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Temples and Daoists Inurban China Since 1980 China Perspectives 2009/4 | 2009 Religious Reconfigurations in the People’s Republic of China Temples and Daoists inUrban China Since 1980 Goossaert Vincent and Ling Fang Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/4919 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.4919 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 31 December 2009 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Goossaert Vincent and Ling Fang, « Temples and Daoists inUrban China Since 1980 », China Perspectives [Online], 2009/4 | 2009, Online since 01 December 2012, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/4919 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.4919 © All rights reserved Special Feature s e v Temples and Daoists in i a t c n i e Urban China Since 1980 h p s c r e VINCENT GOOSSAERT AND FANG LING p Since 1980, the revival of Daoist temples in China’s urban environment has been developing in two different directions. On the one hand, “official” temples operated by the Daoist Association claim to embody a modern form of Daoism and offer a number of different religious services to the people. On the other hand, community temples refashion the religious life of neighbourhoods, often on the outskirt of cities. This article explores the complex relationships between these different kinds of temples, the lay groups who visit them, and the Daoist clergy who serve them. he expansion of religious practices in public spaces tegration of a religious component into Chinese nationalism. in the People’s Republic is just as spectacular in the Previous research on this increase in urban temples has T urban world as in the rural world, but differs mainly dealt with Buddhist temples; (3) here we focus on the markedly in its modalities. While the rural world is charac - place occupied by Daoist temples in urban religious life. We terised above all by the renewal of communal forms of reli - use a wide definition of the notion of “Daoist temples,” gion (such as the temples of local saints, lineages, pilgrim - which includes all the temples that continuously or regularly ages, etc.), these communal forms are heavily constrained in call on the ritual services of members of the Daoist clergy. the big cities for reasons of both politics (the laws forbidding As we shall see, this category can be analysed in two clearly religious activities outside the duly recognised “places of re - opposed types, the contrast between which enables a clearer ligious activity” are more strictly applied there) and urban understanding of the different directions in which contempo - planning. In the cities, we are witnessing rather an expansion rary Daoism is developing. of new forms of religiosity organised in dynamic networks This article is a result of the “Temples, Urban Society, and that are largely de-territorialised (Confucian movements, lay Daoists” project, (4) which combines a modern historical ap - Buddhism, house churches, new religious movements cen - proach with field studies in various big cities in order to un - tred on body techniques), and are developing outside fixed derstand the evolution of Daoism in urban areas since the visible structures such as temples. (1) While in some rural end of the nineteenth century. While using the data gath - areas (especially in the province of Fujian) the number of ered by other members of the project in cities such as temples has returned to the level that prevailed before the devastations of the twentieth century (an average of one 1. David Palmer and Vincent Goossaert, The Religious Question in Modern China , Chicago, temple per hundred families), the proportion remains infi - University of Chicago Press, forthcoming, ch. 10 and 11. For the Confucian movements, nitely lower in the big cities. (2) This separation between city see Sébastien Billioud & Joël Thoraval, “Anshen liming or the Religious Dimension of and country is one of the most significant results of Chinese Confucianism”, China Perspectives, 2008/3 , pp.88-106. 2. Kenneth Dean, “Further Partings of the Way: The Chinese State and Daoist Ritual modernity. Traditions in Contemporary China, ” in Ashiwa Yoshiko and David L. Wank (eds. ), Making However, two factors are tending once again to favour the Religion, Making the State: The Politics of Religion in Contemporary China , Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2009, pp. 178-210, observes that while the Daoist ritual net - activity of temples in the large contemporary cities: the ex - works have been reconstituted in rural areas, they are often no more than a memory in pansion of the cities, whose suburbs constantly absorb nu - the cities. merous villages along with their temples, and a political shift, 3. Ji Zhe, “Buddhism in the Reform-Era China: A Secularised Revival?, ” in Religion in Contemporary China: Revitalization and Innovation , edited by Adam Yuet Chau, London, irregular and strongly variable from one place to another, but Routledge, forthcoming; Ashiwa Yoshiko and David L. Wank, “The Politics of a Reviving nonetheless perceptible everywhere, which tends to favour Buddhist Temple: State, Association, and Religion in Southeast China, ” Journal of Asian “Chinese” religions (Buddhism and Daoism, as opposed to Studies 65(2), 2006, pp. 337-359. 4. This international collaborative project (2007-2010) is financed by the ANR and the the various forms of Christianity) in the framework of the in - Chiang Ching-Kuo Foundation ; see http://www.gsrl.cnrs.fr/taoist-and-temple/. 32 N o 2009/4 Temples and Daoists in Urban China Since 1980 s e v i a Wuhan or Guangzhou, and also referring to the published The temples of the Daoist t c n i literature, we have focused on temples in Shanghai, Suzhou, Association since 1980 e h and Hangzhou, and the majority of the examples we will p s c mention come from these cities. The historical approach of The Daoist Association (Daojiao xiehui) was established in r e our project leads us to introduce this article with a brief pic - 1957, dissolved in 1966, and re-founded in 1980. Since that p ture of the situation prior to 1949, in order to understand the date, one of its main tasks has been to negotiate with the au - contemporary split between the major temples directly man - thorities for the return of the large number of temples con - aged by the Daoist Association on the one hand, and on the fiscated since 1949. (8) There are now more than a thousand other, the communal temples that maintain complex links temples affiliated with the Association. Although the most with the Association. By contrasting the social role and rit - important decisions (concerning what is or is not allowed in ual services of these temples, we will outline the various the temples) are made by the government and its Religious forms of Daoism in urban areas. It is a question here of Affairs Offices at various levels of the administrative hierar - grasping the complexity and tensions peculiar to contempo - chy, the Daoist Association manages the temples on a day- rary urban Daoism rather than exploring contemporary to-day basis in the framework established by the state and Daoist culture itself, which will be the topic of other publi - under its control. Among these temples, two situations must cations by our project. be distinguished: First, that of a few sites that were major central temples prior to 1949, in particular the large The situation prior to 1949 Quanzhen monasteries, which were the first to be reopened after 1980. This preference accorded to the Quanzhen is The organisation of urban temples was profoundly shaken by linked to the over-representation of the order among the the extremely aggressive religious policies carried out by the leaders of the Daoist Association, as well as to the fact that succession of regimes following the end of the empire. (5) its major temples are often more separate from the fabric of And yet, the essential elements of this organisation were still urban society than the major Zhengyi temples. These tem - to be seen in 1949. In every major city there were one or ples, the restoration of which has often received financial two big Daoist temples, which we call “central temples,” support from the state, play several roles at once: as head - managed by the local Daoist elites who maintained close quarters of the local Daoist Association, training places links with local government officials and the economic and (they accommodate the Daoist seminaries), and tourist sites. cultural elites. The temples of the City God (Chenghuang The return of the City God temples took place later and has miao) or of the Eastern Peak (Dongyue miao) often played been less common and more difficult than that of the the role of central temple. (6) The Daoist elites who con - Quanzhen monasteries. They were often destroyed by the trolled these temples belonged to one of the two major cler - revolution of 1911-1912, or during the Northern Campaign ical orders, the Quanzhen and the Zhengyi. Although these of 1926-1928, precisely because they were at the heart of two orders are organised in different ways, their liturgy is to the traditional social structures of the cities that the revolu - a large extent similar. tionaries wanted to eliminate and replace with the new insti - Moreover, a very large number of smaller temples, generally tutions of the nation-state. They are still used today, in most belonging to neighbourhood associations, guilds, or other in - cases, as museums or schools. The City God temple in stitutions of the kind, employed Daoists, either permanently Shanghai, one of the very first to reopen, was entrusted to or to come and officiate during festivals. (7) While the temples were all autonomous, hierarchical systems linked them to - 5.
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