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The Irish Language Revival in Northern Ireland: “Semi- Planned” Language Planning and “Counter-Planning”

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1 The Irish Language Revival in Northern Ireland: “Semi- Planned” Language Planning and “Counter-Planning” Frieda Schimmel (11656793) Masters Thesis Conflict Resolution and Governance Graduate School of Social Sciences, University of Amsterdam Supervisor: Martijn Dekker Second reader: Polly Pallister-Wilkins Final date for re-submission: 29 August 2018 Word count: 22,545 2 Abstract The debate in Northern Ireland over an Irish Language Act (ILA) has become deeply enmeshed in partisan politics. This research utilized multiple methods to assess the historical role of the Irish language in politics, the arguments for and against the ILA, and ways in which the ILA debate can be separated from partisan politics. Analysis of historical legal documents, media analysis, individual interviews with key informants, and a small convenience sample survey comprised the dataset. Key findings are that the Irish language community is far more diverse than indicated by media and public debates; that questions of identity are heavily associated with the language; that support for an ILA is widespread and founded in international human rights frameworks; and that the language appears to have significant potential for empowerment and reconciliation. The findings are considered in the context of contemporary theories on minority languages in post-colonial situations, specifically Ndhlovu (2010) and Baldauf (2006). They are also examined through the framework of the Irish language revival as a social movement (Benford & Snow, 2000) with particular attention paid to the role of historical memory (Smith 2005). It is concluded that unplanned and non-official language activity does appear to be extremely valuable for the preservation of the Irish language. However, that alone is not necessarily sufficient if the lack of official status or recognition inhibits the development of the language community by allowing for additional and unnecessary obstacles on the basis of political or identity-based biases. In the case of the Irish language in Ireland and Northern Ireland, unplanned language activity appears to have contributed immensely to the preservation and revival of the Irish language, however, the lack of official status and protection by the state allows for the continuation of attitudes and policies which are seen as discriminatory by the Irish speaking community. Ultimately this analysis highlights the importance of “semi-planned” and “unplanned” language planning in addition to support at the nation- state level. 3 Acknowledgements Firstly, I would like to thank my friends and family as well as my adviser, Martijn Dekker, for their patience and support through what has been a relentlessly chaotic ordeal. I would also like to express my deepest gratitude to those who took the time to share their thoughts and experiences, for your contributions have made this research far richer than would otherwise have been possible. Last, but by no means least, I would like to thank the family at Lagan Backpackers for making Belfast feel like home. In particular: Lena, Elyse, Anita, Marcus, Erin, Joris, Fuen, Marcus, Levi, Patrick, and of course, both Conors. Without such kindness, my time in Northern Ireland would have been far less rewarding. 4 “The Irish language belongs to us all… What I like to say is nobody owns the Irish language, but it belongs to everyone… I think that’s a very important concept” -Irish Language Activist 5 Table of Contents: I. Introduction …………………………..…………………………..……….……………..……………..……………………………………8 Research Question ………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….….8 Aim & Relevance………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….…………………8 Introduction to Northern Ireland conflict………….………….………….………….………….………….…………………………..8 What is an Irish Language Act? ……………………………………………..……………………….…………………………..9 What are the major points of contention? …………………………………………………………………………………9 II. Background …………………………..…………………………..……………………..………………………………..……………….10 Local Context………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….…………10 The Debate………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….……………11 Arguments for an Act…………………………………….…………………………………………………………..……………..12 Arguments against an Act …………………………………………………………….…..……………………..………………13 Broader European Context and Standards for Minority Languages and Indigenous Cultures…………..……15 European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages……………………………………………………………..15 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples………………………………………………16 Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission……………………………………………………………….……………17 III. Theoretical Framework …………………………..…………………………..………………….………..…………………………18 Minority Languages in Post-Colonial Contexts……………………………………………………………………………………….19 Framing and Social Movements & Historical Memory…….………….………………………………………………….……..21 V. Methodology & Addressing Subquestions…………………………..…………………………..……………………………23 VI. Findings & Analysis…………………………..…………………………..…………………………..………………………………. 26 What is the legal history of the Irish language? ………….………….………….………….…………..………….………………26 Statutes of Kilkenny 1367……………………………………………………………………………………………….…………26 Irish Proclamation 1916…………………………………………………………………………………………….………………28 Irish Language and the IRA*………………………………………………………………………………………………………29 The Belfast Agreement 1998…………………………………………………………………………………………………….31 The Saint Andrew’s Agreement 2006………………………………………………………………………………………..32 How have the Irish language and the ILA been used by political parties as part of their ideological positions? ………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….………….…………….33 Unionist Framing of the Irish Language.……………………………………………………………………………………33 Framing by the Irish-speaking community………………..………………………………………………………………34 History and Framing …………………………………………………………………………………………………………..……36 6 Northern Irish Politics and Political Institutions & the General Antagonistic Tone…………..………..37 How are the Irish language and the ILA separate from the unionist / nationalist political positions and what is the role of “micro-planned”, “semi-planned”, “unplanned”, and “counter-planning” language activities in the revival of the Irish language?............................................................................................40 What should an Act contain? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………40 On the Campaign………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………41 The Relationship between Irish and Unionism…………………………………………………………………..………44 Identity and the Relationship between Irish and Nationalism…………..………………………………………47 Grievances of the Irish-speaking community…………………………………………………………………………….50 Framing, Perception, & Equality….…………………………………………………………………………………………….51 Potential for Reconciliation and Empowerment……………………………………………………………………..…55 VII. Conclusion…………………………..…………………………..…………………………..…………………………..……………….60 Summary of Practical & Theoretical Implications…………….………….….………….………………….………….………….60 Reflection & Limitations………….………….………….………….………….………….………….……………….………….………….62 Concluding Thoughts…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….63 VIII. Bibliography…………………………..…………………………..………………………………….……………..………………….65 IX. Appendices…………………………..…………………………..…………………………..…………………………..……………..…68 CnaG- Cost of an Act………………………………………………………………….………………………………………………………….69 TUV on an Irish Language Act………………………………………………………………………………………………………………105 Martin McGuinness Resignation Letter………………………………………………………………………………………………..107 Survey Responses………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..109 7 8 I. Introduction Research Questions What is the role of the Irish language in politics in Northern Ireland? What are the arguments for and against the creation of an Irish Language Act and why do people hold these positions? How have “planned” and “unplanned” language activity contributed to the development of the ILA and the Irish language revival movement in general? Aim and Relevance The aim of this research is to understand the role of the Irish language in politics in Northern Ireland and to identify the arguments on both sides of the controversy in the ongoing debate over the passage of an Irish Language Act, which has become intertwined with partisan politics. It is my hope that this research will add a new angle to existing theories on minority languages in post-colonial contexts, historical memory, and framing and social movements as well as to make some sense of the highly complex situation in Northern Ireland and draw attention to the non-political components of the language debate and the non-partisan concerns of the larger Irish-speaking community. Introduction This research utilizes components from several theoretical works, specifically Baldauf’s (2006) and Ndhlovu’s (2010) theories on language planning and minority languages in post-colonial situations, Smith’s (2005) book on historical memory, and Benford & Snow’s (2000) work on framing processes and social movements. The situation in Northern Ireland, however, is extremely complex and even together, these theories paint only a partial picture of the reality described by interviewees and survey respondents during the fieldwork portion of this research. Interviewees in particular had given considerable thought to the issues and were quite articulate about their own experiences and opinions. The information gathered through these interviews illuminates several situations which indicate the need for further categories of language planning activity. For the sake of convenience, in this analysis, the terms used for these categories are “semi-planned”
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