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Kunnskapsdepartementets Historie
1814–2014 Kunnskapsdepartementets historie KIM GUNNAR HELSVIG 1811 Det Kgl. Frederiks Universitet etableres i Christiania 1814 1. departement opprettes. 1818 1. departement skifter navn til Kirke- og undervisningsdepartementet. 1821 Stortinget etablerer Oplysningsvæsenets Fond. 1826 Første lærerseminar opprettes. 1827 Lov om allmueskolen på landet. 1845 Skoleavdelingen i Kirke- og undervisningsdepartementet får konsulentstilling. 1848 Lov om allmueskolen i byene. 1851 Hartvig Nissen etablerer Selskabet til Folkeoplysningens Fremme. 1860 Lov om allmueskolen på landet. 1865 Hartvig Nissen utnevnes til den første ekspedisjonssjefen i Kirke- og undervisnings- departementets skoleavdeling. 1869 Lov om offentlige skoler for den høyere almenndannelse innfører inndelingen i 6-årig middelskole og 3-årig gymnas. 1882 Kvinner får rett til å ta examen artium. 1884 Kvinner får adgang til universitetet og dermed rett til å ta embetseksamen. 1889 Folkeskolelovene åpnet muligheten for høyere utdannelse for alle, både i byene og på landet. 1890 Kvinner får adgang til offentlige lærerskoler. Den første normalplanen for folkeskolen. 1896 Gymnaslovene etablerte en allmenn høyere skole med to hovedlinjer, real- og engelsklinjen. 1897 Norges landbrukshøgskole opprettes. 1905 Universitetet får sin egen rektor ved Lov om Det Kgl. Frederiks Universitet. 1910 Norges tekniske høgskole opprettes. 1911 Departementet nedsetter den såkalte enhetsskolekomiteen. 1912 Kristine Bonnevie blir Norges første kvinnelige professor. 1814–1914 1922 Norges lærerhøgskole opprettes. Normalplan for landsfolkeskolen. 1925 Normalplan for byfolkeskolen. 1931 Lærerorganisasjonenes skolenemnd nedsettes. 1936 Lov om folkeskolen på landet og Lov om 1940 april Rektor ved Universitetet i Oslo Didrik Arup Seip blir sjef for Kirke- folkeskolen i kjøpstedene. og undervisningsdepartementet under Administrasjonsrådet. 1940 september Professor ved Norges tekniske høgskole Ragnar Skancke blir Kirke- og undervisningsminister i Reichskommisar Terbovens nye regjering. -
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TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE World Leadership Alliance-Club de Madrid Annual Report 2019. Table of Contents Printed in Madrid, Spain. 2020. This report is also an interactive document that, through the use of QR codes, allows readers to view videos, ANNUAL REPORT 2019 news and additional materials that support the information provided in this document. 4 Message from the President 6 Introduction 8 Next Generation Find QR Codes Access the Read QR Codes Follow link to Democracy in the report camera App with phone view content 24 Shared Societies Project 26 Preventing Violent Extremism 40 Outreach and Development World Leadership Alliance-Club de Madrid (WLA-CdM) is the largest worldwide assembly of political leaders 44 Communications working to strengthen democratic values, good governance and the well-being of citizens across the globe. As a non-profit, non-partisan, international organisation, its network is composed of more than 100 democratic 46 Finance and former Presidents and Prime Ministers from over 70 countries, together with a global body of advisors and expert practitioners, who offer their voice and agency on a pro bono basis, to today's political, civil society leaders and policymakers. WLA-CdM responds to a growing demand for trusted advice in addressing the Administration challenges involved in achieving democracy that delivers, building bridges, bringing down silos and promoting dialogue for the design of better policies for all. This alliance, providing the experience, access and convening power of its Members, represents an 48 About WLA-CdM independent effort towards sustainable development, inclusion and peace, not bound by the interest or pressures of institutions and governments. -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
“Norway Is a Peace Nation”
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives “Norway is a Peace Nation” Discursive Preconditions for the Norwegian Peace Engagement Policy Øystein Haga Skånland M.A.Thesis, Peace and Conflict Studies Faculty of Social Science UNIVERSITY OF OSLO 20th June, 2008 ii Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisor Halvard Leira for his insightful feedback, suggestions, and encouraging comments. Without him keeping me on track and gently prodding me in the right direction, carrying out the analysis would undoubtedly have been an overwhelming task. I am also grateful to Iver B. Neumann, who has read through and given valuable comments on a draft in the finishing stages of the process. I would also like to thank Prof. Jeffrey T. Checkel for an excellent introduction to social constructivism in International Relations, Prof. Werner Christie Mathisen for his course on textual analysis, and Sunniva Engh for introducing me to Norwegian development aid history. You have all inspired me in the choice of perspective and object of study. Writing this thesis would not be possible without support and encouragement to overcome the many small and big challenges I have encountered. I am indebted to my fellow students, particularly Jonathan Amario and Ruben Røsler; my friends; and my parents. Last, but not least, Synnøve deserves my most heartfelt thanks for her patience and loving support. All the viewpoints presented, and all errors and inconsistencies, are solely my own responsibility. Øystein Haga Skånland Oslo, June 2008 iii Table of Content Acknowledgements .............................................................................................................. -
Third Evaluation Round Evaluation Report on Slovenia On
DIRECTORATE GENERAL OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND LEGAL AFFAIRS DIRECTORATE OF MONITORING Strasbourg, 7 December 2007 Public Greco Eval III Rep (2007) 1E Theme II Third Evaluation Round Evaluation Report on Slovenia on Transparency of Party Funding (Theme II) Adopted by GRECO at its 35 th Plenary Meeting (Strasbourg, 3-7 December 2007) Secrétariat du GRECO GRECO Secretariat www.coe.int/greco Conseil de l’Europe Council of Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex +33 3 88 41 20 00 Fax +33 3 88 41 39 55 I. INTRODUCTION 1. Slovenia joined GRECO in 1999. GRECO adopted the First Round Evaluation Report (Greco Eval I Rep (2000) 3E) in respect of Slovenia at its 4 th Plenary Meeting (12-15 December 2000) and the Second Round Evaluation Report (Greco Eval II Rep (2003) 1E) at its 16 th Plenary Meeting (Strasbourg, 8-12 December 2003). The aforementioned Evaluation Reports, as well as their corresponding Compliance Reports, are available on GRECO’s homepage (http://www.coe.int/greco ). 2. GRECO’s current Third Evaluation Round (launched on 1 January 2007) deals with the following themes: - Theme I – Incriminations: Articles 1a and 1b, 2-12, 15-17, 19 paragraph 1 of the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 173) 1, Articles 1-6 of its Additional Protocol 2 (ETS 191) and Guiding Principle 2 (criminalisation of corruption). - Theme II – Transparency of party funding: Articles 11, 12, 13b, 14 and 16 of Recommendation Rec(2003)4 on Common Rules against Corruption in the Funding of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns, and - more generally - Guiding Principle 15 (financing of political parties and election campaigns) . -
Version 2.8 (Presentert DSS)
Concentration of power in cabinets: Exploring the importance of the political context Kristoffer Kolltveit, PhD Candidate, Department of political science, University of Oslo Abstract. Weakening of the cabinet collective and strengthening of prime ministers in parliamentary democracies have often been explained by the personality of state leaders or long-term changes like increased fragmentation of public sector, internationalisation and mediatisation of politics. This article points to other, more contingent explanations for changes in the executive centre. The argument is that the number of parties in cabinet, the fragility of the coalition, and the cabinet’s parliamentary basis, also affect the need for political coordination and thus the concentration of power in cabinet. The impact of long-term societal changes on the concentration of decision-making power in cabinet thus depends on factors in the domestic political context. The argument is substantiated through a qualitative case study of Norway. Based on semi-structured interviews the study shows that different features of cabinet help explain the concentration of power seen in the last four Norwegian cabinets. ! Note to reader: This is an early draft of the final article in my article-based PhD- thesis. One of the other articles focuses on how presidentialisation tendencies in Norwegian coalitions instead might be described as concentration of power as core ministers, party leaders and parliamentary leaders still are important actors in the decision-making processes in cabinet. In order to avoid overlap, this article has a more explanatory focus. I am therefore particularly interested in and grateful for, feedback on how this present article can be framed to further strengthen the theoretical argument of the importance of short-term explanations and interlinkage with long-term explanations, and perhaps tone down the Norwegian case more. -
Internal Politics and Views on Brexit
BRIEFING PAPER Number 8362, 2 May 2019 The EU27: Internal Politics By Stefano Fella, Vaughne Miller, Nigel Walker and Views on Brexit Contents: 1. Austria 2. Belgium 3. Bulgaria 4. Croatia 5. Cyprus 6. Czech Republic 7. Denmark 8. Estonia 9. Finland 10. France 11. Germany 12. Greece 13. Hungary 14. Ireland 15. Italy 16. Latvia 17. Lithuania 18. Luxembourg 19. Malta 20. Netherlands 21. Poland 22. Portugal 23. Romania 24. Slovakia 25. Slovenia 26. Spain 27. Sweden www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 The EU27: Internal Politics and Views on Brexit Contents Summary 6 1. Austria 13 1.1 Key Facts 13 1.2 Background 14 1.3 Current Government and Recent Political Developments 15 1.4 Views on Brexit 17 2. Belgium 25 2.1 Key Facts 25 2.2 Background 25 2.3 Current Government and recent political developments 26 2.4 Views on Brexit 28 3. Bulgaria 32 3.1 Key Facts 32 3.2 Background 32 3.3 Current Government and recent political developments 33 3.4 Views on Brexit 35 4. Croatia 37 4.1 Key Facts 37 4.2 Background 37 4.3 Current Government and recent political developments 38 4.4 Views on Brexit 39 5. Cyprus 42 5.1 Key Facts 42 5.2 Background 42 5.3 Current Government and recent political developments 43 5.4 Views on Brexit 45 6. Czech Republic 49 6.1 Key Facts 49 6.2 Background 49 6.3 Current Government and recent political developments 50 6.4 Views on Brexit 53 7. -
Taxonomy of Minority Governments
Indiana Journal of Constitutional Design Volume 3 Article 1 10-17-2018 Taxonomy of Minority Governments Lisa La Fornara [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijcd Part of the Administrative Law Commons, American Politics Commons, Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, International Law Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Legislation Commons, Public Law and Legal Theory Commons, Rule of Law Commons, and the State and Local Government Law Commons Recommended Citation La Fornara, Lisa (2018) "Taxonomy of Minority Governments," Indiana Journal of Constitutional Design: Vol. 3 , Article 1. Available at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijcd/vol3/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Indiana Journal of Constitutional Design by an authorized editor of Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Taxonomy of Minority Governments LISA LA FORNARA INTRODUCTION A minority government in its most basic form is a government in which the party holding the most parliamentary seats still has fewer than half the seats in parliament and therefore cannot pass legislation or advance policy without support from unaffiliated parties.1 Because seats in minority parliaments are more evenly distributed amongst multiple parties, opposition parties have greater opportunity to block legislation. A minority government must therefore negotiate with external parties and adjust its policies to garner the majority of votes required to advance its initiatives.2 This paper serves as a taxonomy of minority governments in recent history and proceeds in three parts. -
The Centre for European and Asian Studies
Nick Sitter, PSA 2004, p.1 The Centre for European and Asian Studies REPORT 2/2004 ISSN 1500-2683 Beyond Government and Opposition? The European Question, Party Strategy and Coalition Politics in Norway Nick Sitter A publication from: Centre for European and Asian Studies at Norwegian School of Management Elias Smiths vei 15 PO Box 580 N-1302 Sandvika Norway Paper prepared for the UK Political Studies Association conference, 2004 BEYOND GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION? THE EUROPEAN QUESTION, PARTY STRATEGY AND COALITION POLITICS IN NORWAY Nick Sitter Department of Public Governance, The Norwegian School of Management BI The British application for membership of the European Economic Community in July 1961 came less than two months before the election that cost the Labour party its parliamentary majority and inaugurated four decades of minority and coalition government. Not only did the British application place the controversial question of whether to apply for EEC membership on the Norwegian Labour (and now minority) administration’s agenda, it introduced a question that has cast a shadow over coalition politics ever since. Participation in European integration has long divided both the centre-right and centre-left wings of the party system, and with the 2005 election a year and a half away it continues to do so more than ever. With the leaders of the two mainstream centre-left and -right parties both declaring that application for membership of the European Union is more important than coalition politics, and their respective potential coalition partners prioritising opposition to EU membership, the scene is set for intense coalition games and negotiations in the run-up to the 2005 elections and in all likelihood yet another minority government that builds alliances in different directions on economic and foreign policy questions. -
Annual Report 2015 / 10-Year Anniversary Booklet
DEMOCRACY BUILDING IN A TURBULENT WORLD THE OSLO CENTER 10 YEAR ANNIVERSARY 2006 – 2016 Peace Democracy Human Rights CONTENT FOREWORD PAGE 5 INTRODUCTION PAGE 6 THE VISION BEHIND THE OSLO CENTER PAGE 6 MAKING IDEAS FLY PAGE 7 THE WAY FORWARD PAGE 9 DEMOCRACY ASSISTANCE PAGE 10 THE OSLO CENTER APPROACH PAGE 17 ARTICLES PAGE 19 HUMAN RIGHTS IN NORWAY’S FOREIGN AND DEVELOPMENT POLICY PAGE 19 INTER-RELIGIOUS DIALOGUE PAGE 24 CURRENT PROJECTS PAGE 31 SOMALIA – Small but important steps towards democracy PAGE 31 KENYA – Strengthening democratic processes PAGE 33 SOUTH SUDAN – Youth dialogue as a way to inclusive participation PAGE 36 BURMA/MYANMAR – Youth engagement: a prerequisite for democracy PAGE 38 NEPAL – Strengthening democracy through effective implementation of the new Constitution PAGE 41 UKRAINE – Cross party cooperation and coalition building PAGE 42 THE KYRGYZ REPUBLIC - Strengthening democratic processes and human rights PAGE 45 SUSTAINABLE MANGEMENT OF NATURAL RESOURCES - Underpinning democracy and economic growth PAGE 46 THE UNIVERSAL CODE OF CONDUCT ON HOLY SITES – Inter-religious efforts to protect holy sites PAGE 48 CONCEPT DEVELOPMENT – Oslo Center publications, handbooks and guides PAGE 50 FORMER PROJECTS PAGE 54 UN MISSION TO THE HORN OF AFRICA - Special Humanitarian Envoy to the region PAGE 54 DIALOGUE FOR RESPECT AND UNDERSTANDING – The islamic world and the west PAGE 56 RELIGION AND DEVELOPMENT - Greater expertize needed on how religion influences societal development PAGE 58 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT ON ERITREA - Report on -
FORMAL COMPLAINT VS the KINGDOM of NORWAY 1 by Wilh
United Nations petition — incomplete report Date: April ……. , 2009 Plaintiff: Surname: Winther First names: Wilhelm Werner Gender: Male Birthplace/-date: NO-Ålesund — May 17, 1963 Nationality: Norwegian Present address: Åsen 4, NO-6270 Brattvåg, Norway Contact information: Norwegian authorities should send their communications/representatives etc to my counsellor in NO-Ålesund, Mr Johs. A ASPEHAUG (P.O Box 837, 6001 Ålesund [PRV: Kipervikg. 5 — ―Grimmergården‖ — Ålesund]). Due to persistent, dangerous and totally illegal harassment and interference from Norwegian authorities, representatives from foreign governments, human rights organizations and tribunals etc should apply couriers satisfyingly identifying themselves as authentic messengers — no letters should be forwarded through, e.g, the official postal services of Norway (i.e ―Posten Norge BA‖) or DHL, and no confidential information should be transferred by telecommunication or direct consultation with aforesaid counsellor (Mr Aspehaug is trustworthy enough, but his office etc ‘ve been unlawfully surveilled by Norwegian author- ities for years). Norwegian authorities are much likely to v.g; obstruct phone calls, steal telefac- similes/letters, erase e-mails and to bug/surveil/eavesdrop clothes, luggage, PCs, calculators, cellular phones, hotel rooms, restaurants, shops, public health facili- ties, libraries, closed sessions, cars/taxicabs, parks and — pet animals etc. 1 FORMAL COMPLAINT VS THE KINGDOM OF NORWAY 1 by Wilh. Werner WINTHER, Norway United Nations petition — incomplete -
Agenda 14 June - 20 June 2021 20210607APR05612
Agenda 14 June - 20 June 2021 20210607APR05612 The Week Ahead 14 – 20 June 2021 Committee meetings, Brussels Committee meetings, Brussels First Plenary of the Conference on the Future of Europe. The inaugural Conference Plenary will take place on 19 June, in Strasbourg, with remote and physical participation, in full compliance with the public health situation, and will include presentations on the European Citizens’ Panels and the Multilingual Digital Platform. Ahead of the event, on Tuesday 15 June, Parliament’s Co-Chair of the Conference Board, MEP Guy Verhofstadt, will inform the Constitutional Affairs Committee on the state of play of the Conference. High-Level Conference on Asylum and Migration. EP President David Sassoli will contribute with a video message at the opening and speak at the closing of the second high-level inter- parliamentary conference on migration and asylum. The conference will debate the impact of COVID-19 and the external dimension of migration and asylum policies. Statements by President of Portugal’s Assembleia Eduardo Ferro Rodrigues, President of Slovenia’s National Assembly Igor Zorčič and President of Germany’s Bundestag Wolfgang Schäuble will also take place at the opening. Commission Vice-Presidents Margaritis Schinas will deliver keynote speech (Monday). Protection of EU budget/OLAF. MEPs in the Budget Control Committee will discuss the European Anti-Fraud Office’s (OLAF) 2020 activities in its fight to protect the EU budget, including over 200 investigations closed and more than €293 million recommended for recovery, with its Director-General Ville Itälä (Tuesday). Single European Sky. The Transport and Tourism Committee will set its negotiating position on the reform of the Single European Sky.