DOCSLIB.ORG

Oral Evidence: Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol, HC 157

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Oral Evidence: Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol, HC 157 Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Oral evidence: Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol, HC 157 Wednesday 9 June 2021 Ordered by the House of Commons to be published on 9 June 2021. Watch the meeting Members present: Simon Hoare (Chair); Scott Benton; Mr Gregory Campbell; Stephen Farry; Mr Robert Goodwill; Claire Hanna; Fay Jones; Ian Paisley; Bob Stewart. Questions 919 - 940 Witnesses II: Susan McKay, Journalist and Author. Examination of witness Witness: Susan McKay. Q919 Chair: Let us now turn to Susan McKay. Good morning. Thank you for joining us. Ms McKay, you recently published a book—other authors are available—Northern Protestants: On Shifting Ground; it was published last month. What is your take? What is the rub? What is the actual issue here? What is the beef? Susan McKay: Thank you, Mr Chair. That is an extraordinary question in its breadth. One of the reasons why I wrote the book is that I am from the Protestant community myself in Northern Ireland, from Derry, and I have been working as a journalist, mainly in Northern Ireland, for the last 30 years. Over that time I have observed that there is an immense variety and diversity of people within the Protestant, loyalist and unionist communities and I felt that that was not widely enough recognised. For example, when we talk of loyalists, people often conflate the idea of loyalists with loyalist paramilitaries, which is so wrong. The loyalist community is extremely diverse. It includes people who vote for the unionist parties; it also includes people who vote for other non-unionist parties and many people who do not vote at all. Some of them are activists on issues like women’s rights, housing rights and LGBTQ rights. There are a lot of health workers who are from loyalist communities. There are lots of sportspeople. In many ways, there are a lot of people in those communities who are frustrated by what they see as a narrowness in the representation that they get from their political parties, but there are also people within the loyalist communities whose entire lives are completely taken up with simply trying to survive poverty, so there is a huge diversity of people there. One of the problems at the moment with the loyalist community is that they are very confused. They have had very mixed messages from their political leaders. They saw the DUP fight very hard for the hardest possible Brexit. They saw them appear to welcome the protocol, and then they saw them calling for the protocol to be ditched and blaming it on everybody else except the DUP and the British Government. There is a huge amount of confusion and there certainly is anxiety. That anxiety is being stoked. I recently heard something that was said by the sportsman Carl Frampton, who is a world-class boxer from north Belfast. He said that people had been stirring the pot again and young people are being manipulated, and that makes him overwhelmingly sad. That is one of the things that I felt when writing the book. People feel that they are being told all the time that they are at risk and under threat. They are not quite sure what they are supposed to be under threat from, but it is very unsettling. Q920 Chair: Would you typify talking about constitutional impact as a dead cat strategy? Susan McKay: I will just quote a DUP councillor, Dale Pankhurst. He talked about how loyalists have what he called a spectrum of grievances into which Brexit landed like a grenade, to use his term. He described a paranoia in the psyche and said that people felt the Good Friday agreement had been against loyalists; they feared a united Ireland; and now they feel that, post-Brexit, Northern Ireland is being used as a football by the Irish Government, the British Government and the EU. He is representing a mind-set there, which is of people who feel that they are being victimised, and there is a very strong sense of grievance at the moment in the loyalist community, but a lot of it is not actually based on fact and there is not enough emphasis on discussion. Q921 Chair: We have had the Storey funeral, the impact of which does not need to be reventilated. We have started to hear, probably at its clearest in the last few weeks, of this: the Good Friday agreement, the single market, etc, is fine if you are a middle-class Northern Ireland suburban- living professional. All the benefits are there and it is all rather good, but if you are an “ordinary family” struggling to make ends meet in an area that may have relied on heavy industry or the hereditary principle of employment, etc, the whole world has been turned upside down and you are seeing none of the benefits. It is a rather bullet-point assessment. Is that a fair assessment? Susan McKay: That is certainly a narrative that is pushed, but the primary thing that people do feel very strongly in the loyalist community and in all the communities in Northern Ireland is grateful for the fact that violence has stopped, which is a product of the Good Friday agreement. There are problems about the fact that economic benefits have not flowed to working-class communities, but those are primarily to do with the political application of the Good Friday agreement rather than the content of the agreement itself. In relation to the Storey funeral, certain politicians among unionists have seized upon this notion of two-tier policing, and they are promoting this idea that disadvantage is now all on the unionist side and that we are the discriminated-against community. There simply is not evidence to back that up. There is a lot of disadvantage in Northern Ireland, but it is very broadly spread among all the communities and I do not just mean the two communities; I mean all the communities. To say that it simply applies to one community is just not true. Q922 Chair: You are plugged in. You have done a lot of research for your book. You have listened to a lot of voices and opinions. Within the cohort of opinion that we are talking about—let us refer to it as the loyalist and unionist community—what is your guesstimate with regard to the percentage split to those who say, “Look, we would not go out and buy the protocol if it was on the supermarket shelf, but if it is working speedily, I can get my stuff delivered, and effectively it is an invisible thing that does not impact on the operation of my daily life, I will put up with it”, to those who say, “You cannot make something that has this so- called constitutional status impact. There is nothing you can do. It is like rearranging the deckchairs on the Titanic. It just has to go”? Where do you think the split is with regard to opinion on that, because at the moment it is not sounding very nuanced? Susan McKay: I do not think there is such a split, because a lot of people see the protocol as simply being a figleaf for Brexit. A lot of people feel that what is being blamed on the protocol should more properly be blamed on Brexit, which was enthusiastically championed by the current British Government and by the DUP. The protocol has become a fetish with unionist politicians. I heard Paul Givan, the incoming First Minister, describe it as being a punishment inflicted upon the unionist community. It is not. It is a way of dealing with how you protect the Good Friday agreement and its need for a soft border in Ireland when you have opposed every other position. A lot of people I spoke to from all communities within unionism talked about what a mistake the DUP had made in rejecting Theresa May’s form of Brexit and instead backing Boris Johnson, the current Prime Minister, which he then went ahead and implemented regardless of what unionists thought about it. An awful lot of unionists feel we are dealing with Brexit and an awful lot of people feel we really need stability now. They are uneasy about the fact that a summer is approaching with people threatening not to abide by the law in relation to the Parades Commission and so on. People are uncomfortable and they feel that the protocol is simply being used as a scapegoat for all kinds of other problems. Bob Stewart: Morning, Susan. I have to say, I rather liked your analysis at the start. I am most grateful for it and I look forward to reading your book now I have been directed to it by the Chair, who says we all have to read it. Chair: I am not on commission yet. Q923 Bob Stewart: Clearly, from what you say, the protocol is a trade issue and a constitutional issue. Is there anything else that is bad about it from your point of view, looking at it from rather an impartial point of view? Susan McKay: A lot of the anger that is being directed at the protocol is actually anger about something much more fundamental in unionism. I went to a demonstration in Portadown, which is a very militant unionist town in mid-Ulster, at the weekend. What I was hearing there from speakers on the platform, and people I was talking to and listening to in the audience, was that they are actually against the Good Friday agreement.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Lyra Mckee 31 March, 1990 – 18 April, 2019 Contents
    MAGAZINE OF THE NATIONAL UNION OF JOURNALISTS WWW.NUJ.ORG.UK | MAY-JUNE 2019 Lyra McKee 31 March, 1990 – 18 April, 2019 Contents Main feature 16 The writing’s on the wall Exposing a news vacuum News t’s not often that an event shakes our 03 Tributes mark loss of Lyra McKee profession, our union and society as powerfully as the tragic death of Lyra McKee. Widespread NUJ vigils A young, inspirational journalist from 04 Union backs university paper Belfast, lost her life while covering riots Ethics council defends standards Iin the Creggan area of Derry. Lyra became a journalist in the post peace agreement era 05 TUC women’s conference in Northern Ireland and in many ways was a symbol of the Calls for equal and opportunities new Ireland. She campaigned for Northern Ireland’s LGBTQ 07 Honouring Lyra community and used her own coming out story to support Photo spread others. She was a staunch NUJ member and well known in her Belfast branch. “At 29 she had been named as one of 30 European journalists Features under 30 to watch. She gave a prestigious Ted talk two years 10 A battle journalism has to win ago following the Orlando gay nightclub shootings in 2016. She Support for No Stone Unturned pair had signed a two-book deal with Faber with the first book about children and young men who went missing in the Troubles due 12 Only part of the picture out next year. How ministers control media coverage The NUJ has worked with the family to create a fund 22 Collect your royal flush in Lyra’s name and the family said that they have been How collecting societies help freelances inundated with requests to stage events in her name.
    [Show full text]
  • National Life Stories an Oral History of British
    NATIONAL LIFE STORIES AN ORAL HISTORY OF BRITISH SCIENCE Professor Bob Dickson Interviewed by Dr Paul Merchant C1379/56 © The British Library Board http://sounds.bl.uk This interview and transcript is accessible via http://sounds.bl.uk . © The British Library Board. Please refer to the Oral History curators at the British Library prior to any publication or broadcast from this document. Oral History The British Library 96 Euston Road London NW1 2DB United Kingdom +44 (0)20 7412 7404 [email protected] Every effort is made to ensure the accuracy of this transcript, however no transcript is an exact translation of the spoken word, and this document is intended to be a guide to the original recording, not replace it. Should you find any errors please inform the Oral History curators. © The British Library Board http://sounds.bl.uk British Library Sound Archive National Life Stories Interview Summary Sheet Title Page Ref no: C1379/56 Collection title: An Oral History of British Science Interviewee’s surname: Dickson Title: Professor Interviewee’s forename: Bob Sex: Male Occupation: oceanographer Date and place of birth: 4th December, 1941, Edinburgh, Scotland Mother’s occupation: Housewife , art Father’s occupation: Schoolmaster teacher (part time) [chemistry] Dates of recording, Compact flash cards used, tracks [from – to]: 9/8/11 [track 1-3], 16/12/11 [track 4- 7], 28/10/11 [track 8-12], 14/2/13 [track 13-15] Location of interview: CEFAS [Centre for Environment, Fisheries & Aquaculture Science], Lowestoft, Suffolk Name of interviewer: Dr Paul Merchant Type of recorder: Marantz PMD661 Recording format : 661: WAV 24 bit 48kHz Total no.
    [Show full text]
  • Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Oral Evidence: Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol, HC 157
    Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Oral evidence: Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol, HC 157 Wednesday 16 June 2021 Ordered by the House of Commons to be published on 16 June 2021. Watch the meeting Members present: Simon Hoare (Chair); Scott Benton; Mr Gregory Campbell; Stephen Farry; Mary Kelly Foy; Mr Robert Goodwill; Claire Hanna; Fay Jones; Ian Paisley; Bob Stewart. Questions 941-1012 Witnesses I: The Rt Hon. Lord David Frost CMG, Minister of State for the Cabinet Office, and Mark Davies, Deputy Director, Transition Task Force Northern Ireland, Cabinet Office. Examination of witnesses Witnesses: Lord Frost and Mark Davies. Q941 Chair: Good morning, colleagues, and welcome to this session of our inquiry into Brexit and the Northern Ireland protocol. May I ask if any colleagues have any declarations of interest before we begin the meeting? Ian Paisley: I am involved in a legal action against the protocol with a number of commercial entities. Q942 Chair: Thank you. Lord Frost, you heard that, so that is under advisement, as it were. Minister, let me begin by establishing a few basic facts, because I think there is some uncertainty in the media and in the world of politics. Hopefully this will be a sort of quickfire yes or no round to get us into second gear. Could you confirm that Her Majesty’s Government negotiated with the European Union the Northern Ireland protocol? Lord Frost: Thank you, Chairman, and good morning. Before I answer that question, I would like to make one remark up front. It is a pleasure to be here today.
    [Show full text]
  • Bucharest Meeting Summary
    PC 242 PC 17 E Original: English NATO Parliamentary Assembly SUMMARY of the meeting of the Political Committee Plenary Hall, Chamber of Deputies, The Parliament (Senate and Chamber of Deputies) of Romania Bucharest, Romania Saturday 7 and Sunday 8 October 2017 www.nato-pa.int November 2017 242 PC 17 E ATTENDANCE LIST Committee Chairperson Ojars Eriks KALNINS (Latvia) General Rapporteur Rasa JUKNEVICIENE (Lithuania) Rapporteur, Sub-Committee on Gerald E. CONNOLLY (United States) Transatlantic Relations Rapporteur, Sub-Committee on Julio MIRANDA CALHA (Portugal) NATO Partnerships President of the NATO PA Paolo ALLI (Italy) Secretary General of the NATO PA David HOBBS Member delegations Albania Mimi KODHELI Xhemal QEFALIA Perparim SPAHIU Gent STRAZIMIRI Belgium Peter BUYSROGGE Karolien GROSEMANS Sébastian PIRLOT Damien THIERY Luk VAN BIESEN Karl VANLOUWE Veli YÜKSEL Bulgaria Plamen MANUSHEV Simeon SIMEONOV Canada Raynell ANDREYCHUK Joseph A. DAY Larry MILLER Marc SERRÉ Borys WRZESNEWSKYJ Czech Republic Milan SARAPATKA Denmark Peter Juel JENSEN Estonia Marko MIHKELSON France Philippe FOLLIOT Sonia KRIMI Gilbert ROGER Germany Karin EVERS-MEYER Karl A. LAMERS Anita SCHÄFER Greece Spyridon DANELLIS Christos KARAGIANNIDIS Meropi TZOUFI Hungary Mihaly BALLA Karoly TUZES Italy Antonino BOSCO Andrea MANCIULLI Andrea MARTELLA Roberto MORASSUT Vito VATTUONE i 242 PC 17 E Latvia Aleksandrs KIRSTEINS Lithuania Ausrine ARMONAITE Luxembourg Alexander KRIEPS Netherlands Herman SCHAPER Norway Liv Signe NAVARSETE Poland Waldemar ANDZEL Adam BIELAN Przemyslaw
    [Show full text]
  • Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications
    CRS INSIGHT Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications March 7, 2017 (IN10663) | Related Author Kristin Archick | Kristin Archick, Specialist in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-2668) On March 2, 2017, voters in Northern Ireland—which is one of four component "nations" of the United Kingdom (UK) —went to the polls in snap elections for Northern Ireland's Assembly, its regional legislature. The Assembly is a key institution in Northern Ireland's devolved government, in which specified powers have been transferred from London to Belfast, as set out in the 1998 peace agreement aimed at ending Northern Ireland's 30-year sectarian conflict (in which almost 3,500 people died). The peace accord mandated that power in the devolved government would be shared between Northern Ireland's two dominant communities: unionists, or Protestants who largely define themselves as British and support remaining part of the UK, and nationalists, or Catholics who consider themselves Irish and may desire a united Ireland. (For more information, see CRS Report RS21333, Northern Ireland: The Peace Process.) Since 2007, Assembly elections have produced successive power-sharing governments led by the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the nationalist all-Ireland political party Sinn Fein. Assembly elections determine the composition of Northern Ireland's Executive, comprised of ministers in charge of policy departments. Following the May 2016 Assembly elections, DUP leader Arlene Foster and Sinn Fein's northern leader Martin McGuiness returned to head the Executive as First Minister and Deputy First Minister, respectively. Despite a much-improved security situation in Northern Ireland and progress in implementing important aspects of the peace accord, significant divisions and distrust persist between the unionist and nationalist communities and their respective political parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Northern Ireland
    1 Northern Ireland The Atlantic Philanthropies Northern Ireland 2 2 More than 22,000TheThe students share classes, resourcesAtlanticAtlantic and facilities each PhilanthropiesPhilanthropies week in Northern Ireland, bringing children, parents and teachers of Catholic and Protestant communities together. In Derry/Londonderry, these students from St. Mary’s and Lisneal colleges share a citizenship class. Foreword 6 Preface 10 Summary 13 Northern Ireland 18 Grantee Profiles 41 Northern Ireland Alternatives 43 Lifestart Foundation 49 The Detail 53 Suffolk Lenadoon Interface Group 56 Alzheimers Society NI — Dementia 63 Friendly Communities Sonic Arts Research Centre, 65 Queen’s University Integrated and Shared Education 69 Committee on the Administration 76 of Justice South Tyrone Empowerment 80 Programme (STEP) Lessons 84 Acknowledgements 105 The Atlantic Philanthropies Northern Ireland BY SUSAN Mc KAY In 2012, Chuck Feeney received an unprecedented joint Honorary Doctorate of Laws from all nine universities, in the North and the Republic, in recognition of his contributions to higher education. Dedication To Charles Francis Feeney, whose generosity and vision have improved the lives of millions, on the island of Ireland and across the globe. 6 Northern Ireland Foreword have had the good fortune both to work for grantee organisations supported by The Atlantic Philanthropies and to have also worked for I Atlantic itself. My connection with Atlantic and Chuck Feeney goes back over 20 years. Chuck’s values, style and approach to his philanthropy shaped Atlantic’s approach to giving. Once he decided to support an organisation, he trusted it to get on with the work. He also placed a high degree of confidence and autonomy in Atlantic’s staff charged with making recommendations on where money should be awarded.
    [Show full text]
  • THE 422 Mps WHO BACKED the MOTION Conservative 1. Bim
    THE 422 MPs WHO BACKED THE MOTION Conservative 1. Bim Afolami 2. Peter Aldous 3. Edward Argar 4. Victoria Atkins 5. Harriett Baldwin 6. Steve Barclay 7. Henry Bellingham 8. Guto Bebb 9. Richard Benyon 10. Paul Beresford 11. Peter Bottomley 12. Andrew Bowie 13. Karen Bradley 14. Steve Brine 15. James Brokenshire 16. Robert Buckland 17. Alex Burghart 18. Alistair Burt 19. Alun Cairns 20. James Cartlidge 21. Alex Chalk 22. Jo Churchill 23. Greg Clark 24. Colin Clark 25. Ken Clarke 26. James Cleverly 27. Thérèse Coffey 28. Alberto Costa 29. Glyn Davies 30. Jonathan Djanogly 31. Leo Docherty 32. Oliver Dowden 33. David Duguid 34. Alan Duncan 35. Philip Dunne 36. Michael Ellis 37. Tobias Ellwood 38. Mark Field 39. Vicky Ford 40. Kevin Foster 41. Lucy Frazer 42. George Freeman 43. Mike Freer 44. Mark Garnier 45. David Gauke 46. Nick Gibb 47. John Glen 48. Robert Goodwill 49. Michael Gove 50. Luke Graham 51. Richard Graham 52. Bill Grant 53. Helen Grant 54. Damian Green 55. Justine Greening 56. Dominic Grieve 57. Sam Gyimah 58. Kirstene Hair 59. Luke Hall 60. Philip Hammond 61. Stephen Hammond 62. Matt Hancock 63. Richard Harrington 64. Simon Hart 65. Oliver Heald 66. Peter Heaton-Jones 67. Damian Hinds 68. Simon Hoare 69. George Hollingbery 70. Kevin Hollinrake 71. Nigel Huddleston 72. Jeremy Hunt 73. Nick Hurd 74. Alister Jack (Teller) 75. Margot James 76. Sajid Javid 77. Robert Jenrick 78. Jo Johnson 79. Andrew Jones 80. Gillian Keegan 81. Seema Kennedy 82. Stephen Kerr 83. Mark Lancaster 84.
    [Show full text]
  • FDN-274688 Disclosure
    FDN-274688 Disclosure MP Total Adam Afriyie 5 Adam Holloway 4 Adrian Bailey 7 Alan Campbell 3 Alan Duncan 2 Alan Haselhurst 5 Alan Johnson 5 Alan Meale 2 Alan Whitehead 1 Alasdair McDonnell 1 Albert Owen 5 Alberto Costa 7 Alec Shelbrooke 3 Alex Chalk 6 Alex Cunningham 1 Alex Salmond 2 Alison McGovern 2 Alison Thewliss 1 Alistair Burt 6 Alistair Carmichael 1 Alok Sharma 4 Alun Cairns 3 Amanda Solloway 1 Amber Rudd 10 Andrea Jenkyns 9 Andrea Leadsom 3 Andrew Bingham 6 Andrew Bridgen 1 Andrew Griffiths 4 Andrew Gwynne 2 Andrew Jones 1 Andrew Mitchell 9 Andrew Murrison 4 Andrew Percy 4 Andrew Rosindell 4 Andrew Selous 10 Andrew Smith 5 Andrew Stephenson 4 Andrew Turner 3 Andrew Tyrie 8 Andy Burnham 1 Andy McDonald 2 Andy Slaughter 8 FDN-274688 Disclosure Angela Crawley 3 Angela Eagle 3 Angela Rayner 7 Angela Smith 3 Angela Watkinson 1 Angus MacNeil 1 Ann Clwyd 3 Ann Coffey 5 Anna Soubry 1 Anna Turley 6 Anne Main 4 Anne McLaughlin 3 Anne Milton 4 Anne-Marie Morris 1 Anne-Marie Trevelyan 3 Antoinette Sandbach 1 Barry Gardiner 9 Barry Sheerman 3 Ben Bradshaw 6 Ben Gummer 3 Ben Howlett 2 Ben Wallace 8 Bernard Jenkin 45 Bill Wiggin 4 Bob Blackman 3 Bob Stewart 4 Boris Johnson 5 Brandon Lewis 1 Brendan O'Hara 5 Bridget Phillipson 2 Byron Davies 1 Callum McCaig 6 Calum Kerr 3 Carol Monaghan 6 Caroline Ansell 4 Caroline Dinenage 4 Caroline Flint 2 Caroline Johnson 4 Caroline Lucas 7 Caroline Nokes 2 Caroline Spelman 3 Carolyn Harris 3 Cat Smith 4 Catherine McKinnell 1 FDN-274688 Disclosure Catherine West 7 Charles Walker 8 Charlie Elphicke 7 Charlotte
    [Show full text]
  • GCHQ Accommodation Procurement: a Case Study
    Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament GCHQ accommodation procurement: a case study HC 991 Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament GCHQ accommodation procurement: a case study Presented to Parliament pursuant to sections 2 and 3 of the Justice and Security Act 2013 Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed on 19 November 2020 HC 991 © Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament copyright 2020 The material must be acknowledged as Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament copyright and the document title specified. Where third party material has been identified, permission from the respective copyright holder must be sought. This publication is licensed under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3 Any enquiries regarding this publication should be sent to us via our webform at isc.independent.gov.uk/contact This publication is also available on our website at: isc.independent.gov.uk ISBN 978-1-5286-2203-5 CCS0920245852 11/20 Printed on paper containing 75% recycled fibre content minimum Printed in the UK by the APS Group on behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office THE INTELLIGENCE AND SECURITY COMMITTEE OF PARLIAMENT The Rt Hon. Dr Julian Lewis MP The Rt Hon. Sir John Hayes CBE MP Mark Pritchard MP Stewart Hosie MP Colonel Bob Stewart DSO MP Dame Diana Johnson DBE MP The Rt Hon. Theresa Villiers MP The Rt Hon. Kevan Jones MP The Rt Hon. Admiral Lord West of Spithead GCB DSC This Report reflects the work of the previous Committee, which sat from November 2017 to November 2019: The Rt.
    [Show full text]
  • BREXIT BRIEF Brexit Brief Issue 112 18 June 2021
    BREXIT BRIEF Brexit Brief Issue 112 18 June 2021 Tony Brown Introduction The Brief seeks to provide up-to-date information on the progress and content of the UK-EU negotiations, and bring together relevant statements and policy positions from key players in Ireland, the UK and the EU. The Brief is part of a wider communications programme covering the work of the IIEA’s UK Project Group – including commentaries, speeches, texts and event reports – which are highlighted on the Institute’s website. (www.iiea.com) Section One: State of Play Advisor to Arlene Foster MLA, Ms Emma Little- Pengally, described Mr Poots determination to The Resignation of Edwin Poots continue with the nomination, as “fatal to his leadership”. In his official statement, Mr Poots On Thursday, 17 June 2021, Edwin Poots described recent events as “a difficult period” MLA announced his resignation as leader of for the Party, as well as for Northern Ireland, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). Having as a country. just assumed the role 21 days earlier, he will become the shortest serving leader in The meeting of the North-South Ministerial the history of the party. The announcement Council scheduled for Friday, 18 July was came hours after his decision to proceed subsequently postponed. In response to the with the formal nomination of Paul Givan recent developments, Minister for Foreign MLA as First Minister. The majority of the Affairs, Simon Coveney, defended the UK’s DUP parliamentary party urged him to delay guarantee to pass Irish language legislation the nomination amid anger following the UK in Westminster should it not be brought to Government’s commitment to implementing the table in Stormont, which he described as Irish language laws as part of the New the most “appropriate” action.
    [Show full text]
  • Role of the First Minister in Northern Ireland How Is the First Minister Selected?
    Role of the First Minister in Northern Ireland How is the First Minister selected? Under the Good Friday Agreement the largest party in the Northern Ireland Assembly, be they Unionist or Nationalist chooses a nominee for First Minister. What is the role of the First Minister in decision making? Despite the names the First Minister and deputy First Minister share equal responsibilities within government, and their decisions are made jointly. The First Minister greets official visitors to Northern Ireland and so in that way is the has an equivalent standing to the First Ministers of Scotland or Wales. The First Minister co-chairs meetings of the Northern Ireland Executive, co-ordinates the work of the Executive, and the response of the administration to relationships with other countries. The First Minister and deputy First Minister agree the agenda of Executive meetings and can jointly determine "significant or controversial matters" to be considered by the Executive. The First Minister’s other areas of responsibility include: economic policy equality before the law European Union issues human rights the machinery of government (including the Ministerial Code) public appointments policy standards in public life Who has held the role of First Minister? David Trimble UUP Ian Paisley DUP Peter Robinson DUP Arlene Foster DUP 1998-2002 2007-2008 2002-2016 2016-2017 Leaving Certificate Politics & Society Stand 1: Power and Decision Making Topic 2: Power and Decision Making at National and European Level. Leaning Outcome 2.2: Describe the way in which the Northern Ireland Executive is selected, and the ministers’ roles . .
    [Show full text]
  • NILQ 62. FOREWORD.Qxd
    NILQ 63(4): 509–32 Modernising environmental regulation in Northern Ireland: a case study in devolved decision-making SharoN TurNer aNd CIara BreNNaN School of Law, Queen’s university Belfast * Introduction or over a decade, controversy about the quality of environmental regulation has cast a Fshadow over the effectiveness of environmental governance in Northern Ireland. Most fundamentally this debate has centred on a crisis of confidence about the quality of regulation and a consensus that effective reform depends on the externalisation of this responsibility from central government. Not surprisingly, the causes of weak regulation were rooted in the eclipsing impact of the Troubles and the fossilisation of government that occurred during the decades of Direct Rule.1 However, although the first steps towards meaningful reform were eventually taken under Direct Rule, the restoration of devolution and the stabilising power-sharing process has meant that the trajectory of regulatory reform has been largely shaped by a devolved administration. The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature and implications of that process. Pressure for regulatory reform is an issue that has confronted both configurations of Northern Ireland’s power-sharing Executive. Despite its brief and tumultuous lifespan, the first Ulster Unionist Party (UUP)/Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP)-led administration was immediately faced not only with the evidence of serious regulatory dysfunction but also the first stage of what became a concerted civil society campaign for independent regulation. The collapse of power-sharing did nothing to quell this pressure. Instead, when devolution was restored five years later the new Democratic Unionist/Sinn Fein-led administration was faced once again with pressure for regulatory reform.
    [Show full text]