BREXIT BRIEF Brexit Brief Issue 112 18 June 2021
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25Th June 2021
o19 25th June 2021 THIS WEEK’S HEADLINES Worldwide cases of COVID-19 are at 179,960,300 with deaths totalling 3,899,016 globally as of 23rd June according to Worldometer. So far, 164,727,197 people have recovered from the virus. Sir Jeffery Donaldson has been confirmed as the new leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) after recently elected Edwin Poots resigned last week. Paul Givan’s position, as the newly elected First Minister of Northern Ireland, is seen to be at risk as many party officers call for his resignation. A new tool, designed to help young people remove compromised images of themselves from online platforms, has been launched by the Internet Watch Foundation in partnership with Childline. The ‘Report, Remove’ tool is for any under 18s to use and requests are actioned within two hours for a UK site and within one day for international sites. For further information, advice and guidance please click here. Some UK phones randomly gave off a short loud alarm on Tuesday 22nd June as the UK tested its emergency alert system. Between 1-2pm on Tuesday some Google Android users reported their phones setting off a noise with a brief message flashing up saying: ‘This is a mobile network operator test of the Emergency Alerts Service. You do not need to take any action. To find out more, search for gov.uk/alerts.’ The UK Government advised the emergency alert system will be used for sending alerts relating to life endangerment. A further test will be carried out on 29th June 2021. -
Too Chicken for a Referendum!
Too chicken for a referendum! The European Parliament, in a keynote debate, arrogance the EU's political elite believed the has discussed the Lisbon Treaty and given the people would be conned by their propaganda Parliament's verdict. Predictably, the Europhile about the Constitution. Suddenly, when the majority prevailed by 525 votes to 115. Jim people caught them on, they ran with their tail Allister MEP used the debate to again demand a between their legs, and they've been running Referendum in the UK. Mr Allister also took part ever since, petrified that the voters would in a demonstration at the Parliament by British reject them again. Eurosceptic MEPS, who wore shirts emblazoned with "Too Chicken for a That is why the key focus of the Referendum" - a message directed last 3 years has been on hatching at the British Government. an inter-governmental conspiracy to foist this Constitution on the In the course of his speech the peoples of Europe, without daring Traditional Unionist MEP said:- "I to ask them their opinion. Such reject this Report and the Treaty arrogance, such tyranny; fitting, which it supports. of course, because this Constitution is all about providing Before the French and Dutch more and more national power to referenda we heard much empty Brussels despots. Those who are talk in this House about the will of indeed "Too chicken for a the people. Why, because in their Referendum!" Statement on Paisley Junior's resignation “Welcome and overdue as the resignation of Ian policy is reversed, the DUP’s decline will Paisley Junior is, an event, no doubt, accelerated continue.” by the Dromore result, it will not be enough to redeem the DUP with the Unionist electorate. -
Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications
CRS INSIGHT Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications March 7, 2017 (IN10663) | Related Author Kristin Archick | Kristin Archick, Specialist in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-2668) On March 2, 2017, voters in Northern Ireland—which is one of four component "nations" of the United Kingdom (UK) —went to the polls in snap elections for Northern Ireland's Assembly, its regional legislature. The Assembly is a key institution in Northern Ireland's devolved government, in which specified powers have been transferred from London to Belfast, as set out in the 1998 peace agreement aimed at ending Northern Ireland's 30-year sectarian conflict (in which almost 3,500 people died). The peace accord mandated that power in the devolved government would be shared between Northern Ireland's two dominant communities: unionists, or Protestants who largely define themselves as British and support remaining part of the UK, and nationalists, or Catholics who consider themselves Irish and may desire a united Ireland. (For more information, see CRS Report RS21333, Northern Ireland: The Peace Process.) Since 2007, Assembly elections have produced successive power-sharing governments led by the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the nationalist all-Ireland political party Sinn Fein. Assembly elections determine the composition of Northern Ireland's Executive, comprised of ministers in charge of policy departments. Following the May 2016 Assembly elections, DUP leader Arlene Foster and Sinn Fein's northern leader Martin McGuiness returned to head the Executive as First Minister and Deputy First Minister, respectively. Despite a much-improved security situation in Northern Ireland and progress in implementing important aspects of the peace accord, significant divisions and distrust persist between the unionist and nationalist communities and their respective political parties. -
Oral Evidence: Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol, HC 157
Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Oral evidence: Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol, HC 157 Wednesday 9 June 2021 Ordered by the House of Commons to be published on 9 June 2021. Watch the meeting Members present: Simon Hoare (Chair); Scott Benton; Mr Gregory Campbell; Stephen Farry; Mr Robert Goodwill; Claire Hanna; Fay Jones; Ian Paisley; Bob Stewart. Questions 919 - 940 Witnesses II: Susan McKay, Journalist and Author. Examination of witness Witness: Susan McKay. Q919 Chair: Let us now turn to Susan McKay. Good morning. Thank you for joining us. Ms McKay, you recently published a book—other authors are available—Northern Protestants: On Shifting Ground; it was published last month. What is your take? What is the rub? What is the actual issue here? What is the beef? Susan McKay: Thank you, Mr Chair. That is an extraordinary question in its breadth. One of the reasons why I wrote the book is that I am from the Protestant community myself in Northern Ireland, from Derry, and I have been working as a journalist, mainly in Northern Ireland, for the last 30 years. Over that time I have observed that there is an immense variety and diversity of people within the Protestant, loyalist and unionist communities and I felt that that was not widely enough recognised. For example, when we talk of loyalists, people often conflate the idea of loyalists with loyalist paramilitaries, which is so wrong. The loyalist community is extremely diverse. It includes people who vote for the unionist parties; it also includes people who vote for other non-unionist parties and many people who do not vote at all. -
BREXIT BRIEF Brexit Brief Issue 111 3 June 2021
BREXIT BRIEF Brexit Brief Issue 111 3 June 2021 Introduction The Brief seeks to provide up-to-date information on the progress and content of the UK-EU negotiations, and bring together relevant statements and policy positions from key players in Ireland, the UK and the EU. The Brief is part of a wider communications programme covering the work of the IIEA’s UK Project Group – including commentaries, speeches, texts and event reports – which are highlighted on the Institute’s website. (www.iiea.com) Section One: State of Play interview, provided contrasting views on the Protocol. Von der Leyen and Poots on the Protocol The BBC’s Stephen Nolan put it to Edwin Poots that given the DUP’s support for Brexit As technical experts from both sides – the UK the protocol was an inevitable consequence Cabinet Office, led by Minister of State Lord to the UK leaving both the EU Single Market David Frost and the European Commission, led and Customs Union. He replied: “I am not by Vice-President Maroš Šefčovič – continued owning the Protocol because the Protocol is their detailed, line by line discussions on the something that was pushed and forced upon Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland (the us by the Irish Government in conjunction with Protocol) a range of opinions, assessments Sinn Fein, SDLP and Alliance”. The Protocol is and warnings have been expressed and an absolutely unnecessary part of the Brexit publicised. process”, he added. Edwin Poots blamed Irish Ministers Leo Varadkar and Simon Coveney The President of the European Commission, in particular, “who had sought to create speaking after the recent special meeting of barriers between Northern Ireland and Great European Council, and the new Leader of the Britain, our main trading partner”. -
Role of the First Minister in Northern Ireland How Is the First Minister Selected?
Role of the First Minister in Northern Ireland How is the First Minister selected? Under the Good Friday Agreement the largest party in the Northern Ireland Assembly, be they Unionist or Nationalist chooses a nominee for First Minister. What is the role of the First Minister in decision making? Despite the names the First Minister and deputy First Minister share equal responsibilities within government, and their decisions are made jointly. The First Minister greets official visitors to Northern Ireland and so in that way is the has an equivalent standing to the First Ministers of Scotland or Wales. The First Minister co-chairs meetings of the Northern Ireland Executive, co-ordinates the work of the Executive, and the response of the administration to relationships with other countries. The First Minister and deputy First Minister agree the agenda of Executive meetings and can jointly determine "significant or controversial matters" to be considered by the Executive. The First Minister’s other areas of responsibility include: economic policy equality before the law European Union issues human rights the machinery of government (including the Ministerial Code) public appointments policy standards in public life Who has held the role of First Minister? David Trimble UUP Ian Paisley DUP Peter Robinson DUP Arlene Foster DUP 1998-2002 2007-2008 2002-2016 2016-2017 Leaving Certificate Politics & Society Stand 1: Power and Decision Making Topic 2: Power and Decision Making at National and European Level. Leaning Outcome 2.2: Describe the way in which the Northern Ireland Executive is selected, and the ministers’ roles . . -
Committee for Justice Minutes of Proceedings Thursday
COMMITTEE FOR JUSTICE MINUTES OF PROCEEDINGS THURSDAY 18 FEBRUARY 2021 Senate Chamber, Parliament Buildings, Belfast Present: Mr Paul Givan MLA (Chairperson) Ms Linda Dillon MLA (Deputy Chairperson) Mr Doug Beattie MLA* Ms Sinéad Bradley MLA* Mr Gordon Dunne MLA* Mr Paul Frew MLA Ms Emma Rogan MLA* Ms Rachel Woods MLA* * These Members attended the meeting via video conferencing. Apologies: Ms Jemma Dolan MLA In Attendance: Mrs Christine Darrah (Assembly Clerk) Mrs Kathy O’Hanlon (Senior Assistant Clerk) Mrs Allison Mealey (Clerical Supervisor) The meeting commenced at 2.09 p.m. in closed session. 1. SL1: Amendment to the Criminal Justice (Sentencing) (Licence Conditions) (Northern Ireland) Rules 2009 Department of Justice officials joined the meeting at 2.11 p.m. The officials outlined the key points in relation to the policy intent behind the proposed Statutory Rule. The oral evidence was followed by a question and answer session. The officials agreed to provide further information on a number of issues. The Chairperson thanked the officials for their attendance. The Committee moved into open session at 3.17 pm. Agreed: The Committee agreed that the oral evidence session on the Stocktake of Policing Oversight and Accountability should be reported by Hansard. 2. Apologies As above. The Clerk informed the Committee that, under Standing Order 115(6), Jemma Dolan MLA had delegated authority to the Deputy Chairperson, Linda Dillon MLA, to vote on her behalf. 3. Draft Minutes Agreed: The Committee agreed the minutes of the meeting held on 11 February 2021. 4. Matters Arising Item 1 – Committee Forward Work Programme - February and March 2021 The Committee noted the Forward Work Programme for February and March 2021. -
NILQ 62. FOREWORD.Qxd
NILQ 63(4): 509–32 Modernising environmental regulation in Northern Ireland: a case study in devolved decision-making SharoN TurNer aNd CIara BreNNaN School of Law, Queen’s university Belfast * Introduction or over a decade, controversy about the quality of environmental regulation has cast a Fshadow over the effectiveness of environmental governance in Northern Ireland. Most fundamentally this debate has centred on a crisis of confidence about the quality of regulation and a consensus that effective reform depends on the externalisation of this responsibility from central government. Not surprisingly, the causes of weak regulation were rooted in the eclipsing impact of the Troubles and the fossilisation of government that occurred during the decades of Direct Rule.1 However, although the first steps towards meaningful reform were eventually taken under Direct Rule, the restoration of devolution and the stabilising power-sharing process has meant that the trajectory of regulatory reform has been largely shaped by a devolved administration. The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature and implications of that process. Pressure for regulatory reform is an issue that has confronted both configurations of Northern Ireland’s power-sharing Executive. Despite its brief and tumultuous lifespan, the first Ulster Unionist Party (UUP)/Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP)-led administration was immediately faced not only with the evidence of serious regulatory dysfunction but also the first stage of what became a concerted civil society campaign for independent regulation. The collapse of power-sharing did nothing to quell this pressure. Instead, when devolution was restored five years later the new Democratic Unionist/Sinn Fein-led administration was faced once again with pressure for regulatory reform. -
The Deal Between the Democratic Unionist Party and the Conservative Party
Supplying confidence or trouble? The deal between the Democratic Unionist Party and the Conservative Party Jon Tonge University of Liverpool Introduction The surprise 2017 General Election result saw one party’s difficulty equate to another’s gain. The outcome produced a dream scenario for the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) in Northern Ireland. It offered the opportunity, as monopoly supplier of friends to the Conservatives, for the DUP to name its price for propping up a government stripped of its overall majority in the House of Commons. Support from the DUP’s ten MPs offered the Conservatives, on 318 seats, command of the Commons in key votes. Although 326 is the figure most often cited as the number of MPs required to command the 650-seat chamber, the actual figure for the current parliament is 321, when the non-voting status of ten members is taken into account; seven abstentionist Sinn Fein MPs, the Speaker and his two deputies. A deal between the Conservatives and the DUP was confirmed on 26th June, 18 days after the election. Improbably, within 48 hours of the contest, Downing Street had claimed a deal had been reached. This announcement was soon corrected as a ‘mistake’. The speed of that claimed agreement would have been at odds with all previous evidence regarding the DUP’s propensity to drive a hard bargain. When a genuine deal was finally reached, it was a ‘confidence and supply’ arrangement. Although there would be no formal coalition, the DUP agreed to support the Conservative government in key votes, such as the Queen’s Speech, Budget, Brexit and anti-terrorism legislation. -
Abortion and Same-Sex Marriage: How Are Non-Sectarian Controversial Issues Discussed in Northern Irish Politics?
Abortion and same-sex marriage: how are non-sectarian controversial issues discussed in Northern Irish politics? Abortion and same-sex marriage: how are non-sectarian controversial issues discussed in Northern Irish politics? Westminster's legislation regarding marriage rights for same sex couples has not be extended to Northern Ireland. Similarly, Northern Ireland has never been under the jurisdiction of the 1967 Abortion Act, making abortion effectively illegal in the province unless it is necessary to preserve the long-term life or health of the woman. This article considers contemporary political debate around abortion and same-sex marriage in Northern Ireland to ask; how are controversial (but non-sectarian) issues such as abortion and same sex marriage dealt with in a divided society? Using data from the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey and selected debates from the Northern Irish Assembly, it considers how political parties and post-conflict governance have shaped debate on these issues. Keywords: Northern Ireland, gender, abortion, same-sex marriage 1 Abortion and same-sex marriage: how are non-sectarian controversial issues discussed in Northern Irish politics? Falling outside of the dominant conception of post-conflict identity as primarily ethno- national, cross-cutting issues around sexuality and gender in divided societies such as Northern Ireland and Bosnia-Herzegovina have had less attention within academic literature. Consideration of ethno-national identity has been dominant, and has come at the expense of understanding other types of social difference. In work on post-conflict governance and policy-making, non-ethno-national issues are largely left to one side (for example Noel, 2005); equally, in literature on gender or sexuality politics, divided societies are deemed a ‘special’ case, or overly specific due to their complex politics, and not included in discussion (Larsen et al, 2012, Sheldon, 1997). -
Committee for Justice Minutes of the Proceedings 11 March 2021
Committee for Justice Minutes of Proceedings 20 May 2021 Meeting Location: Room 30, Parliament Buildings, Belfast Present: Mr Paul Givan MLA (Chairperson) Mr Paul Frew MLA Present by Video or Teleconference: Ms Linda Dillon MLA (Deputy Chairperson) Mr Doug Beattie MLA Ms Sinéad Bradley MLA Ms Jemma Dolan MLA Ms Rachel Woods MLA Apologies: Mr Gordon Dunne MLA Ms Emma Rogan MLA In Attendance: Mrs Christine Darrah (Assembly Clerk) Mrs Clairita Frazer (Assistant Clerk) Mrs Allison Mealey (Clerical Supervisor) 1 In Attendance by Video or Teleconference: Mrs Kathy O’Hanlon (Senior Assistant Clerk) Ms Sarah Preece (Clerical Officer) The meeting commenced at 2:01 p.m. in open session. Agreed: The Committee agreed that the oral evidence sessions on the Protection from Stalking Bill should be reported by Hansard. 1. Apologies As above. The Clerk informed the Committee that, under Standing Order 115(6), Gordon Dunne MLA had delegated authority to the Chairperson, Paul Givan MLA, to vote on his behalf and Emma Rogan had delegated authority to the Deputy Chairperson, Linda Dillon MLA, to vote on her behalf. 2. Draft Minutes Agreed: The Committee agreed the minutes of the meeting held on 13 May 2021. 3. Matters Arising There were no matters arising. 2 4. Protection from Stalking Bill – Oral Evidence from Victim Support NI The Committee noted an updated summary of the key issues and proposed changes raised in the written evidence received on the Protection from Stalking Bill. The following representative from Victim Support NI joined the meeting via StarLeaf at 2.04 p.m. Louise Kennedy, Policy and Communications Manager, Victim Support NI Ms Kennedy outlined a number of key issues in relation to the provisions of the Protection from Stalking Bill and highlighted a number of areas not currently covered in the Bill. -
International Intervention and the Use of Force: Military and Police Roles
004SSRpaperFRONT_16pt.ai4SSRpaperFRONT_16pt.ai 1 331.05.20121.05.2012 117:27:167:27:16 SSR PAPER 4 C M Y CM MY CY CMY K International Intervention and the Use of Force: Military and Police Roles Cornelius Friesendorf DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law SSR PAPER 4 International Intervention and the Use of Force Military and Police Roles Cornelius Friesendorf DCAF Published by Ubiquity Press Ltd. 6 Osborn Street, Unit 2N London E1 6TD www.ubiquitypress.com Text © Cornelius Friesendorf 2012 First published 2012 Transferred to Ubiquity Press 2018 Cover image © isafmedia Editors: Alan Bryden & Heiner Hänggi Production: Yury Korobovsky Copy editor: Cherry Ekins ISBN (PDF): 978-1-911529-31-6 ISSN (online): 2571-9297 DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/bbo This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (unless stated otherwise within the content of the work). To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons. org/licenses/by/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, 444 Castro Street, Suite 900, Mountain View, California, 94041, USA. This license allows for copying any part of the work for personal and commercial use, providing author attribution is clearly stated. This book was originally published by the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF), an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. The title transferred to Ubiquity Press when the series moved to an open access platform. The full text of this book was peer reviewed according to the original publisher’s policy at the time.