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1 Beccaria Contre Howard? La Réforme Pénale Au Québec, 1760-1841 Donald Fyson, Université Laval Introduction Dès Les Premi

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1 Beccaria Contre Howard? La Réforme Pénale Au Québec, 1760-1841 Donald Fyson, Université Laval Introduction Dès Les Premi 1 Beccaria contre Howard? La réforme pénale au Québec, 1760-1841 Donald Fyson, Université Laval N.b.: il s'agit ici de la version complète d'un texte dont une autre version a été publiée dans Michel Porret et Elisabeth Salvi (dir), Cesare Beccaria. La controverse pénale (XVIIIe-XXIe siècles) (Rennes, Presses de l'Université de Rennes, 2015), p. 81-89. La version publiée a été considérablement réduite et modifiée lors du processus de publication et contient plusieurs erreurs et inexactitudes. Le lecteur est autorisé de citer le texte actuel sans me consulter. Introduction Dès les premières années suivant sa publication en 1764, l'ouvrage de Cesare Beccaria, Des délits et des peines, se répand jusque dans les coins les plus lointains du monde occidental. Ainsi, les traductions anglaises, dont la première fut publiée par John Almon en 17671, font presque immédiatement l'objet d'une diffusion au sein des élites coloniales britanniques en Amérique du Nord. Comme le montre John Bessler, Beccaria connaît notamment une grande popularité auprès des hommes qui animeront la Révolution américaine2. Un exemple de cette influence de Beccaria sur les révolutionnaires américains se trouve dans un appel lancé en 1774 par le Congrès américain aux Canadiens, les habitants francophones de la nouvelle colonie britannique de la province de Québec : la Lettre adressée aux habitans de la province de Quebec […] de la part du Congrés3. En 1759-1760, la Conquête du Canada par les troupes britanniques (et américaines) vit passer la plus grande partie de l'ancienne Nouvelle- France dans le giron de l'Empire britannique, conquête militaire confirmée par le Traité de Paris en 17634 qui entérina la cession définitive par la France de sa colonie nord-américaine. Les Américains pensent tout naturellement que les Canadiens fraîchement conquis se joindront à eux dans leur quête de liberté à l'encontre du joug britannique. L'appel reproduit entre autres les deux premières phrases de l'introduction du livre de Beccaria : « "Dans toute société humaine," dit le célèbre Marquis de Beccaria, "Il y a une force qui tend continuellement à conférer à une partie le haut du pouvoir & du bonheur, & à réduire l'autre au dernier degré de foiblesse [sic] & de misere [sic]. L'intention des bonnes loix est de s'opposer à cette force, & de répandre leur influence également & universellement5." » 1 BECCARIA C., An Essay on Crimes and Punishments, Londres, J. Almon, 1767. 2 BESSLER J.D., Cruel & Unusual : The American Death Penalty and the Founders' Eighth Amendment, Boston, Northeastern University Press, 2012. 3 Lettre adressée aux habitans de la province de Quebec, Ci-devant le Canada de la part du Congrés général de l'Amérique Septentrionale, Philadelphie, Fleury Mesplet, 1774. Les italiques sont dans le texte d'origine. 4 Pour un survol et une discussion de l'historiographie, voir FYSON D., « The Canadiens and the Conquest of Quebec : Interpretations, Realities, Ambiguities », GERVAIS S. et al. (dir.), Quebec Questions : Quebec Studies for the Twenty-First Century, Toronto, Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 18-33. 5 Lettre adressée, op. cit., p. 5. MONETTE P. (éd.), Rendez-vous manqué avec la Révolution américaine : les adresses aux habitants de la province de Québec diffusées à l'occasion de l'invasion américaine de 1775-1776, Montréal, Québec-Amérique, 2007, p. 79, souligne avec justesse que la citation ne provient pas de la traduction française de Beccaria, mais se trompe en affirmant que « cet extrait du livre de Beccaria a été cité de mémoire » (p. 468). Il s'agit plutôt d'une traduction assez fidèle en français de la traduction anglaise publiée par Almon, traduction que Monette semble avoir manquée (p. 467). 2 Cette citation sur l'intention des « bonnes loix » est placée immédiatement avant une citation de Montesquieu (identifié comme « un de vos compatriotes », comme si les Canadiens se considéraient encore français), tirée de De l'esprit des lois et portant sur la colonisation anglaise6. L'appel aux Canadiens, toutefois, ne porte pas ses fruits. Pour un ensemble de raisons encore débattues par les historiens, la plupart ne répondent pas à l'invitation américaine7. La majorité des Canadiens, surtout les « habitants » (les agriculteurs), restent neutres (malgré un certain appui pour les rebelles américains) tandis que la quasi-totalité des élites canadiennes, notamment la classe seigneuriale et la hiérarchie de l'Église, appuient activement les Britanniques contre les Américains. Après qu'une invasion américaine presque réussie ait été refoulée début 1776, le Québec et les Canadiens restent dans le giron britannique, pris dans une autre conception de la « liberté », britannique cette fois. Ainsi en est-il pour le livre de Beccaria au Québec, dont l'influence est à la fois certaine, indirecte et marginale. Ce texte se penche sur l'influence, au Québec et Bas-Canada (nom de la colonie à partir de 1791), de Beccaria et plus généralement des idées de réforme pénale dont il fut l'un des pionniers. Il se concentre sur la période s'étalant de 1760, qui marque la prise de contrôle effective de la colonie par les Britanniques, à 1841, année à la fois de changements politiques et administratifs importants (notamment l'union du Bas-Canada avec la colonie voisine du Haut- Canada) et d'une première tentative de codification partielle du droit criminel au Canada. Le Québec / Bas-Canada présente un double intérêt. D'une part, la population de la colonie est très majoritairement franco-catholique (les Canadiens, issus des colons français, forment 95% ou plus de la population en 1774 et encore au-delà de 75% en 1841), mais il existe aussi une minorité britannique importante qui occupe une place prépondérante dans l'administration coloniale et l'économie commerciale. Même si les liens d'échange directs avec la France sont rompus par le changement de métropole, les contacts indirects avec la France, en passant par l'Angleterre ou les États-Unis, restent très forts, y compris les échanges culturels8. Circulent donc dans la colonie à la fois des idées françaises et des idées britanniques9. D'autre part, cette colonie a vécu à la fois sous l'ancien droit pénal français, qui ressemble de beaucoup à celui critiqué par Beccaria, et sous le droit pénal anglais. Ce dernier est appliqué dès 1760 et sera confirmé par deux fois, d'abord en 1763 par une Proclamation royale qui promet l'instauration du droit anglais 6 MONETTE P., op. cit., p. 77-84. 7 LANCTÔT G., Le Canada et la Révolution américaine, Montréal, Beauchemin, 1965 ; TRUDEL M., La Révolution américaine : pourquoi la France refuse le Canada, 1775-1783, Sillery, Boréal Express, 1976 ; GABRIEL M.P. (éd.). Québec During the American Invasion, 1775-1776 : The Journal of François Baby, Gabriel Taschereau, and Jenkin Williams, East Lansing, Michigan State University Press, 2005 ; CROS L., « L'autre participation française à la guerre d'Indépendance : la campagne du Québec, 1775-1776, et l'interaction entre Canadiens français, Américains, et Français », BERTHIER-FOGLAR S. (dir.), La France en Amérique : mémoire d'une conquête, Grenoble, Éditions de l'Université de Savoie, 2009, p. 93-112 ; MONETTE P., op. cit. 8 GALARNEAU C., La France devant l'opinion canadienne (1760-1815), Québec, Presses de l'Université Laval, 1970 ; HARVEY F., « Les relations culturelles entre la France et le Canada (1760-1960) », JOYAL S. et LINTEAU P.- A. (dir.), France, Canada, Québec : 400 ans de relations d'exception, Montréal, Presses de l'Université de Montréal, 2008, p. 95-126. 9 Voir par exemple GALARNEAU C., op. cit. ; HARVEY F., loc. cit. ; WALLOT J.-P., « Révolution et réformisme dans le Bas-Canada (1777-1815) », Annales historiques de la Révolution française, vol. 45, n° 3, 1973, p. 344-406 ; LAMONDE Y., Histoire sociale des idées au Québec. Volume I : 1760-1896, Saint-Laurent, Fides, 2000, p. 17-82 ; DUCHARME M., Le concept de liberté au Canada à l'époque des Révolutions atlantiques (1776-1838), Montréal, McGill-Queen's University Press, 2010. 3 puis en 1774 par l'Acte de Québec qui déclare explicitement que le droit criminel s'appliquant dans la colonie sera désormais le droit criminel anglais10. L'argument du présent texte est simple. Des délits et des peines est certes diffusé au Québec et au Bas-Canada ; toutefois l'influence de Beccaria sur les débats publics concernant la réforme du droit criminel est plutôt indirecte et surtout filtrée par des penseurs anglais plus empiriques. Néanmoins, cela n'empêche que les idées de la réforme pénale qu'incarne Beccaria influencent la pratique réelle du droit pénal dans la colonie. Un exemple clair de la tendance empirique adoptée dans la colonie et de l'influence plus indirecte de Beccaria est le recours à l'œuvre de John Howard. Les idées et les publications de Howard inspirent directement et explicitement la réforme des prisons au Québec et au Canada e dès le début du XIX siècle et c'est davantage Howard que Beccaria qui incarne l'approche envers la réforme pénale adoptée au Québec. Comme Jacques-Guy Petit l'a souligné, « Beccaria est léger, dense et logique […] [Howard] est lourd et descriptif11 ». Howard est un praticien et un pragmatiste. Il peut bien citer Beccaria dans son monumental The State of the Prisons in England and Wales (1777)12, et les idées de Beccaria ont sans aucun doute influencé sa propre pensée. Toutefois, ce que Howard cherche à produire est une description empirique des prisons et des suggestions pratiques et concrètes pour leur transformation, notamment par la classification des prisonniers, la salubrité des lieux et l'instauration du travail forcé. Cette même approche empirique, peu théorisée, mais inspirée néanmoins par les mouvements de réforme, est celle qui anime la transformation des peines au Québec pendant la période 1760-1841.
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