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Government and Politics GCE CCEA GCE AS Exemplifying Examination Performance Government and Politics This is an exemplification of candidates’ performance in GCE AS examinations (Summer 2017) to support the teaching and learning of Government and Politics specificaton. GCE: AS Government and Politics AS1: The Government and Politics of Northern Ireland Grade: A Exemplar Source The Northern Ireland Executive was in continuous operation from 2007. However, this record hides the fact that it experienced many significant divisions during this period. “Legacy issues” were among the most divisive and many of these remain unresolved. For example, every year the issue of parading causes conflict and the Executive was unable to sort out the problem. In the period since 2007 the Executive survived a series of crises but eventually collapsed in January 2017. Q1 Identify two government departments within the Northern Ireland Executive since 2007. [4] Student’s response An example of a government department in the NI Executive is the Department of Education, which was last headed by Peter Weir of the DUP. Another example is the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs, last headed by Michelle McIlveen of the DUP. Examiner’s comments Marks available 4. Mark awarded 4. This response is an example of a candidate writing much more than is required by the question. Full marks would have been awarded for identifying the Departments of Education and Agriculture. Naming the current minister in charge or the function of the Department is not necessary. 1 Q2 With reference to the Source and any other relevant material you have studied, explain what is meant by “legacy issues”. [6] Student’s response ‘Legacy issues’ refer to any issues that arise from dealing with the political past of Northern Ireland, specifically events during ‘The Troubles’. For example the source mentions the parades issue, which has been prominent annually since 1998 in areas such as Andersontown, as it typically creates tension between both the nationalist and unionist community. The tradition of parades since the troubles and the political nature of the events make it a legacy issue, along with other examples such as Maze prison and the victims commission. Examiner’s comments Marks available 6. Mark awarded 5. Level 3 response. This question involves defining a term or concept and this response starts with a clear definition of what is meant by “Legacy Issues.” From the Source the candidate then identifies parading as a legacy issue, although the supporting example is at best undeveloped or, at worst, confused. Two other legacy issues are identified to support the explanation, making this a very strong answer overall. 2 Q3 With reference to the Source and any other relevant material you have studied, explain three areas of continuing disagreement between the DUP and Sinn Féin. [15] Student’s response One area of disagreement between the DUP and Sinn Fein is the consensus on who is a victim, investigated in the victim’s commission. The DUP argue that victims from the troubles are only those and the families of those killed by paramilitaries, and not the paramilitary members themselves. Sinn Fein on the other hand has a much wider view on what a victim consists of, believing that not only should victims of paramilitary violence be included, but also those killed as members of paramilitaries, claiming that they are ‘victims of their environment’. They also believe that the victims of attacks from the RUC and British Army should receive compensation too, which the DUP are opposed to as they believe they were officials just doing their job. This is an example of a legacy issue, as shown in the source. A second area in which the ‘big two’ disagree on is equal marriage, which has been a continuous issue for many years in the Assembly. Sinn Fein, along with parties such as the SDLP and Alliance, were in favour of the proposed bill on numerous occasions but each time it was rejected by the DUP using a petition of concern, which has led to much criticism over the DUP playing the mechanism like a “joker in the pack”. In previous years DUP MLAs have described homosexuality as an ‘abomination’ for example Iris Robinson. While Sinn Fein are in full favour of passing the legislation, where Northern Ireland is the only part of the UK not to have done so. In this regard they are polar opposites on the issue. A third area over which the DUP and Sinn Fein continue to disagree on is the implementation of an Irish Language Act. This has always been something on Sinn Fein’s agenda, but has become increasingly prominent following the RHI – Scandal, 2017 election and Sinn Fein’s desire to end DUP ‘arrogance’. The Democratic Unionist Party are adamantly opposed to the act, with Arlene Foster infamously arguing that there should be a ‘Polish language act’ as more people in Northern Ireland speak Polish than Irish. 3 The parties’ disagreement over this issue is one of many reasons while there has been no re-emergence of the political institutions and the DUP do not want to conceed to the republican ‘alligator’. Examiner’s comments Marks available 15. Mark awarded 14. Level 5 response. The first strength of this answer is the clear presentation: the candidate explicitly identifies the three areas they have chosen through the use of “one area”, “a second area” and “a third area.” Some candidates failed to develop three clear areas or identified more than three but with limited explanation. Effective presentation may help to prevent these failings. A second positive feature of this response is that it takes account of the “continuing” element of the question. Many candidates identified areas that have been largely resolved, even acknowledging this themselves. Finally, the explanations of the three areas put forward by the candidate are full and accurate. 4 Either Q4 (a) Assess how effective the Executive Committee was in governing Northern Ireland between 2007 and 2017. [25] Student’s response The Northern Ireland Executive was formed as part of the Good Friday Agreement and subsequent Northern Ireland Act along with the Assembly in 1998. Membership of the Executive Committee is formed via the D’Hondt method which ensures equal representation from all parties and communities. The Executive was reformed under the Fresh Start Agreement of 2015, reducing the number of Executive seats from 12 – 9. The Executive has the role of legislating on devolved matters such as Education, Justice and Finance. It should be noted that the Justice Ministry is instead given via parallel consent rather than D’Hondt. Many argue that the Executive members have generally worked with collegiality and have been successful in legislating on non-controversial issues. For example, John O’Dowd in 2010 praised the work of Martin Mc Guinness and Peter Robinson (then DFM and FM respectively) in keeping prescriptions free of charge and ensuring free travel for elderly people. Other pieces of legislation passed by the Executive include the Sunbeds Act 2011, Marine Act 2012 and Child Exploitation Act 2016. The Executive was also successful in reforms of the political system such as reducing the number of borough councils to 11 for the 2014 election. The creation of the Fresh Start Agreement of 2015 was also another piece of legislative success for the Executive, parties agreed to reduce the number of seats in the Assembly from 108 to 90 in future elections, as well as agreeing to reduce the number of Executive Departments from 12 to 9. Cathy Gormley-Heeman of Ulster University argues that the Executive is creating more “chunky” pieces of legislation i.e. they are becoming more significant. However, the Executive has most definitely had its fair share of downfalls. It had been criticised greatly by the SDLP and UUP, who argued that their parties were being sidelined by the more dominant DUP and Sinn Fein. Consequently, the SDLP left the Executive in 2015 under Colum Eastwood and, along with the UUP who also declined to take Executive seats in 2016, formed an official opposition in the Assembly. Furthermore, the Executive has often ground to a halt when attempting to legislate on controversial issues such as same-sex marriage, abortion an Irish Language Act and parades, with the DUP and Sinn Fein having very much opposing views on said issues. Relations in the Executive have also broken down over scandals which have dominated new headlines such as Red Sky, Nama and especially the RHI scandal in early 2017. Ministers often play the “Blame game”, over these scandals as collegiality and working relationships break down. The RHI scandal even resulted in Martin 5 McGuinness resigning the position of deputy First Minister, thereby taking away the position of First Minister Arlene Foster as First Minister and bringing down the Executive as a whole, thereby forcing an election in March 2017. Other criticisms of the Executive include “solo runs”, taken by Ministers in which they ignore their committee recommendations and the wishes of other Ministers, these include Bairbre de Brun moving maternity services to the Royal Hospital (in her own constituency) rather than the City Hospital, as the Health committee had recommended, as well as Martin Mc Guinness scrapping the 11+ exam in 2002 only hours before the dissolution of the Assembly and Executive and the implementation of direct rule. In a survey carried out by the OFMdFM in 2010, 86% of respondents said the Executive was a “good thing”, and 90% said that it was good that Robinson and McGuinness had to work together. This would suggest that the public do have some faith in the Executive, however the decline in voter turnout from 69.9% in 1998 to 54.7% in 2016 would suggest that many have a growing dissolution with the Assembly and Executive.
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