Muslim Women of Calicut:

How do Muslim women navigate space in Calicut?

An analysis of the Development Model and how we can do

Better

F. Ayesha Azad

Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Honours B.A

International Development Studies (Co-op) Specialist

Presented to

Professor Sharlene Mollett and Professor Bettina Von Lieres

University of Toronto Scarborough

April 2020

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………………3

List of Acronyms and Terms……………………………………………………………….4

Chapter One: Introduction ………………………………………………………………5

1.1 Why focus on Muslim women in Kerala?…………………………………………….. 5

1.2 Purpose of research ……………………………………………………….……………6

Chapter Two: Literature review ……………………………………………………….. 9

2.1 The Kerala Development Model and Women …………………………………………9

2.2 Muslim women in Kerala ……………………………………………………………..12

2.3 The gaps needed to be filled ………………………………………………………….15

Chapter Three: Conceptual Framework ………………………………………………17

3.1 Why address this issue with Post-Colonial Feminism lens?………………………….17

3.2 My Positionality ……………………………………………………………………...19

Chapter Four: Methodology …………………………………………………………... 20

4.1 Methodology ………………………………………………………………………… 20

4.2 Ethical Challenges and positionality …………………………………………………23

Chapter Five: Context …………………………………………………………………. 27

5.1 Outside the home: the right to wear and right to pray ………………………………. 27

5.2 Within the intimacies of home: Domestic life, family law and marriage ……………30

Chapter Six: Findings ………………………………………………………………..... 33

6.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………………. 33

1 6.2 The stories of some Muslim women in Calicut……………………………………….33

Chapter Seven: Discussion and Conclusion…………………………………………….41

References: ………………………………………………………………………………. 44

Appendix: …………………………………………………………...... 47

I.I: List of interview questions…………………………………………………………….47

I.II: Copy of the consent form…………………………………………...……………….. 49

I.III: Copy of the oral consent ………………………………………………...…………..52

2 Acknowledgements

Thank you so much Dr. Sharlene Mollett for your guidance during this two-year thesis and research process, as well as your guidance throughout my undergraduate studies. It has been a pleasure working with you. Thank you for always pushing me forward, bringing me clarity and teaching me to value my skills and experience.

Dr. Bettina Von Lieres, thank you so much for your continuous guidance and support on behalf my cohort. It was been an absolute pleasure having classes with you and working on this thesis writing process with you.

A special and sincere thank you to all my students and colleagues at the Center for Research,

Education and Social Transformation (CREST) who were extremely supportive during this process and adjustment time in Kerala. Thank you to the friends I made who extended their homes to me and taught me skills, lessons and giving me the memories, I deem beyond valuable.

To my IDS friends and cohort, thank you for making this process beyond lovely, and congratulations to the class of 2020 for completing their thesis and coop against many odds.

A special thank you to all my friends and peers within this program and outside of it for the continuous support and push while in and Canada. A special thank you to my close friend, peer and roommate in India, Ghazal Farkhari, thank you for always supporting both academically and personally.

A thank you to my parents as well, for encouraging me and supporting me throughout this process and always reminding me of my goals and passion.

3

List of Acronyms and Terms

CREST: Center for Research, Education and Social Transformation (CREST)

KS: Kudumbashree, a Kerala state-led self-help initiative for women

Sunni Sect: a sect of which is the predominant sect in Calicut

Malabar : A term often used to describe Muslims from northern Kerala

Mujahid Movement: A religious movement which started in the 1940 and claims to breakdown un-Islamic teachings

Mapillas: group of Muslims practicing matrilineage

Burkha: an outfit worn by Muslim women for modesty, has a veil to cover their face

MES: Muslim Education Society

Qazi: is the magistrate or judge of a Shariʿa court

4 Chapter One: Introduction

1.1 Why focus on Muslim women in Kerala?

As a part of my International Development Studies program at the University of

Toronto Scarborough, I had the amazing opportunity to be an Intern at the Center for

Research Education and Social Transformation (CREST) at , Kerala. When I first arrived in Kerala, I was told that unlike other states, Kerala had a large Muslim population and the state believes in peaceful cooperation. While this statement was true and evident during my time in Kerala, I could not help but notice that Muslim women were not visible in professional-public spaces. The social transformation in which I was working only had 1

Muslim girl amongst 33 girls. This pattern continued in my second batch of students, where there was 1 girl amongst 30 female students. The goal of this program was to provide social mobility training for youth across Kerala who have faced marginalization due to their social status and this was often the case for lower youth, yet the program was also open for

Muslims even though they do not fall under scheduled and tribes. This pattern led me to wonder whether there was a systematic exclusion of Muslim women from public spaces, or whether the Muslim women were uninterested in joining such programs. If the answer was one of these questions, I wanted to better understand the underlying reasons for such occurrences at the community level and outside of CREST.

5 1.2 Purpose of the research

Research Objective Associated Questions

1. Understand why Muslim women I. To what extent does religion play

were not participating actively in into this decision?

public and professional spaces II. Do women face familial pressure to

not participate in public and

professional spaces?

III. What are the potential cultural

barriers (if any) which lead to under-

participation?

2. Understand the role the Kerala state I. Are there state programs which

government has played in this encourage the participation of

situation Muslim women?

II. Are Muslim women included in state

programs which look towards

female empowerment?

III. Can Kerala be called a

“development model” if it does not

continue to mobilize all parts of its

population in an equitable manner?

6 The scope of this research is to focus on the Muslim women of Kozhikode, also known as the Malabar Muslims. Muslims represent a large minority group in Kerala. Even though they represent a large population group, the women do not engage within the paces of their home as well as the community in similar manners to women of other groups, and this thesis attempts to comprehend the nuances they exhibit by exploring it through a post- colonial feminism lens. The aim of this paper is to debunk misconceptions regarding patriarchal structures and cultural reasonings which are used to understand the grievances of the women of global south, and to present other factors at play which showcase the complexities of such issues and the need to stray away from generic explanations to comprehend deep-rooted issues as such. The manner in which women navigate domestic spaces and outside their homes will be central to this arguments as it will employ post- colonial feminism and the human rights perspectives to feature the dangers of previously mentioned assumptions. This will be done within the larger framework of the Kerala development model and as a critique as this development model has failed to represent all of its beneficiaries in recent times. This thesis will attempt to show that the under-participation of Muslim women is due to a mix of cultural reasons as well as a sense of ignorance by the state of Kerala which has not taken the needs of Muslim women in account of its

Development Model. Continuing to ignore a large number of its own population from having equal rights as other members of the community questions the prevalence of this model and raises the need for the state to both re-work its development model and better suit it to the needs of its current population.

In order to understand this issue, secondary sources as well as first-hand accounts of the women’s experiences will be highlighted through interviews. A discussion of the trends found within the primary data will be discussed in the chapters that follow. After analysing

7 the interviews, the thesis will continue to answer the research question of whether the Kerala

Development Model is still relevant if it continues to not cater to a key group of its population while highlighting current trends and the voices of the Muslim women involved.

8

Chapter Two:

A Literature Review

The Kerala development model has made many strides in regard to raising literacy rates, combating caste-based marginalization and raising education for women. However, the aim of this paper is to understand whether this model has truly achieved its goal in terms of female empowerment, especially for Muslim women and further understand the gaps in this model. This literature review will analyze difference sections pertaining to both the Kerala development model as well as the well-being of women and Muslim women. This review aims to discover the information missing from the narrative.

2.1 The Kerala model and women:

Kudumbashree: Women and Politics in Kerala

Kudumbashree (KS) is a Self-Help Group (SHG) in Kerala which aims to empower women and eradicate poverty by employing them in jobs and doing programs such as micro credit. Kudumbashree is found throughout the state and often aims to help marginalized women, especially with political mobility. Overall it has been successful in removing this idea that women should be doing unpaid domestic labour (Devika and Thampi, 2007).

The Kerala state government has a 50% female quota in local government positions as a method to empower women to join. Before this, the lower caste/marginalized women were first to fall towards more domestic affairs while the men worked, and were often engaged in unpaid labour (Devika, 2016). KS is often attributed to working within the gender norms, as it did not violate gender norms but encouraged income generation for women which

9 maintained the overall structure of gender roles. In the beginning, KS wasn’t about feminism; it was about including women into the political sphere, and there was the risk that they would be trapped at lower levels and the political parties weren’t focused on gender empowerment initially which was something which had to change in order to bring forth female empowerment (Devika, 2016). Things changed in 2006-2008, as middle-income women started moving towards feminism but even then, the local panchayat (Village council) still controlled the women and denied political citizenship (Devika, 2016). This is something that is still being addressed and fought for as it varies from area to area. The perception of these women is also important to note as the community leaders often described women from KS as being too arrogant (Devika, 2016). This indicates a return to the mindset that women must adhere to more feminine roles and be obedient rather than arrogant even though state-led initiatives seem to be pushing for proactive roles for women in the community.

Is the Kerala model working?

Expectations of domesticity and adherence to tradition is a large factor in the unhappiness of women in Kerala, as most find this expectation hard to uphold. Kerala shows astonishing numbers, by 2001, Kerala had the highest female literacy rate with 88% and 90% of young girls attending school (Chacko, 2003). While boasting high literacy rates, low infant mortality rates and higher education rates, Kerala also has one of the lowest employment rates in the country for women as well as one of the highest female suicide rates amongst women. Mitra and Singh attribute this to what they call the “Kerala Paradox.” They describe the Kerala Paradox as having high development indicators such as literacy rates, while also having high cultural expectations. In this case the social responsibility to uphold the family reputation is still seen as the woman’s responsibility, with the added expectation to also do well in the education system (Mitra and Singh, 2007). Low examination scores/failing, loss

10 of family reputations, love affairs and illegitimate pregnancies as the main causes of suicide amongst women in Kerala. The paradox is evident here as social norms advocate for women being independent while also upholding traditionally patriarchal values which causes high expectations for the women (Mitra and Singh, 2007). When the women are unable to uphold one side of these values, the also face heavy consequences. Some of the women also find it difficult to obey their husbands and families due to their high education and credentials, however they are also subjected to domestic abuse in their households as Kerala also ranks behind other states in terms of women’s autonomy (Mitra and Singh, 2007). While most districts in Kerala do have higher mean age for marriage, , which is a Muslim majority district has the lowest mean age for female marriage as well as the lowest years in higher education. This displays a clearer discrepancy amongst the districts of the state, especially when it comes to the influence religion has over such indicators. However, when the religion is a large influencing factor, most data including this article, does focus on caste based differences rather than religion based differences (Mitra and Singh, 2007).

In the articles which discuss the impact the Kerala model has had on women’s empowerment, Muslim women are briefly mentioned as the “other” group. The indicators such as literacy and employment rates are applicable to majority, but the Muslims are discussed within the Kerala development model as well. Yet the articles tend to lack an in-depth analysis on structural reasons for the discrepancy and a larger focus is placed on rural and lower caste women as they are a large focus for the government initiatives such as

Kudumbashree. The strides the state has taken in regards to increasing living standards for such groups are admirable, however the grievances of Muslim women must also be taken into account when a sizeable percentage of the population are Muslim women.

11 2.2 Muslim women in Kerala

Overview of Muslims in the area:

Kerala boasts one of the highest female literacy rates with 88% of the female population literate and 90% of the girls attending school. Education is high but rural and

Muslim women’s employment and political participation are still extremely low. Muslims are also governed by different laws than other women in Kerala, as they are governed by the

Islamic Law (which is uniform throughout India). This gives women some restrictions as men are allowed certain rights such as marrying 4 women and divorcing unilaterally

(Chacko, 2003). Due to their lower economic statuses, Muslim women are also often used for charity cases (Kottakkunnummal, 2015). A popular concept in Malabar has Muslim women appearing in charity ads in a newspaper called which is the voice for the Muslim

League. In these particular cases, the women often appear with their children asking for donations and male donators often donate in hopes of reforming them (Kottakkunnummal,

2015). These practices are not empowering for the Muslim women as they continue the stereotype that Muslim women are submissive and are dependent on their community. Self- sufficiency is highly advocated for in Kerala for women through programs such as SHGs, however Muslim women are continued to be seen through a dependency lens.

One monumental moment in Malabar history in regard to Malabar Muslims would be the Mujahid Movement. When speaking to the local representative, he informed me that this movement represents the reformed sect of Muslims and is probably the reason for more Muslim women gaining education. The Mujahid movement, which started in 1940s, was against superstition and un-Quranic teachings, and heavily promoted women’s education

(Salim, 2000). For example, women in a region called Edavanna were given freedom to organize and work for their own welfare. In 1960, the first Muslim women’s conference took

12 place in Edvanna. Many Muslim girls stopped school at grade 5 but now they are free to take up government jobs and other jobs and most also attend High School (Salim, 2000). This reform is still not as popular, as most Muslims follow the traditional Sunni (a traditional sect of Islam) teachings which is also considered un-reformed. In some areas, Muslim girls aren’t educated to ensure they get a proposal as the grooms in rural areas prefer uneducated women- in these areas the reformed sect reached later as well (Salim, 2000). The Mujahid movement also has some restrictions for some women, as Osella and Osella note, this movement encourages women to work and enter the mosque, however it still expects women to uphold the domestic values as their main duties, especially in child rearing and teaching Islam to the children (Osella and Osella).

Existing literature on Muslims in Kerala:

In Kerala, Muslim male literacy rate is 93.7% while the women’s literacy rate is

85.5% (Cherayi and Jose, 2016). Muslim women in Kerala are also less likely to go to higher education or even high school in most cases (Cherayi and Jose, 2016). Muslim women also face more cultural pressure as they are to practice sex segregation and veiling to ensure modesty (Cherayi and Jose, 2016). In a study conducted to look at the base issues which prevent Muslim women aged 21-40, who live below poverty line from being more empowered in society, most reported low personal autonomy, less power in household decisions and political empowerment. In this study, only 3% of the women went up to undergraduate level. Most of the women were also unemployed with only 5.9% doing unskilled labour (Cherayi and Kumar, 2014).

While Kerala reports increased female empowerment, little is known about the

Muslim women and even less is on record about this aspect of Kerala’s development. Muslim

13 women’s participation in Self-Help Groups (SHGs) like Kudumbashree and Janashree is also very low, where only 30.3% of the women had membership in these and only 4.7% were employed (Cherayi and Jose, 2016). However, the results also showed that women who engaged more at home/more empowered at home were also more active in the political sphere (Cherayi and Jose, 2016). This shows that Muslim women need to be more empowered in order to take a more active role in society. This also shows that Muslim women as a group need to be included in conversations or state-led initiatives. When there is a lack of participation from a certain group, research must look into why such gaps exist.

Matrilineal families: An interesting aspect about the Muslims of Kerala, is that one group practices Matriliny. The Mapillas of northern Malabar are Matrilineal, families where the wealth is traced by women and wealth inherited by women, men only had wealth rights while still in the family (Kottakkunnummal, 2014). However, Issues happened when women’s individual properties were discredited, they owned the land but the men took care of everything. It was just passed down by women. Men also started acquiring private property which brought forth more power as well (Kottakkunnummal, 2014).. Laws like the

Malabar wills (which restricted transfer of property to daughter by making it transfer through wills instead) alienated women as they didn’t have immense control of the land

(Kottakkunnummal, 2014). Within these families, the women are often not considered individuals, even though the properties are traced through them. Men in the Mapillas families were considered individual units who give and receive property, even the young boys were considered more individual than the women (Kottakkunnummal, 2014). Here the formal decision making power and control of the overall family is seen as a man’s right and duty and women are often left out of this narrative even though historically, the Muslim families belonged to matrilineal families. Due to modern changes, especially in regards to property,

14 the shift of power has been amplified and reduced traditional forms of power from the women of the family.

While their power is not openly evident, there are roles in which the Muslim women have power and agency. The role of the female head of the family is to arrange domestic affair. Women’s main duties involve taking care of kids, teaching morality, household chores, cooking and hospitality and enforcing modest practices amongst the younger girls are the main duties of the female heads (Rahman, 2017). In areas like Tharavadu, the situation is more severe as Muslim girls from these families are prohibited to leave the house unless accompanied by an elder man or woman, but the girls do leave for educational purposes

(Rahman, 2017). Education is very important in these families, not due to the knowledge but because education is sought after during marriage alliances and are valued in the marriage market due to prestige (Rahman, 2017). After the marriage takes place, this education is often not put to work (Rahman, 2017). The power here is distributed between gender roles and the author highlights the realm in which women do hold power over decision making and child rearing, however the formal decision making power is still up to the men as previous literary pieces have discussed.

2.3 The gaps needed to be filled:

The articles which were discussed provide a sample of the literature that is available on this topic. There are many articles on the Kerala development model which examines its successes and failures. There are also plenty of articles which examine the livelihood of

Muslim women in both India and Kerala, however not a lot of the literature looks at the grey area where both these topics intersect. The two topics tend be viewed as two entities which

15 co-exist and move in a parallel manner, yet that is not the case in Kerala. The Muslim women are part of the community and are supposed to be considered when talking about the Kerala model as they are a large part of this community socially, politically and historically. There is an increasing need, as more Muslim girls are entering the education and labour force, to look at the role Muslim women play within the larger Kerala community. While doing this, an emphasis on what they bring to the landscape as members of the community must be examined and the agency they hold needs to be studied instead of only viewing them through a dependent lens. Within this process, Whether Muslim women are represented in state-led mission must also be analyzed in order to answer whether the Kerala Model is still valid in present day context as it must cater to all those in its community if it is still to be deemed a successful model.

16

Conceptual Framework

Muslim women of Kerala through a Postcolonial lens

3.1 Why address this issue with Post-Colonial Feminism lens?

Muslim women in Kerala represent a unique minority as they belong the largest minority religion and face continuous difficulties as well. As Rivas remarks, gender cannot be the sole indicator for the grievances such groups face, as there are other factors at play which also be identified (Rivas and Cornwall, 2015). Gender as the sole describer of issues overlooks other development related and structural issues which are the root of the problem, and development goals must understand such intersectionalities its recipients are a part of as well as have proper strategies in place to address and engage with women who are part of such intersectionalities (Rivas and Cornwall, 2015). Men and women must also be included in the discussion of gender and gender-based discrimination because the relationship between the genders and the everyday interactions play a crucial role in determining the structural factors which enable discrimination, and the two genders must not be seen in dichotomous hero and victim roles as that erases the nuances the relationships bring (Rivas and Cornwall,

2015). In the case of Muslim women in Kerala, their movement within the patriarchal system and how they navigate relationships with their counterparts provides a deep understanding of the structural issues which are at play.

The terms “the global south” or “developing countries” or another word which describes these countries has a history of grouping those who live under it together and by doing so, also combines the individual’s experiences into one. By using such terms, there is a

17 tendency to produce a sense of “otherness” which separates the west from the rest, while also bundling the “others” into one group where everyone is expected to have similar concerns

(Moolji, 2019). When it comes to women, a brown girl is seen as everything a white man is not, which removes any agency she might have as she is seen as innately powerless (Moolji,

2019). Terms such as transnational feminism and intersectionality look into the differences that must be explored while also analysing situations across borders while accepting the existence of borders and what such borders imply (Falcon and Nash, 2015). India is a country with many cultures and communities and the same ideologies cannot be applied for all groups. The women of Kerala, especially the Muslim women have experiences which vary vastly from those of their Hindu or Christian counterparts, as well as from Muslim women from other states. This is why it is important to study and build an understanding of their individual circumstances and how they navigate their space.

Within the development discourse, the experiences of coloured women has become the center of this field, however the experiences of coloured women must also be narrated through a lens which understands their circumstances. Development studies and practice often defaults to the understanding that women of the global south are subjected to patriarchal cultures because global north’s method of thinking and biases are carried into development work and research which reduces the struggles the women of global south face to simply the patriarchy (Radcliffe, 2015). This method of thinking traces back to the colonial period as Spivak describes: “white men are saving brown women from brown men

(Spivak, 1993, 92),” and this idea of thought dominates how gender-related development is practiced and researched in the global south. Muslim women tend to be shown as examples of the patriarchy due to their community structures and the religions commands for women

(Radcliffe, 2015). In the case of Afghanistan, the women’s agency and power within their

18 society was inhibited in order to highlight the liberation they received through modern and western salvation, religion and race are often used to devalue the strength the women do process (Radcliffe, 2015). A thorough understanding which looks past the patriarchal structure as reasoning for their marginalization is needed to confront the root of the issues.

3.2 My positionality

While I highlight the importance of using a post-colonial lens to understand my research interests, I believe that it is also important to explain my positionality within this research study to truly convey the meaning behind post-colonial feminism. I am writing this chapter as a woman of South Asian descent who has been educated in the western system and within the development discourse. I aim to focus on the issues pertaining to Muslim women from Kerala, India and will be drawing upon theorists of post-colonial feminism as well as resources from India when possible to represent the participants of my study in an accurate and appropriate manner to be best of my abilities. The terms global north and global south will be employed for the purpose of this chapter to discuss the regions which are conventionally considered. However the connotations and implications they carry as terms which reproduce hierarchies and classify groups are acknowledged and this chapter will work towards unravelling these relationships. The purpose of this chapter is to understand how

Muslim women manoeuvre through social settings and the agency they do practice is central to this understanding.

19 Chapter Four: Methodology

4.1 Methodology:

For the purpose of this study, I will be focusing heavily on secondary sources, while also supplementing the research with primary research which was collected during my time in Kerala.

The primary research methods included semi-structured interviews which were conducted in communal areas. I met the women through my gatekeepers Vinod Krishna who was the assistant director of CREST and Mrs. Noorbina Rashid who was the local general secretariat of the Indian union Muslim league. I chose to do semi-structured questions because I wanted the participants to have flexibility when answering the questions and have the opportunity to explore topics which I may have initially missed. The ability to have a mutual exchange with my participants was also helpful as it allowed me to ask follow-up questions when needed. I conducted 10 interviews in total and my participants age ranged from 19-45 from various socio-economic backgrounds, employment levels and marital statuses. The questions were focused on daily routines of the women, and details on their family structures an employment status as well as if they have experienced any challenges

(The questions which were asked will be attached in the appendix). I have also conducted an interview with Mrs. Noorbina Rashid and she has provided her own life experience as well as her outlook on the challenges faced by Muslim women in Kerala.

Upon my return to Canada, I focused more on secondary literature to supplement my research. However, upon closer examination, I found it to be more beneficial to use secondary research as the main evidence to support my claim and to use the interview results

20 as accompanying evidence. The type of literature will include journal articles, newspapers, and policy documents. The journal articles are used to analyze the role of Muslim women in

Kerala while the newspaper articles and policy documents will highlight the marginalization they experience currently which hopes to bring forth the shortcomings of the Kerala

Development Model. I find that there is a large gap in the type of literature found in regard to Muslim women in Kerala, especially ones that do not overtly victimize Muslim women as lacking agency or antagonize Islam as a religion.

The interviews will highlight the lived experiences of the Muslim women and bring forth the challenges they face as well as power and influence they hold, while the literature will be used to analyze the patterns found in the women’s lives, especially pertaining to autonomy within the household.

Study Area

Kozhikode sits on the northern part of Kerala, and is home to the Malabar Muslims of

Kerala. The Malabar Muslims tend to be wealthier as they are descendants of Arab traders who used to trade in Kerala. They are the largest minority group in Kerala, representing 26% of the population, with the representing 54%. The Muslims and Hindus have a history of peace in Kerala unlike other states where there is often tension amongst the groups, as the

Malabar Muslims have worked side by side with the Hindus in this area from before Kerala was formed as a state. Some areas of Kerala also boast a Muslim majority population, such as

Malappuram and Kozhikode. These factors make Kerala, especially Kozhikode interesting as it has the development ideology of Kerala but also has a mixed population and a large

Muslim majority.

21

Map of Kozhikode, Kerala

This study will take place exclusively in the main city area of Kozhikode, Calicut, as well as Kunnamangalam which is a town located within the . The reason why I chose these two cities was to have easy access as I wanted to remain flexible to meet the women at their convenience. The bus routes from my placement location to these areas were frequent and these two areas also boasted large Muslims population concentration. I excluded the which boasts a large Muslim population for the purpose of this study as it was far, and I believe this study benefits from focusing on one district to eliminate any other district-based deviations on my data.

Study group

My participants included Muslim women aged 20- 56 from various socio-economic backgrounds and education and work experiences. I did not define what sect of sub-section

Islam the women may belong to, as I did not want to evoke discomfort in case they were not comfortable discussing their religious beliefs publicly.

22 4.2 Ethical Challenges and Positionality

My positionality: Researcher-participant dynamic

I believe that my positionality has played a large role in how I navigated my experiences during my data collection process as well as the participants’ willingness to speak to me. This is important because I identity as a woman of South Asian descent who has been educated in the western system and within the development discourse at the University of Toronto and I will be using the postcolonial feminism lens to unpack my findings. When I first arrived in India, I looked Malayali because of my brown skin, and my name. The name

Ayesha is a very common name in the south Asian Muslim community as it is the name of the ’s wife. Due to these two factors, I was seen as someone who belonged to the community. However this also brought forth certain expectations which I was to adhere by.

These included those expected of the Muslim women my very research revolves around.

Some of the expectations included dressing modestly and not interacting with men in a close manner, or practicing sex segregation in public. In order to respect the community which I was interacting with, I was careful in how I presented myself and adhered to the expectations in field. I also speak Tamil; which is a sister language to , this helped eliminate language barriers as I was able to converse using common words and phrases.

I found that due to my beforementioned background, I do believe that it was easier to have access to speaking with Muslim women. This was largely due to my primary gatekeeper

Ms Noorbina who I met through my organization and Mrs Fouziya, the hostel warden of the girls’ hostel where I stayed. Ms Noorbina was a community leader for Muslim women in the area, and helped me access women to interview. I do believe that my background facilitated the women to be more open when discussing the contents of their personal life much as

23 marriage and the challenges they have faced. My age may have also allowed the younger girls to be forward about their own personal challenges as they viewed me in a friendly manner. I was sure to answer any questions they asked openly and exhibited transparency to the best of my abilities to be fair as I acknowledge that I am also requesting them to be transparent with me. Topics regarding my upbringing, what I do in Canada as well as my own religious beliefs were discussed and I made sure to answer honestly when I could, unless the information was deemed inappropriate to be discussed.

Having been brought up in a south Asian Muslim household, I am aware that I hold certain biases regarding the population I am doing research on. However, I believe that having my personal background has also allowed me to understand the women’s sentiments and the context, and has allowed me to use my lived experiences to supplement my research.

I have ensured I do not reflect my own biases in the research by keeping the questions open ended and not framing the questions in a suggestive manner to achieve specific answers.

Political alliance of the groups

A large portion of my participants did have political alliances and were involved with the Calicut faction of the Indian Union Muslim League. Mrs. Noorbina is a general secretariat of the political party and she was able to connect me with other women who were involved within the party. Due this, a sizeable number of the women did have affiliations to the party. In order to avoid political biases, I avoided questions about political beliefs or any laws/controversies surrounding political alliances. I also did not disclose my own political affiliations and opinions on Indian politics and presented myself as politically neutral to avoid offending the community. I believe this is important to disclose because my research

24 collection was conducted during the 2019 Indian Elections and there were heightened tension between the political parties and religious groups which were involved with the parties.

Problems associated with family honour

I was informed that the Muslim community is extremely close-knit and family honour is considered to be extremely important. Women and young girls are to protect their family’s honour and speaking ill of their family or religion is not allowed. Due to this, I do believe that the participants, especially the younger women may have withheld information regarding the challenges they faced in an attempt to avoid speaking ill of their family and community.

In order to respect this, I tried my best to word questions in a manner which reduced blame- placing, and also avoided framing questions which invoke answers which may lead to overt criticism of such sensitive structures.

Current landscape of how Muslims are viewed

I believe that one factor which makes my research unique is the timeline of when it was conducted. This is because while I was conducting my research, the relationship between

Muslims and Hindu majority was deteriorating across India. This relationship has always been tensed due to the India-Pakistan partition and the war over the disputed area of Kashmir.

On February 14th 2019, the Pulwana attack occurred in Kashmir where a suicide bombing incident killed 40 Indians. This raised and worsened the already tense relationship between the two countries and religious groups. The rise of the Hindu nationalist party and their re- election in 2019 also raised concerns within the Muslim community as this party and its followers have been very vocal about anti-Muslim sentiments. Due to this, I did not want my research to appear anti-Muslim or as a targeted attempt to paint a specific image of the community. The area I was conducting research in, Calicut, is more tolerant of Muslims so I

25 did not come across any anti-Muslim sentiments towards myself or the participants.

However, I was open and clear about my intentions with my research and well as my respect for the community in order to maintain the integrity of this project.

Assumptions of victimization

A personal challenge I had during my data collection process and when formulating my research question is whether I am victimizing a group that has already been victimized in mainstream media. Muslim women are often viewed as oppressed due to their belief and the teachings of Islam which encourage women to be modest, segregated and obedient to their husband. While it is important to address oppression and marginalization, I believe that the agency and the powerful roles which these women hold must also be recognized. I have tried to approach this research in a manner which tries to not reduce the women to simply their assumed oppression, unless they themselves do see themselves as oppressed. The main theoretical framework for this thesis will also be the postcolonial feminist lens and I will be using secondary sources to further explore the structures in place which may contribute to the marginalization of Muslim women in Kerala.

26 Chapter Five: Context

Muslim Women in Kerala: Navigating Private and Outside Spaces

5.1 Outside the home: the right to wear and right to pray

Religion is the core to the discussion of Muslim women and how concepts such as family, community and domesticity are at play with their identity because within the Muslim diaspora of Kerala, religion is central in everyday life. One of the visible markers of the

Islamic faith is the Purdah. The purdah is a religious attire which Muslim women wear across

India and other areas where Islam is practiced. The garment is often black and is loose-fitting, covering all areas of the body from the finger-tips to the toes and often includes a veil which sometimes covers the wearer’s face with a portion cut out for eyes (Abdelheim, 2013). The outfit serves as a popular indicator for Muslim women as Malayali women of other faiths often wear other traditional forms of traditional Indian outfits such as sarees and shalwar- kameez and do not cover their head. While it shows one’s faith, the purdah has also been a garment which has been criticized as it is seen as a form of oppression as it requires the women to cover their bodies and does not expect the same of men (Abdelheim, 2013). Even within Kerala, many see the purdah as an oppressive tool as they viewed the garment as a means of controlling a woman’s body through archaic Arab practices (Abdelheim, 2013).

Now, there are times when the purdah is a form of female control, as many young girls from orthodox families are expected to wear it as a show of modesty and to honour her family’s reputation, but the purdah also has another purpose (Abdelheim, 2013). This garment choice also reflects one’s class as this is an outfit which was popularized due to Malayali Muslim men moving to the gulf to work and bringing the purdah back for their wives. This outfit is also a fashion statement which showcases one’s class in society as only the richer Muslim

27 women are able to afford the finer purdahs (Abdelheim, 2013). While many young girls are compelled to conform to this deal of modesty which is expected of a Muslim girl past puberty, the decision to wear a purdah is also a rational choice because if a woman chooses to violate her communities beliefs, she may be denied access to spaces such as the education system or the workspace and confined to her home, while the purdah allows the woman to maintain modesty and enter such spaces (Abdelheim, 2013).

Recently, an organization called Muslim Education Society (MES) which overseas educational institutions for Muslim youth has banned the purdah in its campuses

(DeccanChronicle, 2019). This decision, made by its president Dr. Gaffoor caused vast controversy in Kerala as many saw it as an attack of religion, however MES cites that it does not see the purdah as a necessary garment for Muslim women (DeccanChronicle, 2019). Dr.

Gaffoor has also claimed that one reasoning for banning the purdah was security as anybody could be under the veil (DeccanChronicle, 2019). This aligns well with the current trend in human security where there is a shift from securing the nation to securing the individual, and in the process stripping certain individuals of their right to observe their religion and a means of policing female bodies and how they lead their life (Marhia, 2013). News like this show the dualities of objects of perceived marginalization as well as the complications that are present and require intersectionality-focused understanding. The purdah as a symbol of religious conformity has been a debated topic as it is seen as a tool of oppression as well as a symbol of freedom of choice as the wearer has the ultimate right to choose. This choice may also be coerced due to familial and community reasons, however it is also important to recognize the agency that is practiced by the wearer. As Mohanty explains, when the purdah is solely seen as a tool which sexualizes women and is tied to connotations such as rape and violence, it ignores the historical and cultural significance it holds and the regional

28 differences that exist (Mohanty, 1984). The underlying complexity debunks the simple explanation of the patriarchy which is employed to explain the grievances of the women of global south, showcasing how an object as simple as a purdah is intertwined with agency as well as oppression.

Religious freedom is commonly understood as one’s freedom to practice their religion in a manner which they choose to do so, however in some cases certain individuals are systematically excluded from practicing their religion. The Sunni sect, which is the largest sec of Islam in Kerala, Muslim women are not allowed to pray inside and are to pray inside their homes (TheNewsMinuite, 2019). A Sunni mosque clerk claims “Muslim women should pray inside homes” (TheNewsMinuite, 2019) and says that it is simply unnecessary for a woman to enter a mosque even if she were to pray in a separate section from her male counterparts (TheNewsMinuite, 2019). The mujahideen sect however does allow women to enter mosques and even encourages women to join the mosque and take part in religious organization (Osella and Osella, 2008). The concern over Muslim women not entering the mosque was brought to the supreme court of India by a Hindu-based group leader who claims that this exclusion is a “disgrace to modern society,” however this plea was rejected by the supreme court after the judge proclaimed “let a Muslim woman come and challenge it. Then we will consider it” (India today, 2019). This raises the question of representation, because who is capable of representing another human? According to Spivak, she sees representation as inevitable but also urges the importance of comprehending how the

“investigator” and the “subject” are linked in terms of power structures and international division of labour as well as the subaltern’s economic and political interests which bring forth biases (Asher, 2017). This case and how the Muslim women are represented as well as not represented highlights a fatal flaw within the human rights discourse. The dominant

29 understanding of what is considered human rights today is based on the needs of white men.

The needs of minority groups and intersectional groups were not included in this language

(Falcon, 2016). As Falcon quotes, the United Nations claims that: “International human rights law lays down obligations of Governments to act in certain ways or to refrain from certain acts, in order to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms of individuals or groups. (UN, OHCHR, nd, b),” yet the rights of Muslim women to enter mosques is not considered by the supreme court as it was brought by a non-Muslim, ignoring cultural reasoning which may prohibit a Muslim woman from raising such issues within her community (Falcon, 2016). The human rights discourse operates under the pretence that all humans have the same capabilities to claim their rights, however that is not the case and the discourse fails to accustom those who alleges to protect.

5.2 Within the intimacies of home: Domestic life, family law and marriage

Outside the confinements of their home, there is a visible difference between Muslim women in how they dress and how they practice their faith, yet it is also essential to understand their positionality within their home. In their homes, Muslim women often live with their husband’s family and are expected to obey the rules of that family. The purpose of a woman in orthodox families is to have and provide for the children and look after the well- being of the family members including the husband’s parents. Depending on the sect and the practices of the family, the woman may take part in work but this is often a luxury which highly educated Muslim women have (Osella and Osella, 2008). The women are also seen as upholders of the faith and “true Islam” as they are to convey the teachings of the to their children and are responsible for the upbringing of the children while their husband works (Osella and Osella, 2008). In a research study which looked at social inclusion of

30 Muslim women in Kerala, they reported a 10% decrease in literacy rates compared to their male counterparts as well as reduced social participation in state led Self-help groups as well as reduced autonomy in their families (Cherayi and Jose, 2016). This indicates that Muslim women are restricted within their homes and outside their homes. Education is an area which is severely impacted after a girl reaches puberty, as most orthodox families do not see a purpose in educating girls as there may not be any meaningful use of education as her future role is to cater to her in-laws (Beniwal, 2019). This kinship structure, however, must not be seen as an oppressor of the woman, as it is not the entrance of the woman into the family that necessarily oppresses the women (Mohanty, 1984). The belief that it is the patriarchal family structure which inhibits women socially and economically is problematic. Such belief assumes that the women are sexual-political actors before their entrance into their kinship structure, and it is also important to understand the purpose and agency they may provide as well (Mohanty, 1984).

As a secular nation-state, India has a distinct approach to family law, as family law is religion based. Marriage, divorce and other disputes are taken to the Islamic court where it is presided by the local mosque clerics and Qazi’s who are the judges (Subramanian, 2008).

Under the Islamic law, the husband can marry four wives, and marry a non-Muslim (but women cannot marry a non-Muslim) and demand obedience (Beniwal, 2019). The Islamic court does not have to abide by the state court’s ruling on familial issues; however, a case can be appealed through the state court (Subramanian, 2008). Recently, the supreme court has banned triple talaq, which previously allowed husbands to divorce their wives by saying

“talaq” thrice (BBC, 2019). This decision has also sparked controversy as many saw it as an attack on their religion while some saw it as a step forward for Muslim women, with the

Indian Prime Minister Modi calling the now abolished practice “archaic and medieval”

31 (BBC, 2019). This one again raises the question of representation as well as the agendas of the stakeholders involved, because who are these laws protecting? The Qazi courts are often led by men with women only now entering the court as judges which leave intimate topics such as sexual harassment, domestic abuse, dowry and mehr (bride price) and children’s upbringing in the hands of men who may not understand the woman’s perspective. The laws and verdicts are also based on the (the word) and law which is open for interpretation based on who is interpreting them as they are older texts (Subramanian, 2008).

This leaves the women in a potentially vulnerable place. The human rights discourse is also critical in this discussion because human rights is established under the understanding that women are able to claim the rights which they are provided, however their circumstances may not allow them to do so. The women often come from intimate family settings where there is a fear of disappointing family members and decisions are made with the benefit of the family in mind. However under the mainstream human rights discourse these nuances are ignored and it is envisioned through a western perspective. It is also written through a masculine perspective, as is the Qazi court, where the human is seen as a free chooser but not everyone has that luxury, hence considering some humans as less than others (Marhia, 2013).

As Muslim women, they are neither represented in the human rights discourse or their family court which raises concerns on who is deemed human enough and what constitutes a human to be worthy of rights. There are also other forces at play such as the Indian political system which is not popular amongst the Muslim community and this party has spear-headed banning triple talaq, which could also suggest hidden motives in regards to antagonizing the other under the pretence of equal right. This is where post-colonial feminism plays a pivotal role in this issue, because it urges the comprehension of regional differences, history, culture and the importance of access when engaging with rights or marginalized groups.

32 Chapter Six: Findings:

Who are the Muslim women of Calicut?

6.1 Introduction:

A core component of this research paper is the real-life experiences of the Muslim women throughout Calicut and details of their lives, in order to examine their perspective.

This is important because while the literature covers broader themes found within the Islamic community and Kerala as a state, there is a large gap on how the women perceive their one situation and how they understand their own community. Therefore, this section will highlight twelve Muslim women from various age groups, backgrounds, social structures and walks of life to better understand the underlying patters. Pseudonyms have been used to protect the women’s privacy. In order to approach this study through a postcolonial lens, it is crucial to include the views of the participants and their perceived agency and potential perceived ,marginalization’s. Some patterns which have been repeated in the section below include access to work and education within a patriarchal society and how the women navigate traditional family roles, and also find agency in balancing work and home. The chapters which follow will discuss the findings from this chapter.

6.2 The stories of some Muslim women in Calicut:

Aalia, 23 years old, Kunnamangalam, single

Aalia is currently a student, studying law graduate studies and she plans to practice law after graduating. She currently lives with her family and travels approximately 7km for

33 her university. She says that women in her family do not generally work, for example her sister who does not work after her baby was born. Her parents are however very supportive: her mother couldn’t work so she wants Aalia to have the opportunity to work. In order to secure her potential to work, her parents have agreed to wait until she is employed to find marriage for her. Hasn’t faced any issues yet- she says because she hasn’t gotten married yet

Raisa, 23, Kunnamangalam, married

Raisa is a graduate holding a Bachelor of education degree. She is married and currently lives with her husband’s family. Her husband is the only provider in her family. She has a newborn baby and her husband doesn’t want her to work because she is needed at home to care for the baby. Her husband has told her that he will let her work after their baby’s 2nd year birthday. Her own family is supportive of her working as a teacher, but husband's family is not supportive. Raisa says that her husband’s family is saying that they are wealthy and there is no need for a second income. However she has an ambition to work and wants to become a good teacher as she has worked towards this goal for a long time. She has not faced any difficulties as a Muslim girl but as a married girl she faces difficulties in regard to her restrictive husband and his family. She recalls being married during final year and being pregnant during her final exam which she found to be very exhausting physically and mentally.

Shifa, 22, Kunnamangalam, married

Shifa is a graduate of both MCoM and MBA. Her own parents and family were extremely orthodox, so they didn’t want her to study far away due to fear of that their

34 daughter would change and become less cultured and partake in activities which are not allowed in her family. So, she studied nearby her home. Five years ago, she worked in a newspaper place for 6 months, but she did not like it and says she wants to run a hotel business with her husband as her partner and she will manage it and do accounts. Her mother didn’t want her to work and her family was not very supportive when she wanted to continue her education, but her husband’s family has been extremely supportive with her ambitions.

Riyana, 20, Kunnamangalam, single

Riyana is currently a student at the local government college and she is studying BSA in physics. She wants to be a lecturer upon completing her studies. She currently lives with her family and there are 4 girls, and her mother is a housewife and her father is the sole economic provider. She has not faced any restrictions as a Muslim girl in society but says that she expects to face restrictions after potentially getting married.

Mariam, 20, Kunnamangalam, single

Mariam is a student who has completed an entrance exam for university. She lives with her family, which includes her mother who is a house wife, and her father who works abroad. She recalls studying in an orthodox all Muslim school, where she could not talk to boys in general assembly’s and interact with boys as it was deemed haram. She attended this school for 12 years and during her time here, she felt suffocated socially because she could not interact with her peers freely, especially the boys. Her mother is from an orthodox family but her father’s side of family supports education. Her mother believes that cannot work, but Hiba says they can work if they are dressed appropriately and respect the

35 religion while working. Her mother and mother’s sister want Hiba to get married but her father is against this and wants his daughters to achieve their dreams academically and excel in their choice of career. She claims that even her community supports her and her neighbours call her a doctor when she passes her community, which inspires her.

Iqra, 38, Kunnamangalam, Married

Iqra is a married woman, who has completed her Plus 2 (completed grade 12) and has not continued her studies after that. She currently lives with her husband’s family, and her children. For work, she does social work, she describes it as palliative care. She takes care of older patients, and is also involved in the local government where he has been doing unpaid social work for 15 years. Growing up, she always wanted to write, but her husband’s family didn’t give her permission to do so. Her husband’s family is not as educated and are more strict, and they didn’t see a point in her continuing to write, even though that is something she enjoyed doing Her in-laws didn’t see her capabilities for many years and refused to permit for her to get further educated. She wants her kids to know that they can go into any field they want, she would not restrict them.

Maimuna, 36, Calicut, married

Maimuna has completed her education in both the and then has acquired her Masters of communications as well. She currently works in the Information technology sector. She currently lives with her in-laws and when in another state, she lives with her husband and children. She joined her current company when her husband and her were living in Chennai and then they moved to Visakhapatnam when her husband got a job in

36 this new city. She then started doing 2 days in Chennai and then back to her home. Her job gave her a project that is more flexible and can work from home at times and she is now permanently working from home. Her husband had to take care of the kids alone while she was away and this was difficult in the beginning but they have both adapted themselves.

According to Maimuna, her in-laws were easy going and encouraged her career goals. She says usually it’s difficult to get in law support in the Muslim community.

As she has recently given birth to her second son, she is on maternity leave at the moment. When asked about the maternity leave in India and her company, she explained that she is allocated 6 months of paid maternity leave and her company lets her use her vacation days as maternity leave and her company lets her extend to 6 extra months of unpaid maternity leave. When she is working, she has a maid who helps her with house work, however Maimuna likes to cook for her family and tutor her son when she is home. Her work schedule is dependent on the client needs, so flexibility is key for her. She says she wants to go up in her field but there have been many gaps in her career due to the maternity leaves and says that is a challenge women. After completing her current maternity leave, she hopes to be promote herself to a leadership role. She says she does not face any restrictions/discrimination socially for being a Muslim woman and recalls that her husband, luckily she says, did not give her any restrictions and this is not the case for all Muslim women.

Fathima, 56, Kunnamangalam, married

Fathima has completed an education up to grade 10. She is married with kids and lives with her husband’s family. Her husband owns a business and she does not have a paid

37 job, she volunteers with the local municipal government where she represents the locals in the area. The municipal office is close to her home and after work, once she gets home, she also has to tend to family affairs such as cooking, cleaning and tending to her family needs.

Her husband is retired now and he supports her passion for politics.

Hafsa, 40, Calicut, married

Hafsa is a lawyer from Calicut and she completed her education in Calicut university where she did her BA and LLB. She lives with her husband and her husband’s parents, and their 2 kids and both her husband and her work in the family. She says she finds her job interesting but, she has taken many gaps during the time of her career to take care of her kids, and has only continuously worked for 2-3 years out of the 15 years she has been a lawyer.

According to her, taking the gap years has not necessarily impacted her job. She spends around 4 hours at work working from 10am to 2pm after which she goes home and tends to her family’s needs such as cooking and cleaning. Her career ambition was to be a teacher, but the law college was closer to her home so she chose to do that instead. When she had her first child, she did not face any restrictions but after the second child, her husband did not want her to work and wanted her to focus on the children, but eventually agreed to her going back to work after the children grew older. She thinks this field is good for women if they are interested in the field as it is very demanding.

Kareena, 36, Calicut, married

Kareena is an administrative clerk who works for a lawyer in Calicut. She has completed up to grade 12. She lives with her husband’s family, and there are 12 people living

38 with her and her husband. Amongst her family, there are 4 people who have jobs in the family and they are all men. She has been working as an administrative clerk for 18 years where she tends to cases regarding domestic affairs under an advocate. Once she gets home after work, she cleans and drafts cases, she does take her work home. She says she has not faced any difficulties from hr husband, family or society.

Fareha, 40, Calicut, married

Fareha is a volunteer from Calicut, she has completed up to grade 10. She is now married and she has 3 children and lives with her children and husband. Her husband works and is the sole economic provider. Fareha volunteers as a social worker in the community.

There is a government program and she helps the staff there, and her husband also works there. Her husband has been supportive and he is the reason she entered this field. She recalls that her own family was not very supportive but her husband encouraged her to take on this opportunity. She says the biggest difficulty she faces is with managing her family affairs and the volunteering as she often volunteers from 9am to 5pm on a daily basis.

Noor, 49, Kunnamangalam, married

Noor lives in Kunnamangalam and has completed her education in the University of Calicut.

She lives with her husband and her daughter and her daughter is also studying to be a lawyer and her husband works and lives in the UAE. She goes home at 4pm after work and tends to domestic work and helps her daughter at home. Her office is attached to her home, but she travels to court often. She says she has not faced any issues or difficulties as a Muslim woman. However, she recalls that when she was in school, there were not many Muslim girls

39 wanting to be a lawyer, but now there are more Muslim women coming into the field.

According to her, it is quite rare for Muslim women to enter this field, but her family has always supported her and her dreams. She is the only Muslim female lawyer in her court.

40 Chapter Seven:

Discussion and Conclusion

Since the day I reached Kerala, it has been a pleasure working towards better understanding the situation of the Muslim women in Calicut, Kerala. As seen through the literature review, there is a large gap in available literature which aims to understand the experiences of the Muslim women in a state which takes pride in taking great strides towards female empowerment and development.

The first objective of this study was to understand the reasonings for why Muslim women in Calicut were not actively participating in public and professional spaces. From the purdah to the domestic life of the Muslim women in Kerala, it is evident that there is an increased need to conduct research specific to these women to better discern the nuances they exhibit in their everyday lives as well as the agency they hold within their respective settings.

The main mode of achieving information for this objective was done through literature sources as well as news articles pertaining to the time of this study. Secondary research indicated that Muslim women do face cultural restrictions and increased expectations than their counterparts to uphold familial religious values and this often impacted their ability to freely navigate public spaces for professional and educational spaces. Their literacy rates remain lower than their male counterparts and they are often expected to practice face- covering and sex-segregation which limits their mobility outside their home. The responsibility of taking care of their family also falls to the women, which results in higher rates of Muslim women choosing to stay home to tend to their families. These claims were supported by the interviews which were conducted as they showed how the Muslim women often face challenges in their professional and educational careers. Most of the women

41 interviewed did claim that they either felt restrictions from their own families or their husbands families which has indicated that there is a struggle amongst the women to be autonomous in their decisions. However, this study also recognizes the nature of the region and how female autonomy is improving and continues to improve within the Muslim community as the younger generation did show an increased number of parents sending their daughters to post-secondary education. While there are improvements, the question of whether it is enough change is crucial.

While the cultural restrictions were examined, this study has also attempted to steer away from the narrative which labels women of the global south as helpless and in need of help. The agency and power the Muslim women hold in their society and families are immense and they do have power which must also be recognized. The post- colonial feminist lens was used as a central feature in this study as an attempt to unpack the complexities which underlay this issue. The family dynamics, the Islamic law, and the manner in which the women choose to conform to religion all contribute to their participation (or lack thereof) within their spaces, and in each section, there is also a sense of purpose which works alongside their marginalization which makes further understanding of this topic through a non-western lens imperative.

Understanding the role the Kerala state government has played in this situation is crucial as the state has been lacking in its approach to include Muslim women within its programs. The secondary sources show that there is a religion-based divide when it comes to state-matters. The Muslims are governed by Islamic law and the federal judge had even asked for a Muslim woman to speak up in matters concerning women entering the mosque.

However, should women empowerment be left to religious based communities or should the

42 state consider the entirety of women in its aim to empower them? This study understands the importance of cultural differences however it also understands the significance of not excluding women out of a development model based on caste, race, social state or any other indicators. While the Muslim community holds responsibility for the Muslim women, the state of Kerala must also consider their needs and make equitable decisions which benefit all those under the state. The responsibility cannot be outsourced to individual communities.

Such outsourcing of responsibility raises the question of whether the Kerala Development

Model can be considered a development model, and this study concludes that this model must be reworked to include initiatives to motivate Muslim women to enter the professional and public sphere to remain a valid and un-outdated model.

This study has attempted to start a discussion on a group which has often not been explored. The aim of this thesis was to both celebrate the power and agency Muslim women of Kerala exude in their daily lives while also calling for increased opportunities for their autonomy and future wellbeing. I hope this study also serves as a call for more work to be contributed to this topic and increases a heightened awareness and understanding of the nuance lives of the Muslim women of Calicut and Kerala.

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46 Appendix:

I.I List of Interview Questions

Malabar Kerala: A study of Muslim women’s participation in the Labour force Interview Question Draft

Questions for Women’s Households: What is your name (pseudonym)? What is your age? Where are you from? Which university, college or school did you attend? Which program? What is this school known for? Have you done any other degree or post graduate programs? If so what? Who do you live with here (in this home)? Do your parents live here? How many people total live in this home? How many people have jobs (explain paid employment)? What are they? Do you have children? How many? What do you do for paid work? If they work: Can you explain your job, How far they do you to travel to work,? What is your transportation to work? how much does it cost for transportation to get to work per day? At what time do you have to be at work? At what time do you arrive at your workplace? What time do you leave your workplace? At what time do you come home? What are the duties you do after you reach home from work? How many hours do you work a day? Who is your employer? What are the minimum educational and experience requirements for your job? What are your ultimate career goals? Have you faced any difficulties as a working Muslim woman? If you are married, have you faced any restriction from your husband regarding work? Have your parents and family members supported your decision to work? Has your job impacted your family life in any way? Has it gotten in the way of your family life? Have you faced any restrictions towards pursuing a career? Do they want your daughters/sons to have this job? what do you hope that your daughters and sons will do?

Questions for Organizations (MES and Calicut Indian Muslim League): What are the statistics regarding Muslim women working in Calicut? What are some of the restrictions they face with employment?

47 What are some challenges they face in their livelihoods? Are employers willing to hire Muslim women? Has this organization tried to do any initiatives to increase employment of Muslim women in Calicut? Why do you [the organization representative] think Muslim women are scarce in the job force? How do you [the organization representative] think employment of Muslim women can be increased in Calicut?

48 I.II Copy of the consent form

Researcher: Fathima Ayesha Azad Institution: Center for Research, Education and Social Transformation (CREST, KIRTADS), University of Toronto Student #: 1002481995 Consent Form Date: Information Sheet Research Topic: A study of Malabar Muslim women and their participation in the labour force.

Introduction: My name is Fathima Ayesha Azad and I am a 4th year student at the University of Toronto Scarborough and an Intern at Center for Research and Education for Social Transformation (CREST) at KIRTADS. As a part of my internship program, I am conducting a research study to evaluate the participation of Muslim women within the formal labour force in Calicut and I would like to invite you to take part in this study in order to further understand this subject.

Purpose of Study and Benefits: The study is being conducted to better understand potential lack of participation in the formal labour force. The benefits of participating in this study includes helping understand structural reasons which inhibit women from participating in the labour force.

What will Happen with the Collated Material: The findings from the study will be used for my final thesis paper in the University of Toronto Scarborough and will be shared with the school and the students. The contents will be used alongside other materials and secondary sources to evaluate the overall topic.

What will be required of the Participant: In order to participate in this study, please return this signed consent form to me (Fathima Ayesha Azad). For the purpose of this study, interviews will be the primary mode of data collection to produce qualitative results. The participants will have the right to not answer questions as well as well as withdraw from the study if needed, as outlined in the attached consent form.

Privacy: The participants may remain anonymous and use pseudonyms if they wish to do so to protect their privacy. To further protect the participants’ privacy, the identities and data will only be accessed by Professor Sharlene Mollett (my thesis supervisor) and I and will be stored as encrypted files in a password secured laptop. The participant is also welcome to contact me at any time for any questions regarding the research process or withdraw from the study.

Contact Details: Fathima Ayesha Azad Email: [email protected] Phone: 8075361455 (India) 647-860-3846 (Canada)

49 Informed Consent for: Malabar Kerala: A study of Muslim women’s participation in the Labour force

Please tick the appropriate boxes Yes No

1. Taking part in the study I have read and understood the study information dated [ / / ], or it has been read to me. I have   been able to ask questions about the study and my questions have been answered to my satisfaction.

I consent voluntarily to be a participant in this study and understand that I can refuse to answer questions and I   can withdraw from the study at any time, without having to give a reason.

I understand that taking part in the study involves answering questions pertaining to my personal life, faith and   personal experiences in interviews.

  I consent to have my interview recorded

  I consent to have notes taken on my interview

The Information will be primarily collected through interviews and may be recorded if the participant consents to do

so. The recordings will be transcribed as text for ease of use.

2. Use of the information in the study I understand that information I provide will be used for Fathima Ayesha Azad’s Final Thesis.  

The contents will be used by Fathima Ayesha Azad for the thesis paper as well as by the University of Toronto for publication and/or shared with future students once complete.

I understand that personal information collected about me that can identify me, such as my name or where I live, will not be shared beyond the study team.  

This information will only be revealed to the researcher and Professor Sharlene Mollett (Research Supervisor).

I agree that my information can be quoted in research outputs.  

I agree that my real name can be used for quotes.  

3. Future use and reuse of the information by others I give permission for the information that I provide to be deposited in thesis paper, so it can be used for future   research and learning.

Information used in the thesis may include name, age, religious background, and other personal details unless otherwise stated or anonymity is requested. This information will be used for the thesis paper and may be published as part of the University. 50

4. Signatures

______Name of participant: Signature Date

For participants unable to sign their name, mark the box instead of signing

I have witnessed the accurate reading of the consent form with the potential participant and the individual has had the opportunity to ask questions. I confirm that the individual has given consent freely.

______Name of witness: Signature Date

I have accurately read out the information sheet to the potential participant and, to the best of my ability, ensured that the participant understands to what they are freely consenting.

______Researcher: Fathima Ayesha Azad Signature Date

5. Study contact details for further information Fathima Ayesha Azad Email: [email protected] Phone: 8075361455 (India) 647-860-3846 (Canada)

51 Oral Consent Form Script for Women’s Households

My name is Fathima Ayesha Azad and I am a 4th year student at the University of Toronto Scarborough and an Intern at Center for Research and Education for Social Transformation (CREST) at KIRTADS. As a part of my internship program, I am conducting a research study to evaluate the participation of Muslim women within the formal labour force and I would like to invite you to take part in this study in order to further understand this subject. This study is being conducted to better understand why and how women are excluded in the formal labour force. The findings from the study will be used for my final thesis paper in the University of Toronto Scarborough and will be shared with the school and the students. In order to protect your privacy, you may choose to use pseudonyms and conceal your identity and you may also withdraw from this study if need be so. Thank you for considering my request, I appreciate you for taking the time for my research.

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