was very largely responsible for its smooth functioning through the centuries.

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Chapter – 5

Currency and Seals of Guilds

Currency and Seals of Guilds

The existence of the north Indian guilds is testified by -coins, seals and sealings as well. These specimens supply us with relevant material in formulating the guild theory. Although there is no denying the fact that it had always been the state’s prerogative to issue coins, yet the importance of coined money to the mercantile class leads us to presume that the initiative in this regard was taken by the merchants themselves. On this basis, it has been speculated that the state coinage is of a later date than private coinage. Dr. V.A. Smith originated the view that silver punch- marked coinage was the private issue of guilds .and smiths with the permission of the ruling power.1 But, recent excavations prompt us to adopt a different theory. The independent works of Spooner2, Walsh3 and Bhandarkar4 clearly establish that the punch-marked coins were the state issues of a particular region. But Smith’s view cannot be completely rejected. There always remains the possibility of particular marks of guilds having escaped the notice of the scholars till today. Another possibility is that, when the state assumed the function of minting coins, earlier private issues in circulation were withdrawn to give a new impress.5

The theory of private coinage has also been supported by the Arthasastra of Kautilya. It is the translation of a passage of the Arthasastra by Dr. R. Shamsastri, which forms the basis of the view that corporate bodies had the right to issue coins. The translation runs; “The state goldsmith shall employ artisans to manufacture gold and silver coins from the bullion of citizens and country people”.6 The expression paurajana-padanam has been explained by Dr. K.P. Jaiswal as being two separate corporate bodies, one for the whole country (excepting. the capital) and the other for the citizens of the capital.7 With, this explanation in view, Dr. Jaiswal opines that the state manufactured coins of corporate bodies.8 This explanation,, .however, is not

1 . Smith, V.A., Catalogue of Coins of Indian Museum, p. 133; Cf. Cunningham, A., Ancient Coins, p. 58. 2 . A.S.I.A.R., 1905-06, p. 153. 3 . J.B.O.R.S., 1919, pp. 18 ff. 4 . A.S.I.A.R., 1913-14, pp. 220 ff. 5 . Chakraborty, S.K., Ancient Indian Numismatics, p. 129. 6 . lkSof.kZdk% ikSjtkuinkuke~ :I;lqo.kZ ekoslkfufHk% dkj;sr~A - Artha., II, 14. 7 . Jaiswal, K.P., Hindu Polity, p. 254. 8 . Ibid.; see also, Nath, Pran, Economic Condition, p. 87. 96

unanimously accepted.9

The passage, in fact, simply mentions that the state goldsmith minted gold and silver ornaments for the public. Even so, the theory of private-coinage cannot be altogether dismissed because Kautilya elsewhere states that when false metallic pieces were paid to the state treasury by the traders and merchants, they had to pay charges called vyaji, rupika and pariksika to the treasury as penalty.5 Therefore, it seems reasonable to suppose that traders and merchants used to make mohurs (currency) of some definite weight, even in the time of Kautilya. After the disintegration of the - Ahsokan empire, it seems that the guilds of traders gained the freedom of issuing coins in some parts of the country as is evidenced by the archaeological finds which have brought to light some coins from various sites.

In Taxila some coins have been discovered bearing the-word negama on the obverse and, sometimes, a name on the reverse. These coins were found among the ruins of the city represented by Bhir mound, Sirkap and Sirsukh, near Rawalpindi, in Pakistan. The coins are dated late in the 3rd cent B.C., when Taxila was under the Mauryan governor and ending with the Greek conquest before the middle of the 2nd cent. B.C. These coins bear the words Dojaka, Atakataka, Ralimasa and Kadare on the reverse.10 It is likely that these are the names of the localities where these coins were minted. Some other coins from Taxila bear the legend ‘pancanekama’. It -seems that five traders' guilds of Taxila joined together to issue these coins although there is also a possibility of there being a guild called pancanigama. It testifies to the existence of various guilds of traders at Taxila, powerful enough, to issue coins at the time. Another class of inscribed coins from Taxila bears the legend hiranyasame’.11 Allan takes it to be the prakrta form of hiranyasrama. Dr. K.D. Bajpai, however, takes it to mean ‘hiranyaswami’ i.e. ‘the owner of the coined money’, and points out that these coins refer to the corporation of traders responsible for the manufacture of these coins.12 As these happen to 'be the latest coins of the negama series, it seems reasonable to .accept the explanation offered by Dr. Bajpai.

9 . Gopal, L., Right of Minting Coins in Ancient India’, J.N.S.I., XXII, p. 41; Bajpai, K.D., Authority of Minting Coins in Ancient India, J.N.S.I., XXV, p. 18. 10 . Rapson, E.J., Indian Coins, p. 3; Bajpai, K.D., op.cit., p. 18; Cunningham, A., A.S.R., XIV, p. 20; Allan, J., British Museum Catalogue of Indian Coins, p. CXXVI: Cf. Bhandarkar, D.R., Carmichael Lectures, 1918, pp. 174-8; See also, Marshal, John, Taxila, Vol. I, p. 26. 11 . Allan, op.cit., Intro., pp. 131-2. 12 . Bajpai, K.D., op.cit., p. 19. 97

Besides these, no other negama coins have been found from other sites. In view of the small number of the negama coins and their localized nature, it has been argued that negama coins were non-monetary in nature.13 But this argument can be refused on the ground that there are some state issued coins also which are very few in number like that of the Satavahana dynasty. Regarding their localized nature, it can be anticipated that further excavations at different sites might bring out more negama coins. It is likely that these coins were used between the guilds and their customers only.

Besides these negama coins from Taxilla, some other coins from Kausambi and Vidisa have also been brought to light by Dr. K.D. Bajpai.14 Two copper coins form Kausambi bear the legend ‘gadhikanam’ in Mauryan characters of 3rd-2nd cent. B.C. These coins, in all likelihood, allude to the guild of perfumers at Kausambi. Another coin form Kausambi bears the legend kosambikanam in the Mauryan Brahmi characters. This suggests that the coin was issued by a corporation of traders who had their establishment in Kausambi. A similar ocin bearing a half legend ‘kanam’ has also been excavated at Vidisa which perhaps belongs to a trade guild of Vidisa.

These coins reveal the fact that more than one guild of a town used to issue such coins. But these coins have not been discovered from other sites. It appears that, soon after the disintegration of the Mauryan empire, the guilds of traders were empowered to issue their own coins in some parts of the country. With the re- establishment of a strong and centralized government, the state’s prerogative to issue coins came to be firmly established. This explains why we do not find any coins issued by the guilds of later periods. Unlike the small number and localized nature of guild coins, guild seals and sealings have been unearthed in abundance. It is an established fact that the guilds had their own insignia and emblems. For instance, the Manusmrti mentions that the flag was the distinctive mark of a guild.15 Similarly, the Harivamsa Purana states that the guilds visited the court of Kamsa with their own respective flags.16 Besides these literary evidences, a number of seals and sealings have also been discovered from various sites which belonged to the merchant guilds.

13 . Bajpai, K.D., op.cit., p. 19. 14 . Bajpai, K.D., op.cit., pp. 18-21. 15 . Manu., IV, 85. 16 . LodeZ nzO; ;qDrkfHk% irkdkfHkfuZjr~je~A Js.khuka p x.kkuka p e™pk ekUR;pyksiek%AA – Harivamsa, V. 4528-38. 98

A terracotta seal-die from Bhija bears in reverse letters, the legend ‘sahijitiye nigamasa’ in the Mauryan characters. Marshal dates the seal to 4th or 3rd cent. B.C. and regards it to be the earliest specimen of the nigama seals.17 This seal-die has been recovered from the underneath of the floor of a house which he designates as ‘the House of the Guild’ and concludes that ‘the House may mark the site of the office of the nigama or corporation’. The seal-die, therefore, can be taken as-testifying the existence of the nigamasabha as recorded in the; literature.

Two other sealings bearing the legend ‘nigama’ is Mauryan characters and the device of a tree within a railing, have also been excavated from Haragaon and Jhusi.18

Sri M.M. Nagar also came across two seals from the-sit& of Kausambi. On one seal, he deciphered the legend ‘navikasa’, Sanskrta ‘navikasya’, i.e., ‘seal of the boatmen’ in 2nd cent. B.C. characters, while the other seal bears the legend ‘rathikasa’, Sanskrta ‘rathikasya’, i.e. the seal of charioteers.19 The guilds of boatmen and charioteers were fairly popular at that time. It thus seems reasonable to assume that these seals were issued by the respective guilds only.

From Rajghat also guild seals and sealings have been unearthed. From that site some sealings bearing the legends ‘nigamasa’ in characters of 1st cent. B.C. and some others-bearing the legend ‘negamasa’ or ‘nigamasa’ in early Kushana characters have been recovered.20 A square sealing in early Kushana script tears four letters, ‘negamasa’ written in the four corners of a square enclosure with an entrance.21 This enclosure, beyond all doubts portrays the nigama office. Another sealing, from the same site, bears the legend ‘gavayaka seniye’ i.e. the guild of the milkmen and in another the legend reads, ‘Varanasyaranyaka sreni’, i.e. ‘seal of the guild of the forest people of Varanasi’.22

From Ujjain as well two sealings of the Kusana period have been unearthed. One of the terracotta bears the legend ‘gosahitakasa’ in the characters of 1st cent. B.C.23

17 . Marshal, J., ‘Excavations at Bhita’, A.S.I.A.R., 1911-12, pp. 30-31. 18 . Thaplyal, K.K., Studies in Ancient Indian Seals, pp. 223-24. 19 . Nagar, M.M., ‘Some Inscribed Seals from Kosam, J.U.P.H.S., Vol. XII, p. 84. 20 . Agrawala, V.S., ‘Clay Sealings from Rajghat’, J.N.S.I., Golden Jubilee, Vol. XXIII, p. 410. 21 . Ibid. 22 . Agarawala, V.S., ‘Clay Sealings from Rajghat’, J.N.S.I., Golden Jublee, Vol. XXIII, p. 410. 23 . Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1957-58, No. 78, 88. 99

The other sealing is of ivory having a four lined legend of which only the last two lines are legible and read as ‘gothajasa’ and ‘tisakasa’.24 The first sealing perhaps refers to the guild of people rearing cattle, while the second sealing seems to belong to a ‘gostha’, a company or a guild.25

Various nigama seals have also been unearthed from Bhita belonging to the Kusana period. Seal No. 57 in Marshal's list bears the legend ‘naigama’, while Nos. 58 and 60 have 'nigamasa’ and No. 59 bears nigama in the Kusana characters.26 Another terracotta sealing from Bhita bears a circular legend ‘sulaphalayikanam’ in characters of 2nd or 1st cent. B.C. It seems to refer to the makers of the arrow heads.27

Seals and sealings of the Gupta period belonging to the guilds have also been recovered in plenty.

About half a dozen seals from Rajghat bear the legend either ‘nigama’ or ‘nigamasya’ and record the names of individuals, such as Bharata, Sridatta and Sauryadhya who were perhaps the members of the nigama. These sealings bear the motif of a domed granary also.28

From Bhita also seal Nos. 61A and 62B from Marshal’s list bear the legend ‘nigamasya’.29 Another sealing bearing the legend kulika-nigama was also unearthed at Bhita by Marshal.30

A terracotta sealing of the Gupta period from Kumrahara shows a spouted vessel with a lid in the centre, a conch on the left and a serpent on the right. In the lower half occurs the legend ‘tambolikarmasya’ meaning ‘worker in betels’.31 Perhaps it points to the guild of the betel sellers. The most important evidence in this context is supplied by Basarh, which was the provincial head-quarter under the Guptas. The abundant seals unearthed from this site bear one of the following legends:

(i) Sresthi nigama

24 . Ibid., No. 82, p. 89. 25 . Thaplyal, K.K., op.cit., p. 243. 26 . Marshal, John, op.cit., p. 56. 27 . Thaplyal, K.K., op.cit., p. 242. 28 . Agrawala, V.S., op.cit., p. 410. 29 . Marshal, John, op.cit., p. 56. 30 . Ibid. 31 . Altekar, A.S. and Misra, V.K., Report on Kumrahara Excavations, 1951-55, p. 104. 100

(ii) Sresthi-kulika nigama (iii) Sresthi-sartthavaha-Prathama kulika nigama (iv) Sresthi-sartthavaha-kulika nigama There is one more seal unearthed by Dr. Spooner at Basarh bearing the legend ‘Makhutali nigamasya’.32 It is likely that the nigama was named after the place. Dr. Spooner unearthed 17 sealings bearing the legend sresthi nigamasya in the Gupta script.33 The device on one of these seals has been described by Dr. Spooner as a hemispherical stupa from the top of which project three branches which look like a kalasa. These seals also bear additional impressions, which record the names of certain individuals. These names are perhaps those of sresthis to whom these seals belonged.34 One more seal bearing the legend ‘sresthi-nigamasya’ showing a stupa like design over a railing in the upper field and with string marks on the reverse, has been found in the course of recent excavations at that site.35 Sealings bearing the legend sresthi-kulika-nigama bear the device described as money-chest.36 Kulika perhaps denotes an artisan.37 Therefore, these seals indicate that sresthis and kulikas combined together and formed their own guild.38 Most abundant are the seals bearing the legend sresthi-sartthavaha-kulika nigama and the money-chest device. Dr. Bloch has discovered 274 seals bearing this legend.39 Some others were brought to light by Dr. Spooner in course of his excavations at the same site.40 These seals are invariably combined with other seals on clay-lamp bearing the names of private individuals. Most of these names are of kulikas, such as Hari, Ugrasimha etc.41 Only one name sartthavaha Dadda is available, while two names of sresthis, Sasthidatta and Sridasa also occur.42 Only in one case it is found along with the stamp of the office of Yuvarajapadiya Kumaramatya (chief of the prince’s ministers).43 It seems that sartthavahas also joined hands with sresthis and kulikas and thus the guild of sresthi sartthavaha kulika

32 . Spooner, D.B., ‘Excavations at Basarh’, A.s.I.A.R., 1913-14, p. 127. 33 . Ibid., pp. 124-125. 34 . Ibid., pp. 124-125. 35 . Deva, Krishna and Misra, V.K., Vaisali Excavations, 1950, p. 56. 36 . Bloch, T., op.cit., p. 110. 37 . Thaplyal, K.K., op.cit., pp. 231-32. 38 . Block, T., op.cit., p. 110. 39 / Ibid. 40 . Spooner, D.B., op.cit., p. 138. 41 . Bloch, T., op.cit., pp. 114-116. 42 . Ibid., p. 118. 43 . Ibid., p. 110. 101

came into existence. These seals are dated as belonging to the end of 4th cent. A.D.44 These two hundred and seventy four seals were found in one chamber. The chamber was perhaps a store room for keeping sealed letters and documents.45 Dr. bloch’s suggestion on the above seal is, “The numerous among the seal impressions is that referring to the corporation or guild of backers (sresthi), traders (sartthavaha) and merchants (kulikas)... It looks as if .during those days something like a modern chamber of commerce existed in Upper India at some big trading centre perhaps at Pataliputra”.46 Of course, it would not be reasonable to suppose that something, like a modern chamber of commerce existed at Basarh or Patallputra at such an early date. The association of a variety of names with these seals also negates this suggestion. Secondly, these seals are conspicuous by their absence at other sites. Therefore, it is not possible to agree with Bloch’s view. Hence, it is safer to interpret the term in the ordinary sense of a market town. The Basarh seals point to the commercial transactions for which these seals were manufactured by the guilds of merchants (sresthin), caravan traders (sartthavaha) and artisans (kulikas) which were powerful organizations with the ruling powers in different parts of India during the Gupta period. These seals perhaps record the loans taken by the-members for some business purposes.47 Those members whose; names occur frequently such as that of Isanadasa which occurs in 75 cases, and that of Matrdasa, Gomiswami and Ajapala occurring in 38, 37 and 16 cases respectively, borrowed money from the guild or stood as surety for loans granted to others whose names occur occasionally.48 Thus, these seals can be taken as testimony to the banking function of the guilds. The legends ‘namah namastasmai’, ‘Bhagavata namah’ and ‘pasupatah’ also occur along with the impression of guild seals.49 These legends tend to emphasize the binding character of the agreements or compacts.50 A rare sealing excavated from Basarh records the legend ‘sresthi sartt avaha

44 . Thaplyal, K.K., op.cit., p. 232; Bloch, T., op.cit., pp. 101-102. 45 . Bloch, T., op.cit., p. 91; Cf. Prasad, Beni, The State in Ancient India, p. 295. 46 . Bloch, T., op.cit., p. 104. 47 . Thaplyal, K.K., op.cit., p. 235. 48 . Cf. Altekar, A.S. and Majumdar, R.C., Vacataka Gupta Age, p. 356. 49 . Bloch, T., ‘Excavations at Basarh’, op.cit., p. 110. 50 . Cf. Altekar, A.S. and Majumdar, R.C., op.cit., p. 365. 102

prathama kulika nigama’.51 As the sresthi and the sartthavaha were quite wealthy and influential in comparison to the artisans, it was perhaps found necessary to keep a balance in representation for which kulika was replaced by prathama kulika in the joint organization. Besides these archaeological finds, inscriptional finds also attest that the guilds had their own seals. The Nagardhan plate of Swamiraja records the gift of 20 nivaratnas of land by the corporation of elephant riders. The corporation had no authority to make any such grant of land. Therefore, it requested the ruling authority to do so on their behalf and it was allowed to affix its own seal containing the emblem of a god.52 After the disintegration of the Gupta empire, as mentioned earlier, there followed a period of confusion and chaos. Therefore no extant specimens of guild seals and sealings have been recovered so far from any of the sites belonging to early medieval India. One important fact which is revealed from the above survey is that all the seals and sealings as well as coins were issued by the guilds of merchants and traders and none by the artisan guilds. This establishes the view that the merchant guilds had become more powerful and commanded some sort of control over the artisan guilds. These seals and sealings must have been used for authenticate the commercial tran- sactions of the guilds. They also served as an emblem of their influence and independent status.

51 . Bloch, T., op.cit., p. 110. 52 . C.I.I., Vol. IV, NO. 120, p. 612. 103

Chapter – 6

South Indian Guilds

South Indian Guilds

The organisation of South Indian local administrative institutions is a very fascinating subject of study. Social life in the past, practically in all its aspects, expressed itself in innumerable groups where the individual did not by any means lack opportunities for self expression. The Nagaram is one type of local assembly, the counter part of the Paura of Sanskrit literature. It was a primary assembly of merchants functioning as one of the local assemblies in important trade centres, working in co-operation with the Ur or Sabha , and was probably the only assembly in towns populated mainly or mostly by merchants. Caste was no barrier to the admission of members. The Brahmin took the profession of commerce is clear from a record at Ennayirm 1 a large Vaishnava centre and collegiate town in the modern district of South Arcot.

Almost all the arts and crafts were organised in castes and guilds of their own and the work was done clearly done on a corporate basis. Names of several organisations occur in the epigraphic records all over south India and it is not always easy to identify them and determine their relationship to one another. References to the Ayyavole or Ainnurruvar, Valanjiyar, Nanadesi and Nagarrattar , a part from various other groups like the Manigraman and Anjuvannam . These records ranging from the 8 th cen. A.D. to 17 th cen. A.D. both in South India and in Sri Lanka. With the exception of Nagarattar , all these terms refer to itinerant merchant bodies . While Ainnurruvar, or the five hundred, figure prominently in most of them, some 46 different groups are noticed in association with them at various centres and in different contexts listing all these groups, K. Indrapala expresses the difficulties in determining the nature of their relationship with the five hundred, and dismisses as untenable the views that the five hundred was a federation of all these bodies, or that the latter was sub-division of the five hundred. 2

The Nagaram and other merchantile corporation were not constituted exclusively by the natives of South India. There are frequent references to the Tennilangai Valayiyan or trading merchants from South Ceylon. There is a reference

1 . A.R.E. 343 of 17. 2 . K. Indrapala, ‘Some Medieval Merchantile Communities of South India and Ceylon’, Journal of Tamil Studies , Oct. 1970, Vol. II, no. 2, 31. 104

in Hoyasala records 3 of the reign of Vira Ramantha to Parades savasi merchants, a member of which community bore the name of Sakala Bhatta . The Savasis or sahavasis could be identified with the saha , a class of merchant from Deogiri (Daultabad) mentioned in Ibn-Batutas memories, whom Fahien at an earlier age referred to as so=po. The term Valanjiya (Bananjika ), so frequently met with is derived from the Sanskrit vanj, and means trader (rather export trader). The valanjiyar are therefore traders in general, and belonged to several corporations. They are said to follow the Bananjudharma or Valanjiya samaya or the code of mercantile conduct. This explanation of valanjiyar is borne out in the Kottayam plates of Virarghava , which have the expression Valanjiyattittanic cettum . The term Valinjiyar (Balanjika ) was later corrupted in to Bania . There were also Brahmin merchants in the guilds. Marco Polo calls them Abraiaman. 4

From the late twelfth centuries, there is yet another major organization called Cittirameli Periya nadu 5 or the Padiinenbhumi or Visaya of the seventy nine Nadus , appearing jointly with the five hundred in a position of prime importance in the Prasastis of the inscriptions recording joint donations of tolles and cerres on merchandise. The pride of place is here given to the Cittiramali , and the five hundred a secondary position with their respective emblems, viz. the sengol and Meli (the staff and the plough) of the first and the Pasumpai (money bag) of the second. 6 There can hardly be any doubt as to the commercial and urban context in which these joint donations occur. This is to be seen as a result of the revival of long-distance trade in South India in the 10 th cen. A.D.

There are frequent references to Kudiraiattis 7 or dealers in horses, who no doubt imported horses from abroad from Arabia and perhaps from Pegu and distributed them among the rulers and nobles. A reference from ancient sculptures and to pattinappallai will convince us that the import of war horses began very early even in the early centuries of the Christian era. This trade assumed importance in the period of chola imperial rule when cavalry played an important role in the Chola army and

3 . A.R.E. 70 of 31. Skt. Vanija Prakrit Baniya. 4 . Sastri: Foreign Notices of South India, pp. 176-7. Also Appadorai: Economic condition in South India I, p. 382. Appadorai identifies the Abraiaman with Banias, but sastri’s identification is the only acceptable one. 5 . Cittirameli means the beautiful plough, which was the emblem of this organization. 6 . South Indian Inscription (hereafter SII), vol. VIII, No. 442 ( Piranmalai ). 7 . Sastri: Cholas II, p. 438. 105

the armies of the other South Indian powers opposed to them. This extensive trade is described by Sulaiman (c. 800 A.D.), Ibne-Rusta (c. 900 A.D.), Abuzaid (c. 950 A.D.) and Marco Polo (c. 1293 A.D.) and Wasaff (in the beginning of the 14 th cen. A.D.).

Merchants were generally organised in powerful guilds corporations which often transcended political divisions and were therefore not much affected by the wars and revolutions going on about them. The whole corpus of information of south Indian trade at this time centres mainly round the five hundred, and to a lesser extent, on the Manigramam and Anjuvannam and other such organisations. The Manigramam 8 a localized merchant body operating within specific regions, as their designations like Uraiyur Manigramam and Kodumbalur Manigramam 9 would show, although they had inter-regional and long distance trade links. The Anjuvannam refers to an organisation of foreigners who seems to have begun their commercial activities on the west coast, particularly Kerala in 8 th and 9 th cen. A.D. 10

The name Manigramam is generally explained as a corruption of Vanikgramam as association of Merchants’ and this may well be correct. They are mentioned in many early south Indian inscriptions and in Tamil Inscriptions at Takua- pa (Siam) of the reign of Nandivarman III Pallava. The fact that this merchant guild had established itself on the opposite coast of the Bay of Bengal with sufficient permanence for it to be put in charge of a Vishnu temple. Initially Anjuvannam seems to have referred to Jewish traders who came to the west coast and acquired settlements. Later, however, it was also used for Arab Muslim traders. 11

The Kottayam plates of Sthawe Ravi 12 and of Viraraghawa 13 have references to the Manigramam . In Vol. IV of the Epigraphia Indica, the editor wrongly thought that Manigramam was a title conferred upon a done. But later when epigraphist met

8 . Trumalai Inscription No. 10 of 1924 in Annual Report on south Indian Epigraphy, 1923-24 (Herafter ARE). 9 . SII, XII, No. 28 (Tiruvellarai); 283 of ARE, 1964-65 (Kavilpatti); SII, IV, No. 147 (Salem) 10 . M.G.S. Narayanan; Cultural symbiosis in Kerala, 4 and 29. Here the Arjuvannam is taken to be an organization of Jewis traders. 11 . In the Kanara districts, a merchant body called the Hayamana or Harjumanna was active from about the 14th cen A.D. was it the same as Anjuvannam? Could Anjuvannam and Hanjumanna be derived from Anjuman ? Kaikini inscription (South kanara), Annual report on Kannada Research in Bombay Province, 1939-40, No. 38. See also K.V. Ramesh, History of South Kanara, Dharwad, 1970, 253, where the author suggests that Hanjanara represented Arab Persian Merchants. 12 . T.A.S., vol. II. 13 . E.I. IV. 106

with such expressions as Manigramattar and discovered that the term was associated with a number of towns, they easily concluded it referred to a group or corporation of Merchants. In Payynur Pattola , an old Malayalam song, it occurs as the name of a trading corporation. The great commentator Naccinarkiniyar explains it as a Kuluvinpeyar a collective name for a community, and following his lead the author of Neminatham uses the word as an instance of Kutiyarpeyar . The form used by the first commentator namely Vanikgramam , not necessarily a mislection, possibly explains the origin of the word Manigramam which denotes a grama (guild) of merchants. Valaramanikkam , the name of a village in the Pudukkottai state, is a corruption of Vanikar Manigramam . Like the Sanskrit word sreni it is a corporation of men of different castes (jatis) functioning a doing business like men of same jati , nanajatiram eka jatiya karmopajivinam .

The Ainnurruvar , often styled the five hundred sranis of Ayyavolepura (Aihole), were the most celebrated South Indian merchant guild. This guild accused the character of a composite body itinerant traders who came from different parts of Tamil speaking areas. One of the most remarkable inscription, from the point of view of its composition, comes from tirumalai in the Sivaganga taluk of Ramanathapuram district. After the usual prasasti , it provides a list of the people who belonged to the organization and who met at Tirumalai in the Ainnurruvar tirikkavacem of the local Shiva temple. The members hailed from different places and are called by their respective regions, like the Tisai Ahirattu Ainnurrewar Vadakalavalinadu of tirukottiyur Maniyambalam, of Vembarrur of Malaimandam of Alagaimanagram and many other places. 14 Terms like Ainnrruva Bhattan and names like Ainnurruvan Inban Devancetti would also indicate the heterogenous caste composition of this body. The five hundred svamis was thus, a group of people of ‘disparate origins associating together for a common purpose’ (trade, i.e. of several castes, religions and regions. 15

Like the great kings of the age, the swamis had a Prasasti of their own which recounted their traditions and achievements. They were the protectors of the Vira- Bananju-dharma i.e. the law of the noble merchants.

14 . Nolo of 1924, Tirumalai inscription dated 1233 A.D. The other groups mentioned are Pandimanda Perinirani Tisai Ayirattu Ainnurruvar, Kolikkuricci Kadittavira Tisai Ayirattu Ainnurruvar etc. 15 . That the member came different castes, religions and regions ins indicated not only by the Tamil inscriptions, but also by the Kannada and Telugu inscriptions of Karanataka and Andhra – see Abrahan, Two Medieval Merchant guild, chapter III. 107

‘The five hundred’ were the protectors of Valnjiyar .16 They also called themselves Citramelisa 17 or the “lords of the Citrameli corporations”. They supported the different groups of artisans. In one word they found a federation as it were controlling all the chambers of commerce in the Deccan and South India carrying immense banking business and controlling prediction and industries but chiefly engaged in their distribution. Bananju being obviously derived from Sanskrit Vaniya , merchant. They had the picture of a bull on their flag and were noted throughout the world’ for their daring and enterprise. They were the followers of the creeds of Vishnu, Maheshvara and Jina . Among the countries the visited were chera, chola, Pandya, Naleya, Magadha, Kausala, Saurashtra, Dhanushtra, Kurunba, Kambhoja, Gaulla, Lata, Barvvara, Parasa (Persia) and Nepala. They traded in elephants, bloodstock, sapphires, moonstones, pearls, rubies, diamonds, lapis lazuli, onyx, topaz, carbuncles, emeralds and other precious articles; cardamoms, cloves, bdellium, sandal, camphor, musk, saffron, malegaja and other species and perfumes. They paid the sunka regularly and filled the royal treasury with gold and jewels and replenished the kings armoury; they bestowed gifts on pandits and sages versed in the four samayas and six darsanas .

Their (500 hundred svamis) charities were numerous. They built places of worship and made liberal endowments to temple irrespective of religion or sect. They constructed assembly halls and maintained irrigation works. They imposed taxes amongst their members and were inserted with authority to collect taxes in cities which belonged to them. A Travancore inscription refers to the right, of guild to collect customs and to punish defaulters. They exercised the right to collect tolls, and instances are on record of their endowing such collections for the maintenance of charities. Cities, streets and temples were named after one or other of the surnames of ‘the 500’. We hear of Desiyuyantapattinam, Ainnurruvanallur, Ainnurruva, Mangalam and Ainnurruvartaru .

In the period of cholas in late 12 th century A.D., we noticed a phenomenal increase in the activities of the five hundred, with a clear tendency to expand its sphere of influence and to show less reliance on royal support and patronage, although many of the guild inscriptions are still dated in the reign period of the chola and

16 . A.R.E. 259 of 12. 17 . A.R.E. 154 of 03. 108

Pandya rulers. In the later centuries, it would appear that merchant bodies, particularly the five hundred, had on no occasion the authority to levy and grant such fls, expect in conjunction with the Cittrameli or the Pandiyan visaya 18 which refer to organizations of agriculturists and local elite groups controlling production of agricultural and other groups. Presumably in the assignment of brokerage and monopoly to individuals or groups of trades on certain items of trade, the five hundred exercised its authority jointly with the local nadu, nagram members and the larger agricultural organization of 18 visaya or cittirameli. 19

Dominant agricultural organizations jointly mentioned in the guild’ inscriptions, probably had commercial transactions with the Five Hundred, exchanging agricultural products for exotic and nonagricultural items. The growth in the power of landowing classes is a marked development of the 12 th century AD, both in South India and Sri Lanka. The links that development between the merchant guild and associations of agriculturists were mainly due to the increase in the importance of agricultural commodities in trade from the twelfth century onwards. The urban development of this period, and the growing food needs of urban settlements, enhanced the influence of the agricultural classes.

The Saliyas and Kaikkolas , two waver communities of South India came to be classified among the Right and left Hand caste division 20 , which arose in Tamil Nadu in the 12 th century AD as a paradigmatic division, to determine the social and caste status of the artisans and craftsman apart from new ethnic and economic groups. Craft groups other than the weavers also came to be organized largely under this division. With the urbanization of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, urban social stratification invariably tended to use the three categories of brahmana, Velala and the right and left hand castes. With the increase in organized commerce and itinerant trade and the demand for textiles and other products, the artisan communities also obtained special privileges, either from local chiefs or temple authorities, and sometimes also through the good offices of the merchant organizations.

In a slightly different context, the dependence of the craftsmen of the merchant organizations is underlined as seen in the role of the merchants providing

18 . Chanpaklakshmi, see Chapter 4, Table VI. 19. PSI No. 125; 103 of ARE 1932-3. 20 . Vijaya Ramaswamy, 1985, 55, 58-9 and 107-8. 109

asylum to the craftsman in Erode as early as the 11th century AD. 21 The merchant body sometimes framed rules for the Valangai (Right Hand) and Idangai (Left Hand), or granted them privileges, emphasising the interdependence of these two sections of the commercial world, especially in areas where the merchants assumed control and management of temples and acted as protectors patrons of artisanal groups, as in the Kongu region. The artisan community is seen to be coming into its own after twelfth century AD, i.e. in the late Cola and Pandya periods. In the predominantly agrarian set-up Tamil Nadu, the artisans were more often attached to the locality i.e. to the temple, the land-owning brahmanas and Velalas through inter-dependent land tenures. However, changes in the agrarian organization, in the pattern of land ownership and the introduction of an economy based on inter-regional trade, the demand for their services both by local landed groups and by the itinerant merchant organizations. In the late twelfth century, the anuloma rathakaras in Punjai had special privileges conferred on them. 22

Craft production was perhaps more intensive in the Kongu region, where the 12 th to 16 th century inscriptions refer to large-scale artisan activity and their participation in important civic duties, for which special privileges were conferred on them. Privileges were collectively granted to the Kanmalar communities in Kancikkuvalnadu .

Thus, organized commerce by Nagarams, manigramam and long-distance trade through itinerant merchant bodies, accelerated the process of urban development, crafts organization, a tripartite social stratification in an urban context in multi-temple centres and single large temple centres, some of which became pilgrimage centres, and also in administrative centres. Many of these newly emerging socio-economic groups were accommodated in the Tirumalai vilagam of the temple centres. 23

The dominant role of the Five Hundred in inter-regional trade and commerce in South India is established beyond doubt by the continuous occurrence of guild records in the three major regions, i.e. Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. Furthermore, their participation in overseas trade is also attested to by the presence of

21 . Erode Inscription-215 of ARE , 1976-7. 22 . Punjai Inscription-198 of 1925 (ARE, 1925-6) 23 . SII, VI, 258 (Manimangalam); SII, XII, 154 (Chidambaram). 110

guild inscriptions in northern Sri Lanka, Siam (South Thailand), Sumatra and Burma. 24 One of these inscriptions, which is found in Barus (Loboe Toewa), Sumatra, is particularly significant, as it refers to Barus as Varoca in Tamil, and describes it as matangari Vallava Desi Uyyakkonda Pattinam and Velapuram as a part of that pattinam , in which the Five Hundred made arrangements in AD 1088-89, for a regular income or gift in gold to the local chiefs of merchants, to be paid by the Marakkala nayakan and others from South India who came to that port.25 This inscription points to the importance of the Southeastern trade in the 11 th century A.D., in which the Five Hundred not only played a dominant role, but even had control of port towns.

Many other commodities mentioned in the Tirumalai and other Tamil inscriptions, as well as the Chintapalle inscription of about 1240 cen. A.D. from Andhra 26 , refer to agricultural products like paddy, sesame, pulses, betel-nuts and leaves, salt and raw materials like cotton. Metals like copper, zinc, lead and iron also figure among the items of trade. In fact, the only manufactured good requiring technological skill and organized production was textile (local cloth), and it is for South Indian textiles that there was an ever-growing demand. Hence, the weaver community gradually acquired a position of great social and economic importance. This is attested to by the references to Kaikkolas and Saliya Nagarattar , who not only controlled production and marketing of cloth, but participated in temple services, donations, conduct of festivals, administration and management. 27 There is also a noticeable change in the pattern of land ownership, both weavers and merchants becoming important land-owning communities and wielding considerable influence in the localities where they hailed from.

If the presence of the guild inscriptions with their prasastis and lists of items of trade may be taken as a direct indication of distribution centres, most of them may be located in the Pudukkottai, Ramanathapuram districts and along the trade routes where Erivirappattanas were established. The guild inscriptions often refer to the 17 pattanas, 32 Vila (or Velar ) purams, 64 Kadigai-t-tavalams from where the traders

24 . Nilakanta Sastri, ‘A Tamil Merchant Guild in Sumatra’, TBG deel. LXXII, 1932, 314-27. 25 . Y. Subbarayalu, ‘Sumatravil Tamil-k-kalvettugal’, in Avanam (Journal of the Tamil Nadu Archaeological Society), Jan. 1994, 116-24. 26 . 277 of ARE, 1934-5. 27 . 196 of ARE, 1912, SII, VI, 252 and 257; see also Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers , 41-6 and 54-5. 111

came. 28 Though it would be difficult to identify and locate all of them, it is quite likely that some of the major centres with guild inscriptions and the ports constantly used by traders are included among them, such as Vancimanagaram (Karur), Kodumbalur, Kulasekharappattinam, Alagaimangaram, Narttamalai, Tondi and Piranmalai . There also emerged a series of coastal towns starting from Tiruppalaivanam (Pulicat), the northernmost point in Tamil Nadu, down to Korkai and Kayal in the mouth of the Tamraparni , marking a coastal route with halting stations and distribution points used by the itinerant traders, Kovalam, Sadras and Tranquebar were some of these towns which emerged into prominence in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries AD. 29

The towns of Tamil Nadu, including the ones with guild activities, differed in their administrative organization from those of Karnataka. The latter had their pattanasvamis , who were heads of towns and who presided over or participated in the meetings of the merchant bodies and other local groups 30 (Shikarpur). No such ‘Lords’ of towns are known to have presided over the nagarams or market centres or towns with guild inscriptions in Tamil Nadu. There are, however, references to pattanasvami , who along with members of the Padinen Visaya, levied cesses on merchandise as in Piranmalai. 31 The nagarams of Tamil nadu were administered by the nagaram members with the help. The merchant bodies were subject to the common rules framed by the nadu , nagaram padinenbhumi and cittirameli organizations, acting jointly in the form of an institutionalized forum, exercising authority through levying ceses and tolls and controlling the distribution of goods.

Localized groups like Manigramam and Nagaram were powerful bodies, which diversified their activities by marketing special items, as for example by forming sub-nagarams like vaniya nagaram, Sankarappadi nagaram, saliya nagaram and sattum parisatta nagaram dealing in oil and cloth respectively at various centres like Valikandapuram, Sengalipuram, Tirukkoyilur and other places. 32 The Paraganagaram or sea-faring merchants were active in the region of Salem (Pulolur )

28 . E.g. 154 of 1903; SII, vol. VIII, no. 442. 29 . Champakalakshmi. See Chapter 4, Table VII. 30 . Indrapala, ‘Mercantile Communities’, 29-30; G.R. Kuppuswami, Economic Conditions in Karnataka (AD 973-1336), Dharwar, 1975, 101, 113; Epigraphia Carnatica , VII, no. 94. 31 . SII, VII, 442. 32 . Valikandapuram-309 of ARE, 1964-5 (Sankarappadi); tiruppangili-163 of ARE, 1938-9 (Vaniya Nagaram); Sengalipuram, 23 and 30 of 1917 (ARE, 1916-17); (Sattum Parisatta Nagaram); Tirukkoyilur-SII, VII, 901 (Salika Nagaram). 112

even as early as the early Cola period. 33 Kudirai Cettis from Malaimandalam or Kerala were horse dealers, who catered to the needs of the Cola kingdom from the ninth to the thirteenth centuries. 34

The Vaniya nagaram organized itself into a supra-local body called the Vaniya nagaram of several regions or Padinen Visaya 35 , somewhat like the Telikis of Andhra. Individual traders sometimes used the title of Cakravarti, indicating the emergence of merchant princes, as seen in the thirteenth and fourteenth century inscriptions of Muttam (in Perur, Coimbatore). Among the signatories to the Piranmalai guild inscription, mention is made of a Samaya Chakravarti .36 Political stability disappeared with the decline of Chola power in the late 12 th century AD. References to Viradalam and Suradalam in the guild inscriptions of this period 37 probably indicate the usurpation of authority by powerful merchants and local chiefs, taking advantage of the declining Cola power and the relatively weaker Pandya power of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, in order to protect themselves and their newly gained wealth and status from other rivals for power and position. At any rate, the fourteenth century would seem to mark the end of the powerful merchant organizations in Tamil Nadu, although a temporary revival was brought about under Vijayanagar in Karnataka and Andhra regions.

So much for the merchant guilds; and now to the craft guilds. In the Mitaksara, Vimanesuara defined a Sreni as a as a guild of persons earning their livelihood by the same kind of labour, whether belonging to the same caste or to different castes. In the early centuries the bond of union in the guild was adherence by the members to the same occupation though they might otherwise belong to different castes, but later the guilds became rather stereotyped, and birth in the same jati counted as the only unifying factor in the guild. Sulaiman, a careful observer, states that in all the kingdoms that he had seen the profession never went out of caste, Barbosa remarks that sons of washermen perforce followed their father’s trade. An inscription of the

33 . Pullur Inscriptions-325 and 372 of 1939-40. 34 . Champakalakshmi. See Chapter 6, 331. 35 . Valikandapuram Inscription-264 of ARE, 1943-4; Vengalam Inscription-141 of ARE, 1974-5. 36 . Piranmalai Inscription-SII, VII, 442. Also in Ikkarai-Boluvampatti Inscription-415 and 418 of 1958-9; Sivayam Inscription-48 of 1913, ARE, 1912-13. 37 . For Suradalam see Valikandapuram Inscription, 264 of ARE, 1943-4. For Viradalam see Valaramanikkam Inscirption-Inscirptions of the Dudukkottai State (IPS), 1022. 113

reign of an unidentified Kulottunga 38 tells us that the occupation of the Rathakaras went by heredity. Sometimes however the same craft was pursued by men of different castes, and such guilds included every member following the profession without strict reference to caste; in such cases there was also a caste guild distinct from the craft guild.

The Kottayam plates of Sthanu Ravi and of Viraraghava and the Cochin Plates of Bhaskara Ravi Varman 39 were probably the earliest records which drew the attention of scholars to the meaning of Anjuvannam. Some scholars thought it to be a Tamilised form of the arabic word Anjuman meaning an association, while others took it to refer to the Jews or the early Christian merchants who settled in the west coast. Discovery of epigraphs in the interior where there were no such Jewish or Christian settlements made it clear that an indigenous corporation was referred to by this term. It is now clear that the term Anjuvannam, means the ‘five artisan classes’; the same as Hanjama in a Basrur record 40 , Pancahanaravdru or Pancdlavdru in the Telugu, and Pancalattar in the Tamil Inscriptions. Two records 41 , one from Elavanasur, and the other from Tiruvanaikovil (Trichinopoly) clinch the point when they describe it as the Anjujdti Pancalattdr. A Krisnapatnam record 12 mentions a street by name Anjuvarnatteru, where the artisans of this corporation lived. These artisan classes should have had a corporate existence from very early times since even the earliest records that mention them indicate that they were taxed collectively and acted in their corporate capacity when they made grants often in association with one or other of the trading and mercantile corporations.

Apart from this combination of artisan classes, distinct groups of artisans are also mentioned in inscriptions such as carpenters, blacksmiths, weavers, oilmongers, kaikkolar, gardeners, stone cutters, braziers, rope makers, jewellers, shoe makers, drawers and tailors. Goldsmiths including coiners blacksmiths, carpenters and masons designated themselves Virapancalattar.

To capture the popular imagination these organised industrial communities invented mythological origins for themselves. 42 The Vlrapahcala, for example, traced

38 . A.R.E. 479 of 08. 39 . E.I. III. 40 . ARE, 406 of 28; also ARE 1928 paragraph 36. 41 . ARE, 493 of 38, and 46 of 38. 42 . See Appadorai, op.cit. for more examples. 114

their origin to Visvakarma . Legends soon grew round them, and to this day, these legends constitute an interesting field of study for the students of Social Anthropology.

We may next consider the producers - the cultivators of the soil. The Silappadikdram speaks of the old flourishing villages peopled by the Vellalar men, who by their tillage relieved the wants of beggars and contributed to the prosperity of kings. The Vellalas were an honoured community, and their leaders were honoured with such titles as kdvidi and enddi. Vellala nobles married their daughters to princes and enjoyed special privileges at court. The Sangam works refer to local Vallar chieftains those of Milalai and of Kodumbalur and the Ayvelirs . The commentary on Tolkappiam states that Agastya brought with him 18 sections of Vellalar , who long before the Christian era expelled the Kurum bar from the fertile regions of the South, and established themselves as nilattarasu or’ rulers of the soil' to distinguish them from the ndttarasw or’ rulers of the nadu’.

They were practically independent save for the general control of the king. Vellala, means ‘he who rules the vellam or floods’ one class of them constituted the Karelia Vellalar ’ the rulers of the har or clouds’. They cleared the jungles, brought the land thus cleared under the plough, built dams and anicuts, excavated tanks to collect the precious drops of rain, and channels by which the tanks could be fed by rivers. They had the faculty amounting almost to an instinct of tracing the existence of underground springs, and were thus able to dig wells with a perennial supply of water. There were frequent streams of migration of these communities until about the 8th or the 9th Century when .they settled into nadus all over the south. Tamil classics always associate the Vellalar with lordship over the artisan castes, whom they largely supported.

These Vellalanattars and others engaged in tillage constituted themselves into a corporation called Citrameli. (meli in Tamil means ‘ploughshare’). They worshipped the ploughshare which was also their standard. They enjoyed special privileges granted to them under royal charters called the citrameli sasanam. A Vehgur record 43 describes them as bhumiputtirar and ndttamakkal. A Vira Pandya 44 (unidentified) had this surname as he was a patron of this community. This

43 . ARE, 209 of 37. 44 . ARE, 75 of 03. 115

corporation of tillers bore the name of citrameliperiyandttar.

Members of other castes associated with the Citrameli corporation or were supported by them also bore their name or one or other of their surnames. We hear of a goldsmith 45 named Citrameli, of a dancing girl 46 named Citramelinangai, of a Brahmin of the Kasyapagotra 47 , Citrameli-Battan and of a district administrator 48 Citrameli-malaiarayan. Groups of villages under this organisation were called Citrameli-periyandjdu 49 for instance Tirumuruganpundi, Tittagudi and Tirupukkuli. Pahcarai Tiru-nallar was known as Citramelinallur 50 . Visnu temples at Nellore 51 , Valarpuram 52 , Vijayamahgalam 53 , Tiruvidaikali 54 , Sendamangalam 55 (in Pudukkottai), Tirukkoilur 56 and Ambil 57 were called Citramelivinnagaram; the idol of Siva at Kodungalur 58 (North Arcot) Citramelivitankar, and another at Tirupukkuli 59 Citrameli-nayandr. Brahmin villages under the protection of the Citrameli corporation were called Citrameli Caturvedimangalam .60 We have chosen these places at random, and the list is by no means exhaustive. The Citrameli organisation is indeed a grand attempt at organising production in the districts (Citrameliperiyanddu) and villages (Citramelinallur) under the preview of this corporation and consolidating holdings to facilitate cultivation and the pooling and selling of the produce, so as to ensure large scale production and good profits for the members.

Overshadowing all these guilds by its organisation, influence and authority was the corporation called the Nanddesiya Tisaiydyirattu Ainnurruvar. The most satisfactory rendering in English of the name of this guild is that of Prof. Nilakanta Sastri of Madras “The Five Hundred of the Thousand directions in all countries”. The

45 . ARE, 16 of 11. 46 . ARE, 215 of 30. 47 . ARE, 6, 8 and 31 of 23. 48 . cf. ARE, 211 of 30. 49 . cf. ARE, 21 of 03; 177 of 00; 209 of 37. 50 . ARE, 421 of 22. 51 . ARE, 197 of 94. 52 . ARE, 28 of 11. 53 . ARE, 547 of 05. 54 . ARE, 117 of 90. 55 . PSI, 171. 56 . ARE, 117 of 00. 57 . ARE, 122 of 00. 58 . ARE, 139 of 24. 59 . ARE, 182 of 16. 60 . cf. ARE, 100 of 33. 116

earliest known records relating to this guild are a Kannada inscription 61 in characters of the early 8th Century in the Ladhkhan temple at Aihole , and two Tamil inscriptions 62 at Munasandai , a village in the Pudukkottai State, one dated in the reign of Para-kesari Vijayalaya and the other in that of the Parakesari Parantaka (9th century A.D.). This league comprised indigenous (svadesi), foreign (paradesi) both (ubhaya) and itinerant (nanadesi) members. An inscription from Piranmalai 63 gives a detailed account of the Ainnurruvar. They claimed to be the children of the gods Vasudeva and Mulabadhra or Virabadhra, and worshipped the goddess Bhagavati called in the Tamil inscriptions Aimpolil Paramesvari or Aiyyapoli Nacciyar, also referred to as Kandali (the supreme one according to the Tolhdppiyam), Padmavati or Paramesvari.

They had many sub-divisions coming from the ‘1000 districts’ of the ‘4 quarters’ (Ndnddesatisaiydyirattu) the ‘18 districts’ (padinenbhumi) or (padinenvisayam), the ‘32 prosperous coastal cities’ (valarpurams) , the 18 pattinams’, the 64 trade assemblies (ghatikaitavalam), etc. They visited all the countries in India from Cera, Cola, and Pandya in the South to Nepala in the north, and by land and sea penetrated into the six continents (cf, the Tamil Inscriptions at Taku-apa in Siam, at Labae Toewa in Sumatra, at Pagan in Burma, and in Ceylon). They were praised in 50 virsasanas (pancasat virasasana) . They were extolled as the lords of Aihole (Ahichhattra-Bijapur district), from where they emigrated all over the Deccan (Ahiccatra vinirgatarum-Aiydvalepura paramesvararum). Their biruda speaks of them as ‘the 500’ renowned over the whole earth, possessing truthfulness, pure conduct, agreeable behaviour, policy, courtesy and intelligence, pure in the maintenance of the Vtrabalanja code (dharma), of which they were the protectors, shining with the banner of a hill, exalted for their valour, embraced by fame, their breasts the dwelling place of the goddess of victory, lofty in prowess, and the scions of the race of Vasudeva, Kandali and Mulabhadra . They were the merchants of the four dialects (Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Malayalam), who were wedded to the pursuit of Dharma, Artha, and Kama by the sale and purchase of articles, whose sole delight was the distribution of food to the needy, the orphans, “and suppliant beggars, who looked upon others’ wives as their mothers, etc.

61 . IA, VI, p. 138n. 62 . PSI, 61 and 67. 63 . ARE, 154 of 03. 117

The articles in which they traded, included salt, paddy and rice, beans, red gram, green gram, castor seed, arecanut, pepper, turmeric, ginger, onions, cumin, mustard, gingelly, iron, raw cotton, yarn, cloth, wax, honey, gunny bags, silk goods and yarn, yaktails, camphor oil, perfumes, cattle, horses, and elephants. Another record 64 adds to this list musk, saffron, beads, tiger skin, lead and tin. Obviously such a list indicates an advanced state of commercial progress and economic prosperity. ‘ The 500' maintained mercenary armies, the leaders of which resembled the condiotteri of the medieval Italian City States. They were designated munaivirar (mummudidanda), erivirar etc. A Kudumiyamalai inscription 65 refers to the Paliyili ainnurruvar ‘ the flawless 500 battalion’. The guild included Gavaras, Gatugas , Settis, Settiguttas, Ankakaras, Settiputras, Viravanigar, Nanadesis, Nadu, Nagara, Erivirar, Munaivirar, Ilanjingavirar, Kohgavalar, Kandalis, Gavun-das, Valangai castes, etc. They carried their goods on packbulls, asses or horses. They conferred special privileges upon some of the cities in which their members resided. Two instances may be cited here. They converted the village of 6iravalli 36 into a nanadestya dasamudi erivirapattinam, probably a fortified mart with a regiment. At a meeting of the members at Mylapore 37 they converted Ayyapulakatture into a Virapattinam .

South Indian guilds were very powerful guilds. When we comparing the south Indian guilds with North Indian guilds we noticed so many things which are different. The first thing is about the number of guilds existed in both the places, the guilds had different names. One more thing about guilds were mostly South Indian guilds were merchants guilds but in North India we have less number of merchant guilds and large number of crafts or artisan’s guilds. In South India during early medieval period we find evidence about brisk internal trade in some sorts goods. Spinning and weaving formed a major industry which occupied considerable numbers, and guilds of weavers were generally in a flourishing and took an active part in many local concerns. The North Indian guilds also had same organisation of weavers but we don’t have any evidence which proves that spinning and weaving became a big industry during early medieval times.

The export of the finer varieties of cloth from various parts of the country is proved by records during the entire period. Warangal specialized in the manufacture

64 . ARE of 15 and 16 of 17. 65 . PSI, 35 of III, 125. 118

of carpets but as compared to North India the guilds had no relationship with other countries and they had sold and manufacture their products only for the local grounds. This proved how these South Indian guilds were developed in those days and had foreign relations. Marco Polo, a foreign visitor and some other visitors also attracted by an industry in the Gulf of Mannar. We also have records of individual artists like architects, sculptors and painters. Some important names are Sri-Gundan Anivaritachari , the builder of Lokeshwara temple (now called Virupaksha) Sri Gundan is said to have been an expert in planning cities, constructing palaces, vehicles, thrones and bedsheets. The most famous names among them being Malitamma, Baicoja, Caudaya, Nanjaya and Bama but in North India we don’t have any name of these type of specialists, we have references about shilpasastra and also about the schools of learning for shilpashastra but never have seen records of names, so we can say that the south Indian guilds had strong background, regulations in comparison to North Indian guilds. North Indian guilds had lost their power and glory because of some reasons like the de-urbanisation, feudalism and foreign rulers.

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Conclusion

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, it can be safely summarized from this detailed study and evolution of one of the most critical period of early medieval history. The first phase of the early medieval period witnessed a comparative decline in economy. It is reflected in the decay and disappearance of commercial towns in most parts of Northern India, a paucity of coins, a decline in craft, guilds, and degradation in the status of artisans and traders. The present study therefore, throws light on a deteriorating grim scenario, about the economic condition of the historical period spanning from 7 th century to 1200 century A.D.

Urban decay led to the migration of a number of skilled craftsmen into the countryside. Some of them even changed their vacations which resulted in the dispersal of technical skill along with artisans and craftsmen into the country side and therefore, these skilled artisans and craftsmen adopted non-productive works like snake-charming, snake charming, flute playing and jugglery.

We notice a decline in the position of crafts guilds. The surplus wealth of rulers and their feudatories was not inverted in craft production or trade. This was an important reason for the decline of guilds in early medieval northern India. Their number in the post Gupta period increased considerably, half of them were non- productive. The craftsmen and artisans were considered untouchables. The guilds were in a process of being fossilized into low castes. With trading activities at a low ebb, traders were considered inferior.

From the present study, it is clearly evident that the ‘Guilds’ played an important role in the economy. The guilds, as an institution, had their social, political and economic importance in ancient India. In fact, the industrial and mercantile success achieved in ancient India was the result of the efficient functioning of the artisan’s guilds in that age. Although it does not abnegate the notion that independent workmen were also in existence, yet joint efforts and interests always yielded better results and more efficiency. Thus most of the trades and industries were organized in to guilds which functioned actively in ancient north India. Although the guilds were basically economic institutions, yet in order to consolidate their own existence and status, they extended their tentacles into social and political spheres as well as in

course of time. They came to perform multifarious functions in the interest of the society at large and carved out a place for themselves in political fabric of the country. It was only due to their capacity to perform diverse functions both for the people and for the central government.

The study of the Socio-economic formation of early medieval India engages the attention of the scholars of the day. It continues to baffle them. This study also highlight the social status of artisans. From the study of many epigraphic sources, we find so many inscriptions which shows that the members of artisanal guilds paid endowments to the temples, sometimes we also have references about the grants made by the guild chief to temples. So, the present work clear that the position of artisans was not very bad, they had enough money to run their livelihood with comfort.

Artisans mainly grouped into several guilds. These were potter’s guilds, weavers guilds, carpenter’s guilds, Sculptor’s guilds, etc. The artisans live together in their corporate organizations. Literary and epigraphic sources furnish us with different terms for these corporate organizations. These terms are, gana, puga, sreni, vrata, desi, nigama, sangha and sartha etc.

Though all these terms convey the idea of an organized life, yet the extent to which they represented the economic organizations is open for discussion. A close study of these various terms establishes firmly that only the term ‘Sreni’ stands in their connotation and denote either political or religious congregations. It is true that sometimes, these terms also denote economic groups, but such references are few. Therefore the term ‘ Sreni’ becomes the control point of this study. This term throughout bears the meaning of an association of the people following the same profession irrespective of carts.

Artisanal guilds can be broadly divided into two groups, namely trade guilds and industrial guilds and number is given as eighteen in the entire ancient Indian literature which appear to be conventional rather that actual on the basis of all sources available for the present study, we can see that the guilds for exceeded in number than the figure of eighteen. Different guilds existed in different periods, but some of them, such as that of carpenters, weavers or leather workers existed at all times perhaps because their crafts were very important as they supplied to the society with daily requisites.

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The guilds came into existence on account of the prevailing social and political conditions for the industrial and mercantile classes. Basically, oppression by the upper classes the instinct of insecurity, large scale, the instinct of insecurity, large scale production and promulgation of Jain and Buddhist ideologies were the main factors responsible for the guilds and a new professional class of different type of artisans. They struggled hard to establish their position in the society firmly and succeeded in their efforts. Their organization can be fixed somewhere between the later vedic and the Dharmasutras period. The progressive development of this professional class of artisans is fully testified by the literary and epigraphic sources of the succeeding centuries.

There were three main factors which strengthened the internal organization of guilds and prevented the individual units from disintegration. There were the hereditary nature of crafts, apprenticeship and localization. Craft was normally carried out on hereditary lines as it provided readymade back ground to the young entrants to earn livelihood. For setting up renounced schools of arts, different crafts were localized at different places streets, corners, and sometimes the whole village was inhabited by people following the same vocation. Organisations of craftsmen and merchants were free to move from one place to another according to their needs. Technical skill and efficiency, which was mainly responsible for the industrial advancement achieved in ancient India. A Guild was necessarily organized on the basis of a profession, but besides their traditional profession they came to perform several other functions. They took over tasks of public welfare and religious benefaction. They served the general public by providing road side trees, parks, wells, sheds for travelers and seats on roadside. They also had their own Militia (army) which was lent to the king in times of need. The chief of guild had good relationship with Kings. The King’s six-fold army always included ‘Srenibala’ and the king depended upon their strength in situation of emergency. There diverse functions performed by artisanal guilds clearly indicate that the guild had become, besides economic, and political institutions, social institution as well. Thus the guild played their own part in the political, economic and social life of ancient India.

As a political institution, the corporate organizations were autonomous bodies. They managed their own affairs. To a large extent, lessened the securing local justice from their own group. It also evoked political consciousness in the society. In the

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social sphere, it provided to a set up of people following the same profession a life of comfort and safety. The industrial and mercantile professions were reserved by the scriptures for vaisyas and sudras. But the membership of a guild provided there lower classes many privileges which were denied to them as Vaisyas and Sudras. They helped the society by providing them with temples, pavements, parks wells roadside trees and seats etc. so the guilds came to be considered as unavoidable social institution.

Although it is a controversial subject whether the guilds issued coins or not yet some of the specimens prove that the merchants guilds used to issue coins, seals and sealing made of terracotta. There have been recovered in abundance from many sites. Guilds also had their own flags and insigmia. But one important thing to be noticed that no specimen of any coin, seal and sealing issued by the guilds of craftsmen and artisans. It is clear that merchant guilds were more powerful in comparison of crafts guilds.

The present study also throw light on the South Indian guilds which were powerful corporative institutions in early medieval period. The South India guilds were flourished in early medieval period. We never found any decline in the position of South Indian guilds like the North Indian Guilds.

The fashion of frequent wars during early medieval periods were also responsible for destruction of the economic life of the people and the guilds were also suffered by these wars.

Their cultural contribution was also no less significant. They were exported the products through merchant organization provided the opportunity for intermixing of the traditions and techniques. Through training prefect crafts men also produced by these organizations. They also constructed temples and other monuments. Thus taking in to account the political, economic, social and cultural contributions of the guilds, it can be safely asserted that the guilds .were one of the most important institutions of ancient India, and different craftsmen were the members of these guilds, with their own specialized field of activity and sphere of action.

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Appendix

APPENDIX

A. List of Guild Existing in the Pre-Mauryan Period 1. Cultivators ( karsaka )1 2. Traders ( vanik )2 3. Herdsmen ( pasupala )3 4. Maney lenders ( kusidi )4 5. Artisans ( karavah )5 6. Wood workers ( vardhakin )6 7. Workers in metal including gold and silver ( dhatukara )7 8. Leather workers ( commakara )8 9. Experts of soil (bhumi pradesajna) 9 10. Painter ( Citrajna )10 11. Astrologers (daivajna)11 12. Ivory workers ( dantakara )12 13. Fumigators ( dhupaka )13 14. Musicians ( gandharva )14 15. Inscence markers ( gandhopajivin )15 16. Songsters ( gayaka )16 17. Fishermen ( kevatta )17 18. Manufacturer of woolen fabrics ( kambalakaraka )18

1 Gautama., XI, 21; Ram, II, 112, 12. 2 Gautama, XI, 21; Ram, II, 6, 12; Jat., Vol. I, No. 98, p. 219; Vol. II, NO. 158, p. 31. 3 Gautama, XI, 21. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid.; Ram, I, 13, 7. 6 Ram, I, 13, 7; II, 80, 2; Jat., Vol. I, No. 48, p. 256; Vol. II, No. 283, p. 404; Vol. III, No. 427, p. 484; Vol. IV, No. 466, p. 100; No. 475, p. 208. 7 Ram, II, 83, 12; Jat, Vol. III, No. 427; p. 484. 8 Ram., II, 80, 1. 9 Ram, II, 80, 1. 10 Ibid, VII, 94, 9. 11 Ram., II, 4, 18. 12 Ibid., II, 83, 13; Jat., Vol. I, No. 72, p. 320. 13 Ram., II, 83, 14. 14 Ibid., VII, 94, 6. 15 Ibid, II, 83, 13; Jat., Vol. IV, No. 454, p. 80. 16 Ram., II, 62, 2. 17 Ibid., II, 83, 15; Jat., Vol. I, No. 41, p. 235; No. 139, p. 483.

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19. Miners ( khanaka )19 20. Potters ( kumbhakara )20 21. Hunters ( nesada )21 22. Road keepers ( marga darsaka )22 23. Road layers (marga sodhaka) 23 24. Boatman (navika) 24 25. Dyers ( rajaka )25 26. Burnishers ( rocaka )26 27. Arm bearers ( sastropajivin )27 28. Brewer (saundika) 28 29. Butchers ( saunika )29 30. Artists ( silpakara )30 31. Barbers ( smasru-vardhaka )31 32. Bath attendants ( snapaka )32 33. Architects ( sthapati )33 34. Cooks ( supakara )34 35. White washers ( sudhakara )35 36. Charioteer ( suta )36 37. Tailors ( sutra-karma-visarada )37

18 Ram., II, 83, 14. 19 Ibid., I, 13, 7; II, 80, I. 20 Ibid., II, 83, 12; Jat 21 Ram., II, 12, 77; Jat., Vol. I, No. 144, p. 494;; Vol. IV, No 501, p. 415. 22 Ram. II, 82, 20. 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid., II, 52, 80. 25 Ibid., II, 83, 15. 26 Ibid., II, 83, 13. 27 Ibid., II, 83, 12. 28 Ibid., II, 83, 14. 29 Ram., II, 48, 28. 30 Ibid., I, 13, 7; Jat., Vol. VI, No. 541, p. 102. 31 Ram., VI, 128, 3. 32 Ibid ., II, 83, 14; II, 65, 8. 33 Ibid., II, 80, 2. 34 Ibid., II, 12, 96; III, 56, 25. 35 Ibid, II, 80, 3. 36 Ibid, I, 18, 20; II, 65, 2; II, 4, 3. 37 Ibid., II, 80, 1; II, 83, 12.

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38. Shampooer ( usnodaka )38 39. Physician ( vaidya )39 40. Foresters 40 41. Smiths ( kammara )41 42. Horse-dealers (assavanija) 42 43. Robbers (cora) 43 44. Oceanic merchants ( samudda vanija )44 45. Caravan traders ( satthavaha )45 46. Garland makers ( malakara )46 47. Corn dealers (dhanna vanija) 47 48. Green grocers ( pannika )48 B. List of Guilds Existing in the Mauryan Period 1. Weavers guild ( tantuvaya )49 2. Organization of metal manufacturers, including gold, silver, smiths, brziers. 50 3. Washerman’s guild ( rajakah )51 4. Carpenter’s guild (vardhaki) 52 5. Musicians, dancers, actors (kusilava) 53 6. Tailors ( sivaga )54 7. Scavangers 55

38 Ibid., II, 83, 14. 39 Ibid., II, 83, 14; Jat., Vol. IV, No. 495, p. 365. 40 Ram., II, 80, 2; Jat., Vol. II, No. 265, p. 336. 41 Jat., Vol. III, No. 387, p. 282; Vol. V, No. 531, p. 278; Vol. VI, No. 546, p. 330. 42 Ibid, Vol. II, No. 158, p. 30; No. 254, p. 287. 43 Ibid., Vol. 48, p. 30; No. 254, No. 59, p. 283; No. 63, p. 296. 44 Ibid., Vol. I, No. 4, p. 123; Vol. II, No. 95, p. 125; Vol. III, No. 339, p. 127; No. 360, p. 188; Vol. V, No. 518, p. 77. 45 Ibid., Vol. I, No.1, p. 98; No.2, p. 102; No. 29, p. 195. 46 Jat., Vol. IV, No. 415, p. 410. 47 Ibid., Vol. III, No. 365, p. 198. 48 Ibid., Vol. I, No. 70, p. 312. 49 Artha., IV, I. 50 Ibid. 51 Ibid. 52 Ibid., II, 36. 53 Ibid., IV. 1. 54 Ibid.

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8. Potters ( kumbhakara )56 9. Artisans ( karuka )57 10. Merchants ( samvyavaharikesu )58 11. Stone workers ( pasanakottasa )59 12. Perfumers ( gadhikanam )60 13. Boatmen ( ndvikasa )61 14. Charioteers ( rathikas )62

C. List of Guilds Existing in the Sunga-Saka0Satavahana Period 1. Smiths ( kammara )63 2. Merchants (Vanik) 64 3. Caravan merchants ( sartthavaha )65 4. Garland markers (malakara) 66 5. Goldsmiths (suvarnakara) 67 6. Bankers ( hairanyika )68 7. Cloak-sellers ( pravarika )69 8. Workers in Shell articles ( sankhika )70 9. Jwellers ( manikara )71

55 Ibid. 56 Thanpar, Romilla, Asoka and the Decline of Mauryas, p. 77, Although, potters’ guild has not been mentioned by Kautilya, but in view of the pots and potsherds of this period she concludes that potters guild must have been in existence in this period. 57 Arth. IV. 1. 58 Ibid., IV, 2; Bajpai, K.D., ‘Authority of MintingCoins in Ancient India’, J.N.S.I ., vol. XXV, pp. 18-21; A.S.I.A.R. , 1911-12, p. 57. 59 S.I.A.R., 1911-12., p. 103. 60 Bajpai, K.D., op. cit., p. 18. 61 Nagar., M.M., ‘Some Inscribed Seals form Kosam’ J.U.P.H.S., Vol. XIII, p. 84. 62 Ibid. 63 Maha., Vol. II, p. 80 64 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 103; Vol. III, p. 286; Milindapanha, I,2, p. 1-2; Ep. Ind., Vol. I, No. 24, p. 55. 65 Maha., Vol. I, p. 132; Vol. III, p. 354; Ep. Ind., Vol. I, No. 29. P. 395; Saundarananda, XVIII, 50. 66 Maha ., Vol. III, p. 6. 67 Ibid.., Vol. III, pp. 13, 442. 68 Ibid; Ep. Ind., Vol. II, No. 22, p. 205. 69 Maha., Vol. III, pp. 113, 442. 70 Ibid, p. 113. 71 Ibid. pp. 113, 442.

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10. Stone workers ( prastarkas )72 11. Perfumers ( gandhikas )73 12. Kosavikas ( ?)74 13. Oil dealers ( tailikas )75 14. Hawkers of jar of ghee (ghrtakundika )76 15. Sugar factors ( gaulika )77 16. Vendors of water ( varika )78 17. Factors of cotton, curds, cakes ( pupika )79 18. Khandakaraka (?) 80 19. Kandukas (?) 81 20. Hawkers of fruits ( phalavanija )82 21. Agricaniyas (?) 83 22. Aviddhakas (?) 84 23. Makers of confectionary from sugar and dried treacle ( gudapacaka )85 24. Vendor of dried ginger ( sunthika )86 25. Distillers ( sidhukaraka )87 26. Blacksmiths ( tamrakutta )88 27. Copper smith ( tamrakutta )89 28. Makers of wooden bowls ( taddukaraka )90 29. Pradhvopakasa (?) 91

72 Ibid.; Ep. Ind, Vol. XXIV, No. 35, p. 254. 73 Maha., Vol. III, pp. 113. 442; Ep. Ind. Vol. I, No. 7, p. 385; Vol. II, No. 14, p. 199. 74 Maha., Vol. III, pp. 113, 442. 75 Ibid.; Ep.Ind., Vol. VIII, No. 15, p. 88; Lud, No. 1137; A.S.W.I., Vol. IV, No. 12, p. 102. 76 Maha., Vol. III, pp. 113, 442. 77 Ibid. 78 Ibid. 79 Ibid. 80 Ibid. 81 Ibid. 82 Ibid. 83 Ibid. 84 Ibid. 85 Ibid. 86 Ibid. 87 Ibid. 88 Ibid., Rajguru, S.N., Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 57. 89 Maha., Vol. III, pp. 113, 442. 90 Ibid.

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30. Rosinas (?) 92 31. Tin smiths ( trapukaraka )93 32. Makers of lead sheets ( sisa picchatakara )94 33. Potters (kumbhakara) 95 34. Tanners (carmakara) 96 35. Ivory makers ( dantakara )97 36. Cotton dealers ( karpasika )98 37. Dealers in coagulated or sour milk or curd ( dadhyika )99 38. Sweet-meat makers ( modakakaraka )100 39. Grinder of wheat flour ( samitakaraka )101 40. Makers of barley flour ( saktukaraka )102 41. Dealers in plant roots ( mulevanija )103 42. Powder makers ( curnakutta )104 43. Dealers in perfumed oil ( gandhatailika )105 44. Dealers in boiled rice ( attavanija )106 45. Cooks of sugar candies ( kandapacaka )107 46. Makers of rum or distilled spirit (s idhukaraka )108 47. Honey gatherers ( madhukaraka )109 48. Sugar merchants ( sarkarvanija )110

91 Ibid. 92 Ibid. 93 Ibid. 94 Maha., Vol. III, pp. 113. 442. 95 Ibid.,Ep.Ind., Vol. VIII, No. 15, p. 88; Lud. No. 1137. 96 Maha., Vol. VIII, pp. 113. 442. 97 Ibid.; Ep. Ind. Vol. II, No. 7, p. 92. 98 Maha ., Vol. III, pp. 113, 442. 99 Ibid. 100 Ibid. 101 Ibid., Ep. Ind. Vol. XXI, No,. 10, p. 59. 102 Ibid. 103 Ibid. 104 Ibid. 105 Ibid. 106 Ibid. 107 Ibid. 108 Ibid. 109 Ibid. 110 Maha., Vol. III, pp. 113, 442.

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49. Yantrakaraka (?) 111 50. Pruimkdraka (?) 112 51. Kandukara (?) 113 52. Weavers of woolen threads ( urnavayaka )114 53. Makers of mail armours ( varuthatantrakdraka )115 54. Dyers ( rakta-rajaka )116 55. Makers of robes for deities ( devta:tantra-vaya )117 56. Washers of garments ( caildhovaka )118 57. Washermen ( rajaka )119 58. Tailors ( suchika )120 59. Clothe weavers ( tantuavdya )121 60. Cotton spinners ( tulavaya )122 61. Painters ( citrakaraka )123 62. Carpenters ( vardhuki-rupakarka )124 63. Resin makers ( Kalapattrika )125 64. Basket makers ( pelalake )126 65. Modellers of clay ( pustakaraka )127 66. Plasterers ( pustakarmakaraka )128 67. Barbers ( napita )129 68. Hair dressers ( kalpika )130

111 Ibid; Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, No. 15, p. 88; Lud. No. 1137. 112 Maha., Vol. III, pp. 113, 442 113 Ibid. 114 Ibid. 115 Ibid. 116 Ibid. 117 Ibid. 118 Ibid. 119 Ibid. 120 Ibid. 121 Ibid.; Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, No. 15, p. 82; Lud No. 1133. 122 Maha., Vol. III, pp. 113, 442. 123 Ibid. 124 Ibid.; Ep. Ind ., Vol. X, No. 2,3 p. 110. 125 Maha ., Vol. III, pp. 113, 442. 126 Ibid. 127 Ibid. 128 Ibid. 129 Ibid.; J.U.P.H.S. , 1937, No. 3, p. 3.

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69. Wood cutters ( chedake )131 70. Brick layers (lepaka )132 71. Architects ( sthapati )133 72. Store keepers of agricultural products ( uptakostharaka )134 73. Well-diggers ( kupakhaneka )135 74. Earth carrying labourers ( mrttikavahaka )136 75. Wood carrying labourers ( kasthavahake )137 76. Dealers in straw ( trnavanija )138 77. Bark merchants ( valkalavanija )139 78. Dealers in grass and herbs ( stombavanija )140 79. Bamboo merchants ( vamsavanija )141 80. Sailors ( navika )142 81. Boatsmen ( olumpika )143 82. Washers of gold-dust ( suvarna dhovaka )144 83. Tricksters ( maustika )145 84. Navakarmikas 146 85. Makers of arrow heads (sulbhalayikanam )147 86. Cattle reares (gosahitakasa) 148 87. Corn dealers ( dhamnika seniya )149

130 Maha ., Vol. III, pp. 113, 442. 131 Maha ., Vol. VIII, pp. 113, 442. 132 Ibid. 133 Ibid. 134 Ibid. 135 Ibid. 136 Ibid. 137 Ibid. 138 Ibid. 139 Ibid. 140 Ibid. 141 Ibid.; A.S.W.; IV, No. 27, p.97; Lud. No. 1165. 142 Maha ., Vol. III, pp. 113, 442; Milindapanha , IV, 4, 33-34. 143 Maha ., Vol. III, pp. 113, 442. 144 Ibid 145 Ibid. 146 Cunningham, A., The Bhilsa topes , No. 8, p. 201; I.A., Vol. XXI, No. 76, p. 233; C.I.I. , Vol. II, pt. I, No. 86, p. 145; No. 92, p. 157. 147 Thaolyal, K.K., Studies in Ancient Indian Seals , p. 242. 148 Agrawal, V.S., ‘Clay Sealings from Rajghat’, J.N.S.I. , Vol. XXIII, p. 410; Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy , 1957-58, p. 88.

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88. Braziers ( kasakara )150 E. List of Guilds Existing in the Golden Age of the Guptas 1. Craftsmen ( silpisamgha )151 2. Jwellers (manikara) 152 3. Silk weavers ( pattavaya sreni )153 4. Oilmen ( tailika sreni )154 5. Bankers ( sresthi nigama )155 6. Painters ( cittakara )156 7. Merchants ( vanik )157 8. Washermen ( rajaka )158 9. Elephant riders ( mahamatragana )159 10. Goldsmiths ( suvarnakara )160 11. Betel sellers ( tambolikarma )161 12. Artisans ( karuka )162 13. Musicians ( Kusilava )163 14. Brahmanas ( dvija )164 15. Braziers ( kassakara )165 16. Foresters ( aranyaka )166 17. Cultivators ( kinasa )167

149 A.S.W.I., Vol. IV, No. 10, p. 94. 150 Ibid., No. 27, p. 97; Lud . No. 1165. 151 Raghuvamsa , XVI, 38. 152 Mudraraksasa, I, p. 65. 153 C.I.I. , Vol. III, No. 18, pp. 79ft. 154 Ibid ., No. 16, pp. 68ff. 155 Spooner, D.B., ‘Excavations at Basaph’, A.S.I.A.R. , 1913-14, pp. 124-125; Deva and Mishra, Vaisali Excavations , 1950, p. 50. 156 Avasyakacurni, pp. 87-91 – Jain, J.C., Do hazaravarsa Purani Kahaniyan , p. 130; Meyer, J.J., Hindu Tales , p. 174. 157 Dasakumaracarita , pp. 358-371; Narada ., I, 155, 274; Brh ., I, 25; Kat ., v. 637; Meyer, J.J. op.cit ., p. 111. 158 Avasyakacurni , 2, pp. 180-3, Jain, J.C., op.cit., p. 138. 159 C.I.I. , vol. IV, No. 120, p. 612. 160 Brh ., XVI, 6; Narada ., I, 274; Harsacarita , IV, p. 157. 161 Altekar, A.S. and Misra, V.K., Report on Kumrahara Excavations , 1951-55, p. 104. 162 Narada., I, 155; Brh ., I, 26; Kat , v. 637. 163 Brh ., I, 26. 164 Kat., v. 680. 165 Narada ., I, 274. 166 Brh ., I, 25.

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18. Artists ( malla )168 19. Money-lenders ( kusidi )169 20. Robbers ( taskara )170 21. Horse dealers ( asvaroha )171 22. Arm-bearers ( ayudhajivin )172 23. Leather workers ( carmakara )173 24. Carpenters ( vardhakin )174 25. Moderllers of clay figures 175 26. Carvan traders ( sartthavaha )176

E. List of Guilds Existing in the Early Medieval Period 1. Potters ( kumbhakara )177 2. Silk weavers ( pattaila )178 3. Goldsmith ( suvarnakara )179 4. Cooks (suvakara) 180 5. Musicis ( gandharva )181 6. Barkers ( kasavagga or napita )182 7. Garland makers ( malakara )183 8. Rope makers ( kacchakara )184

167 Ibid ., I, 26. 168 Ibid.; Harsacarita , IV, p. 157. 169 Brh ., I, 26. 170 Ibid ., Kat ., v. 637. 171 Kat ., 350. 172 Ibid. 173 Harsacarita, IV, p. 157. 174 Ibid. 175 Ibid. 176 Nayadahammakaha, 2- Jain, J.C., op.cit ., p. 31; Brh ., I, 26; Brhatasamhita , LXXXVII, p. 14. 177 Jambu ., 43, p. 193 ff; Kanhadadeprabandha , I, 238; Ep. Ind ., Vol. XXIV, No. 4, p.331. 178 Jambu ., 43, p. 193 ff. 179 Ibid.; Kanhadadeprabandha , I, 238; Kathakosaprakarana , intro. P. 116; I.A. , Vol. LXIII, p. 160. 180 Jambu , 43, p. 193 ff. 181 Jambu ., 43, p. 193 ff; Sukra , IV, 5, 35; Dh. K., Vol. I, pt. I, p. 105. 182 Ibid.; Kanhadadeprabandha , I, 238; Mayamata, 9, 89; Saraswativilasa , p. 17. 183 Kanhadadeprabandha, I, 238; Ep. Ind. , Vol. I, No. 20, p. 159 ff; Vol. XXIV, No. IV, p. 331; Vol. XXXII, No. 25, p. 208 ff.

133

9. Leathers workers ( cammayara )185 10. Pressers of grain ( jantapilagar )186 11. Cane splitter ( ganchia )187 12. Braziers ( kamsakara )188 13. Tailors ( sivaga )189 14. Cloth printers ( chimpaya )190 15. Guaras (?) 191 16. Bhillas 192 17. Fishermen ( dhivaras )193 18. Fowlers 194 19. Jugglers 195 20. Basket makers 196 21. Sailors ( navika )197 22. Hunters ( vagulika )198 23. Weavers ( kuvinda )199 24. Carpenters ( vardhaki )200 25. Workers in metal 201 26. Ivory workers ( dantakara )202

184 Jambu., 43, p. 193 ff. 185 Ibid.; Alberuni ., I, 101; Kanhadadeprabandha , I, 238; Dh. K ., Vol. I, pt. I, pp. 40, 105; Viram ., p. 38. 186 Jambu., 43, p. 193 ff. 187 Ibid. 188 Ibid.; Kanhadadeprabandha , I, 238. 189 Jambu ., 43, p. 193 ff. 190 Ibid. 191 Ibid. 192 Ibid .; Dh. K., Vol. I, pt. I, p. 105. 193 Jambu ., 43, p. 193ff; Alberuni ., I, 101; Kanhadadeprabandha , I, 238; Dh. K , vol. I, pt. I, p. 105; Mayamata , 9, 90. 194 Alberuni , I, 101. 195 Ibid. 196 Ibid .; Kanhadadeprabandha , I, 238; Dh. K . Vol. I, pt. I, p. 105. 197 Alberuni ., I, 101; tilaka Manjari , p. 106. 198 Alberuni , I, 101. 199 Ibid .; Dh. K. , Vol. I, pt. I, p. 40; Virm ., p. 38; Madanaratnapradipa , p. 235; Vyavaharamayukha , p. 5. 200 Kanhadadeprabandha , I, 238. 201 Ibid. 202 Ibid.

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27. Caravan traders ( sarttha )203 28. Oil millers ( tailike )204 29. Rush workers 205 30. Money lenders ( kusidi )206 31. Flower lenders ( malakara )207 32. Washermen ( rajaka )208 33. Blacksmiths ( lohakara )209 34. Horse dealers ( tambulika )210 35. Betal sellers ( tambulika )211 36. Grocers ( Karuka )212 37. Merchants ( vanik )213 38. Culticators ( karsaka )214 39. Artisans ( silpi )215 40. Thieves ( taskara )216 41. Elephant riders ( hastyaroha )217 42. Distillers of spirituous liquor ( kallapala )218 43. Chariot makers ( rathakara )219

203 Ibid .; Ep. Ind ., Vol. XIV, No. 13, p. 176 ff. 204 Kanhadadeprabandha , I, 238; Mayamata , 9, 91; Vyavaharamayukha , p. 5; J.A.S.B. , 1914, p. 241; Ep. Ind., Vol. I, No. 20, p. 159 ff; No. 21, p. 175; No. 16, pp. 117-118; Vol. XXIII, No. 23, pp. 133-134; I.A., LXIII, p. 160. 205 Kanhadadeprabandha , I, 238. 206 Ibid .; Sukra ., IV, 5, 35; Manu ., Vol. II, p. 89; Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 39; Viram ., p. 12; Saraswativilasa , p. 67; Dh. K ., Vol. I, pt. I, p. 105. 207 Kathakosaprakarana , intro. Pp. 116 ff. 208 Dh. K. , Vol. I, p.t. I, p. 40; Viram ., p. 38; Madanaratnapradipa , p. 235; Ep. Ind ., Vol. I, No. 23, p. 187; Vol. II, No. 8, p. 116. 209 Dh. K ., vol. I, pt. I, p. 40; pt. II, p. 584; Viram ., p. 38; Saraswativilasa , p. 17; Ep. Ind. , vol. I, No. 21, p. 175. 210 Dh. K ., vol. I, pt. I, p. 40; pt. II, p. 584; Sukra ., IV, 5, 35; Saraswativilasa , p. 17. 211 Dh.K., Vol. I, pt. I, p. 76; Manu, Vol. I, p 50; Sm. C., p. 65; Krtyakalpataru, Vol. XII, p. 421; Nahar P.C., Jain Lekha Samgrah, Vol. p. 261; Ep.Ind., Vol. XXXIII, No. 35, pp. 181- 184; Vol. XXXIV, No. 15, p. 118; C.I.I., Vol., IV, No. 31, p. 147. 212 Dh. K., Vol. I, pt. I, p. 76; Sukra ., IV, 5, 35; Viram ., p. 12; Madanaratnapradipa , p.14. 213 Sukra ., IV, 5, 35; Sm. C ., vol. III, pt. I, p. 65; Krtyakalapataru , vol. XII, p. 421; Ep. Ind ., vol. XXIV, No. 4, p. 331. 214 Sukra ., IV, 5, 35. 215 Krtyakalapataru , vol. XII, p. 421; Madanaratnapradipa , p. 235; Sm. C. , vol. III, pt. II, p. 523. 216 Ep. Ind ., vol. I, No. 21, p. 163. 217 Ibid ., vol. XI, No. 13, p. 467. 218 Ibid ., Vol. I, No. 21, p. 166.

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44. Stone cutters ( pasanakotta )220 45. Masons ( karavah )221

219 Ibid ., Vol. I, No. 16, p. 111. 220 221

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