Evolution and Outlook of the Syrian Crisis
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The United States and Russian Governments Involvement in the Syrian Crisis and the United Nations’ Kofi Annan Peace Process
ISSN 2039-2117 (online) Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences Vol 5 No 27 ISSN 2039-9340 (print) MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy December 2014 The United States and Russian Governments Involvement in the Syrian Crisis and the United Nations’ Kofi Annan Peace Process Ken Ifesinachi Ph.D Professor of Political Science, University of Nigeria [email protected] Raymond Adibe Department of Political Science, University of Nigeria [email protected] Doi:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n27p1154 Abstract The inability of the Syrian government to internally manage the popular uprising in the country have increased international pressure on Syria as well as deepen international efforts to resolve the crisis that has developed into a full scale civil war. It was the need to end the violent conflict in Syria that informed the appointment of Kofi Annan as the U.N-Arab League Special Envoy to Syria on February 23, 2012. This study investigates the U.S and Russian governments’ involvement in the Syrian crisis and the UN Kofi Annan peace process. The two persons’ Zero-sum model of the game theory is used as our framework of analysis. Our findings showed that the divergence on financial and military support by the U.S and Russian governments to the rival parties in the Syrian conflict contradicted the mandate of the U.N Security Council that sanctioned the Annan plan and compromised the ceasefire agreement contained in the plan which resulted in the escalation of violent conflict in Syria during the period the peace deal was supposed to be in effect. The implication of the study is that the success of any U.N brokered peace deal is highly dependent on the ability of its key members to have a consensus, hence, there is need to galvanize a comprehensive international consensus on how to tackle the Syrian crisis that would accommodate all crucial international actors. -
Key Actors and Abbreviations
Key actors and abbreviations The Assad regime and its allies ‘The regime’ Bashar al-Assad, Syrian President 2000– Hafez al-Assad, Syrian President 1971–2000 Asma al-Assad (née Akhras), Syria’s First Lady 2000– Maher al-Assad, brother of Bashar al-Assad, Commander of Republican Guard and 4th Armoured Division Anisa Makhlouf, mother of Bashar al-Assad Assif Shawkat, brother-in-law of Bashar al-Assad, head of military intelligence 2005–9, deputy minister of defence 2011–12 Rami Makhlouf, cousin of Bashar al-Assad, wealthy businessman Manaf Tlass, Republican Guard General, defected 2012 Farouk al-Sharaa, First Vice President of Syria 2006– Walid al-Muallem, Foreign Minister 2006– Bouthaina Shabaan, political and media adviser to the Syrian President 2008– Ba’ath – Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party, the ruling party of Syria since 1963 Mukhabarat – Set of notorious regime intelligence agencies Shabiha – Gangs of irregular pro-regime thugs NDF – National Defence Force, formed 2013 Russia Vladimir Putin, Russian President 2000–8, 2012–, Russian Prime Minister 2008–12 Dmitri Medvedev, Russian President 2008–12, Russian Prime Minister 2012–20 Sergei Lavrov, Foreign Minister 2004– Mikhail Bogdanov, Deputy Foreign Minister 2011– Iran Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Supreme Leader of Iran 1989– xii 5146.indd xii 19/06/20 5:00 PM KEY ACTORS AND ABBREVIATIONS xiii Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Iranian President 2005–13 Hassan Rouhani, Iranian President 2013– Ali Akbar Salehi, Foreign Minister 2010–13 Mohammad Javad Zarif, Foreign Minister 2013– Qassem Suleimani, Commander -
The Syrian National Council: a Victorious Opposition?
THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES IMES CAPSTONE PAPER SERIES THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? JARED MARKLAND KRITTIKA LALWANEY MAY 2012 THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES THE ELLIOTT SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY COPYRIGHT OF THE AUTHOR(S), 2012 THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? Jared Markland & Krittika Lalwaney Introduction The Syrian National Council (SNC) emerged as an opposition movement representing the democratic uprisings in Syria calling for regime change. The Assad regime’s forceful measures against Syrians have delegitimized the government and empowered the revolution. The success of the revolution, in overthrowing the regime hinges on the Syrian opposition’s ability to overcome its deficiencies. This paper analyzes the performance of the SNC by determining SNC success or failure to launch a successful opposition movement against the regime. The SNC’s probability of success in the overthrow of the regime is contingent on its ability to unify internally, obtain financial capacity, establish international recognition, and build internal popular support. Methodology The methods used to examine the prospects for success of the SNC as a viable opposition movement consist of comparative case studies and qualitative field research. We examined four case studies, including Nicaragua, Libya, El Salvador and Guatemala. These cases establish a set of core factors necessary for an opposition movement to succeed. The utilization of these factors allows us to create a comparative assessment of the overall performance of the SNC. Our qualitative fieldwork entailed a total of 32 interviews with current SNC members, Syrian activists, refugees, Free Syrian Army members, academic experts, and government officials. -
LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY the Syrian Conflict: Through the Lens of Realpolitik by Alexander Ortiz a Thesis Submitted in Part
LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY The Syrian Conflict: Through the Lens of Realpolitik By Alexander Ortiz A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts in International Affairs School of Arts and Sciences January 2014 To loved ones v Acknowledgments To Professors Salamey, Skulte-Ouasis, and Baroudi. Thank You for everything. Your guidance and help over the length of the program has been much appreciated. To Professor Rowayheb, thank you for being on my thesis board. vi The Syrian Conflict: Through the Lens of Realpolitik Alexander Ortiz Abstract This thesis examines power relations in the security vacuum created by the Syrian conflict. The conflicting nature of Syrian domestic politics has created a political stalemate that needs outside support to be resolved. Inaction on the part of the greater international community has allowed for regional powers to become highly entrenched in the conflict. Regional involvement and the demographics of Syrian parties have been used by popular mediums to describe the conflict as sectarian by nature. The central point of this thesis is to show that the veneer of sectarianism by all parties, both Syrian and regional, is primarily a by-product of competitive self-interest. This is done by showing that the relationships made between Syrian groups and their patrons are based on self-interest and the utility provided in these temporary unions. The seminal political theories of Locke and Hobbes concerning the foundations of political power show the Syrian groups to be acting upon political necessity, not sect. The ambitions of regional powers are analyzed through realist theory to explain power relations in an unregulated political environment both in Syria and in the region. -
Hamas's Response to the Syrian Uprising Nasrin Akhter in a Recent
Hamas’s Response to the Syrian Uprising Nasrin Akhter In a recent interview with the pro-Syrian Al Mayadeen channel based in Beirut, the Hamas deputy chief, Mousa Abu Marzouk asserted in October 2013 that Khaled Meshaal was ‘wrong’ to have raised the flag of the Syrian revolution on his historic return to Gaza at the end of last year.1 While on the face of it, Marzouk’s comment may not in itself hold much significance, referring only to the literal act of raising the flag, an inadvertent error made during an exuberant rally in which a number of other flags were also raised, subsequent remarks by Marzouk during the course of the interview describing the Syrian state as the ‘beating heart of the Palestinian cause’ and acknowledging the previous ‘favour’ of the Syrian regime towards the movement2 may be more indicative of shift in Hamas’s position of open opposition towards the Asad regime. This raises the important question of whether we are now witnessing a third phase in Hamas’s response towards the Syrian Uprising. In the first stage of its response, a period lasting from the outbreak of hostilities in the southern city of Deraa in March 2011 until December 2011, Hamas’s position appeared to be one of constructive ambiguity, publicly refraining from condemning Syrian authorities, but studiously avoiding anything which could have been interpreted as an open act of support for the Syrian regime. Such a position clearly stemmed from Hamas’s own vulnerabilities, acting with caution for fear of exacting reprisals against the movement still operating out of Damascus. -
Senior Sunni Defections in Syria | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Policy Alert Senior Sunni Defections in Syria by Andrew J. Tabler, Jeffrey White Jul 5, 2012 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Andrew J. Tabler Andrew J. Tabler is the Martin J. Gross fellow in the Geduld Program on Arab Politics at The Washington Institute, where he focuses on Syria and U.S. policy in the Levant. Jeffrey White Jeffrey White is an adjunct defense fellow at The Washington Institute, specializing in the military and security affairs of the Levant and Iran. Brief Analysis The reported defection of a senior Sunni commander and friend of Assad, if true, would be a blow to the regime and an opportunity for Washington. eports that Brig. Gen. Manaf Tlass, a Sunni commander in Syria's elite 105th Brigade, has defected to Turkey R could be a sign that Sunnis are beginning to break with the regime years after being co-opted by President Bashar al-Assad's father, Hafiz. Pro-regime websites have published articles critical of Tlass and his extended family, indicating a serious split. The son of former defense minister Mustafa Tlass, Manaf would be the most senior combat unit commander to have abandoned the regime, and his action highlights the mounting strains on the Syrian army. The 105th Brigade is a component of the Republican Guard Division, considered to be among the units most loyal to the regime. Tlass's forces have been heavily involved in violent actions against the armed and unarmed opposition in the Damascus area since the revolt began, though his effective degree of command over the unit is unclear. -
Complaint for of the Estate of MARIE COLVIN, and Extrajudicial Killing, JUSTINE ARAYA-COLVIN, Heir-At-Law and 28 U.S.C
Case 1:16-cv-01423 Document 1 Filed 07/09/16 Page 1 of 33 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CATHLEEN COLVIN, individually and as Civil No. __________________ parent and next friend of minors C.A.C. and L.A.C., heirs-at-law and beneficiaries Complaint For of the estate of MARIE COLVIN, and Extrajudicial Killing, JUSTINE ARAYA-COLVIN, heir-at-law and 28 U.S.C. § 1605A beneficiary of the estate of MARIE COLVIN, c/o Center for Justice & Accountability, One Hallidie Plaza, Suite 406, San Francisco, CA 94102 Plaintiffs, v. SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC, c/o Foreign Minister Walid al-Mualem Ministry of Foreign Affairs Kafar Soussa, Damascus, Syria Defendant. COMPLAINT Plaintiffs Cathleen Colvin and Justine Araya-Colvin allege as follows: INTRODUCTION 1. On February 22, 2012, Marie Colvin, an American reporter hailed by many of her peers as the greatest war correspondent of her generation, was assassinated by Syrian government agents as she reported on the suffering of civilians in Homs, Syria—a city beseiged by Syrian military forces. Acting in concert and with premeditation, Syrian officials deliberately killed Marie Colvin by launching a targeted rocket attack against a makeshift broadcast studio in the Baba Amr neighborhood of Case 1:16-cv-01423 Document 1 Filed 07/09/16 Page 2 of 33 Homs where Colvin and other civilian journalists were residing and reporting on the siege. 2. The rocket attack was the object of a conspiracy formed by senior members of the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad (the “Assad regime”) to surveil, target, and ultimately kill civilian journalists in order to silence local and international media as part of its effort to crush political opposition. -
Panorama Geopolítico De Los Conflictos 2013,Aborda Cator- Ce De Ellos
Panorama geopolítico de los Instituto Español conflictos 2013 de Estudios Estratégicos MINISTERIO DE DEFENSA Panorama geopolítico de los Instituto Español conflictos 2013 de Estudios Estratégicos MINISTERIO DE DEFENSA CATÁLOGO GENERAL DE PUBLICACIONES OFICIALES http://publicacionesoficiales.boe.es/ Edita: SECRETARÍA GENERAL TÉCNICA www.bibliotecavirtualdefensa.es © Autor y editor, 2013 NIPO: 083-13-223-2 (edición papel) NIPO: 083-13-222-7 (edición libro-e) ISBN: 978-84-9781-882-7 (edición papel) ISBN: 978-84-9781-883-4 (edición libro-e) Depósito Legal: M-28185-2013 Imprime: Imprenta Ministerio de Defensa Fecha de edición: enero 2014 Las opiniones emitidas en esta publicación son exclusiva responsabilidad del autor de la misma. Los derechos de explotación de esta obra están amparados por la Ley de Propiedad Intelectual. Ninguna de las partes de la misma puede ser reproducida, almacenada ni transmitida en ninguna forma ni por medio alguno, electrónico, mecánico o de grabación, incluido fotocopias, o por cualquier otra forma, sin permiso previo, expreso y por escrito de los titulares del © Copyright. En esta edición se ha utilizado papel 100% reciclado libre de cloro. ÍNDICE Capítulo primero La evolución de los conflictos .......................................................................... 9 Introducción ................................................................................................................ 11 Los paradigmas sociopolíticos y los conflictos ................................................... 11 La evolución de -
Has the Syrian War Entered a New Phase?
Analysis Report 50/2013 25th September 2013 Mario Laborie Iglesias HAS THE SYRIAN WAR ENTERED A NEW Visit our Sign up for our Newsletter PHASE? website This document has been translated by a Translation and Interpreting Degree student doing work experience, IGNACIO CUEVAS MARTÍNEZ, under the auspices of the Collaboration Agreement between the Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Madrid, and the Spanish Institute of Strategic Studies. HAS THE SYRIAN WAR ENTERED A NEW PHASE? Abstract: The present document offers a brief revision of the different phases of the Syrian civil war; it analyzes the possible consequences that the August 21 chemical incident in Damascus may have with a view to the future of the war; and it considers the options for his ending. Keywords: Syria, civil war, chemical weapons, Assad, political opposition Analysis report 50/2013 1 HAS THE SYRIAN WAR ENTERED A NEW PHASE? Mario Laborie Iglesias ANALYSIS The fact that the Syrian regime has agreed to destroy its chemical weapons, as a way to prevent a punitive attack by the Western powers led by the U.S., has been greeted with relief by the foreign offices all over the world1. On September 21, according to the deadlines set by the Russia- U.S. agreement signed in Geneva, the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) received the initial declaration of the chemical weapons that Syria has in possession2. On August 21, the most remarkable chemical weapons incident of the war took place3. That day a rocket attack, equipped with a chemical agent (sarin gas), killed 1,429 people in a Damascus suburb4, according to the U.S. -
Aleppo and the State of the Syrian War
Rigged Cars and Barrel Bombs: Aleppo and the State of the Syrian War Middle East Report N°155 | 9 September 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Pivotal Autumn of 2013 ............................................................................................. 2 A. The Strike that Wasn’t ............................................................................................... 2 B. The Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant: from “al-Dowla” to “Daesh” .................... 4 C. The Regime Clears the Way with Barrel Bombs ........................................................ 7 III. Between Hammer and Anvil ............................................................................................ 10 A. The War Against Daesh ............................................................................................. 10 B. The Regime Takes Advantage .................................................................................... 12 C. The Islamic State Bides Its Time ............................................................................... 15 IV. A Shifting Rebel Spectrum, on the Verge of Defeat ........................................................ -
The Syrian Conflict: a Systems Conflict Analysis
The ARK Group is a network of stabilisation and conflict transformation The Syrian conflict: consultancies that provides research- KDF Documents informed analysis and policy recommendations, as well as evidence- A systems conflict analysis based interventions in conflict-affected states on behalf of public and private sector clients. Working with and through local communities, we seek to understand and then mitigate the negative effects of conflict and instability to enhance community safety and promote human security, development and economic opportunity. Cover © Lens of a Young Damascene Back-cover © Lens of a Young Damascene ARK Group DMCC February 2016 The Syrian conflict: A systems conflict analysis ARK Group DMCC February 2016 ARK is a consultancy company specialising in the provision of policy-relevant research and the design and management of conflict prevention and transforma- tion programmes to prevent and mitigate instability and promote positive social change and development. For more information about ARK or this paper, please contact: [email protected]. Copyright © 2016 ARK GROUP DMCC CONTENTS 4 Acronyms 5 Acknowledgements 6 Executive summary 8 Introduction 8 Understanding the Syrian conflict 10 Analytical framework and report structure 11 What is a systems conflict analysis? 11 How to read this report 3 12 Brief contextual overview 16 Stakeholders analysis: conflict actors and interests 16 Local stakeholders: pro-regime 19 Local stakeholders: pro-opposition 22 Local stakeholders: the Islamic State in Iraq and the -
The Factory: a Glimpse Into Syria's War Economy
REPORT SYRIA The Factory: A Glimpse into Syria’s War Economy FEBRUARY 21, 2018 — ARON LUND PAGE 1 After the October 2017 fall of Raqqa to U.S.-backed Kurdish and Arab guerrillas, the extremist group known as the Islamic State is finally crumbling. But victory came a cost: Raqqa lies in ruins, and so does much of northern Syria.1 At least one of the tools for reconstruction is within reach. An hour and a half ’s drive from Raqqa lies one of the largest and most modern cement plants in the entire Middle East, opened less than a year before the war by the multinational construction giant LafargeHolcim. If production were to be resumed, the factory would be perfectly positioned to help rebuild bombed-out cities like Raqqa and Aleppo. However, although the factory may well hold one of the keys to Syria’s future, it also has an unseemly past. In December 2017, French prosecutors charged LafargeHolcim’s former CEO with terrorism financing, having learned that its forerunner Lafarge2 was reported to have paid millions of dollars to Syrian armed groups, including the terrorist- designated Islamic State.3 The strange story of how the world’s most hated extremist group allegedly ended up receiving payments from the world’s largest cement company is worth a closer look, not just for what it tells us about the way money fuels conflict, but also for what it can teach us about Syria’s war economy—a vast ecosystem of illicit profiteering, where the worst of enemies are also partners in business.