American Arabs and Political Participation
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Dealing with Jim Crow
Dealing and Responding to Jim Crow Introduction Research Questions On February 26, 1877, a compromise was made to settle the disputed presidential election of 1876 within the walls of the Wormley Hotel in Washington D.C. If Republicans would end the to Consider post-Civil War military occupation of the South, then the Democrats would allow Republican How did Washington, candidate Rutherford B. Hayes to become president. The compromise signaled the beginning Du Bois, and Wells- of a post-war reconciliation of white Americans from the North and South. However, removing Barnett individually respond to the conflict troops from the South meant that African Americans would be at the mercy of white of racism during the Jim Southerners (many of whom were or sympathized with former Confederates), and Democrat- Crow Era? How did they controlled state governments who wanted to see African Americans returned to their rightful respond to one place in Southern society, as politically disenfranchised and uneducated labor. another? Nevertheless, it was ironic that the compromise, known as the Compromise of 1877, took How did the African place at the Wormley Hotel, owned by James Wormley, a wealthy and well-connected black American community entrepreneur. Wormley’s Hotel was located in Layafette Square, near the White House. James respond to Washington, Du Bois and Wells- Wormley and his hotel were known internationally for their elegance, excellent hospitality, and Barnett? delicious catering. Royalty, dignitaries, and Washington’s elite including: presidents, cabinet members, Congressmen, Supreme Court justices, military officers, and business leaders What was the effect on considered Wormley a confidant and excellent host. -
Pakistani Migrants in the United States: the Interplay of Ethnic Identity and Ethnic Retention
American International Journal of Social Science Vol. 5, No. 4; August 2016 Pakistani Migrants in the United States: The Interplay of Ethnic Identity and Ethnic Retention Dr. Navid Ghani Five Towns College Professor of Sociology and History 305 N Service Rd, Dix Hills, NY 11746 United States Abstract This study is designed to explore the process of integration of first-generation Pakistani immigrants in the United States. There are two analytical themes that are the focus of this study. The first is the question of their integration into American society. What are the factors that have led to their maintenance of strong ethnic attachment, and their role in the shifting interplay of integration versus ethnic retention? The second issue is the factors that hinder their integration into American society, and how they perceive their cultural heritage versus mainstream norms and values. I rely on five benchmarks to assess first-generation immigrant integration: socioeconomic status, cultural heritage such as religious and social activities, perceptions, and experiences of discrimination, and gender relations. Based on ethnographic methods such as interviews and participant observations, one level of integration is explained. This level of integration is related to high ethnic identity and low integration, and is explained in terms of identity formation with strong ethnic characteristics but only a functional level of integration. Keywords: Immigrant, migration, ethnicity, assimilation, acculturation, socioeconomic status, gender, discrimination. 1. Introduction and Background My contribution to this discourse stems from my own background as a first-generation Pakistani immigrant, and now as a permanent resident of the United States. As such, I write from the perspective of an immigrant who has experienced the process of integration and adjustment of the Pakistani community in the United States. -
Spencer Sunshine*
Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it. -
Race and Transnationalism in the First Syrian-American Community, 1890-1930
Abstract Title of Thesis: RACE ACROSS BORDERS: RACE AND TRANSNATIONALISM IN THE FIRST SYRIAN-AMERICAN COMMUNITY, 1890-1930 Zeinab Emad Abrahim, Master of Arts, 2013 Thesis Directed By: Professor, Madeline Zilfi Department of History This research explores the transnational nature of the citizenship campaign amongst the first Syrian Americans, by analyzing the communication between Syrians in the United States with Syrians in the Middle East, primarily Jurji Zaydan, a Middle-Eastern anthropologist and literary figure. The goal is to demonstrate that while Syrian Americans negotiated their racial identity in the United States in order to attain the right to naturalize, they did so within a transnational framework. Placing the Syrian citizenship struggle in a larger context brings to light many issues regarding national and racial identity in both the United States and the Middle East during the turn of the twentieth century. RACE ACROSS BORDERS: RACE AND TRANSNATIONALISM IN THE FIRST SYRIAN-AMERICAN COMMUNITY, 1890-1930 by Zeinab Emad Abrahim Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts 2013 Advisory Committee: Professor, Madeline Zilfi, Chair Professor, David Freund Professor, Peter Wien © Copyright by Zeinab Emad Abrahim 2013 For Mahmud, Emad, and Iman ii Table of Contents List of Images…………………………………………………………………....iv Introduction………………………………………………………………………1-12 Chapter 1: Historical Contextualization………………………………………13-25 -
A Community of Contrasts: Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders in Orange County Addresses This Critical Challenge by Doing Two Things
2014 A COMMUNITY Cyrus Chung Ying Tang Foundation OF CONTRASTS Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders in Orange County ORANGE www.calendow.org COUNTY This report was made possible by the following sponsors: The Wallace H. Coulter Foundation, Cyrus Chung Ying Tang Foundation, Wells Fargo, and The California Endowment. The statements and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the authors. CONTENTS ORGANIZATIONAL DESCRIPTIONS TECHNICAL NOTES Welcome 1 Introduction 2 Executive Summary 3 Map 5 Measuring the characteristics of racial and ethnic groups Demographics 6 Since 2000, the United States Census Bureau has allowed those responding to its questionnaires to report one or more Asian Americans Advancing Justice - Orange County Economic Contributions 9 racial or ethnic backgrounds. While this better reflects America’s diversity and improves data available on multiracial popula- The mission of Asian Americans Advancing Justice (“Advancing Civic Engagement 10 tions, it complicates the use of data on racial and ethnic groups. Justice”) is to promote a fair and equitable society for all by Immigration 12 working for civil and human rights and empowering Asian Language 14 Data on race are generally available from the Census Bureau in two forms, for those of a single racial background (referred Americans and Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders (NHPI) Education 16 to as “alone”) with multiracial people captured in an independent category, and for those of either single or multiple racial and other underserved communities. -
Canada and the Middle East Today: Electoral Politics and Foreign Policy
CANADA AND THE MIDDLE EAST TODAY: ELECTORAL POLITICS AND FOREIGN POLICY Donald Barry Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper came to power in 2006 with little experience in foreign affairs but with a well developed plan to transform his minority Conservative administration into a majority government replacing the Liberals as Canada’s “natural governing party.”1 Because his party’s core of Anglo-Protestant supporters was not large enough to achieve this goal, Harper appealed to non- traditional Conservatives, including Jews, on the basis of shared social values. His efforts were matched by those of Jewish leaders and the government of Israel to win the backing of the government and its followers in the face of declining domestic support for Israel and the rise of militant Islamic fundamentalism. These factors accelerated a change in Canada’s Middle East policy that began under Prime Minister Paul Martin, from a carefully balanced stance to one that overwhelm- ingly favors Israel. Harper’s “pro-Israel politics,” Michelle Collins observes, has “won the respect—and support—of a large segment of Canada’s organized Jewish community.”2 However, it has isolated Canada from significant shifts in Middle East diplomacy and marginalized its ability to play a constructive role in the region. Harper and the Jewish Vote When he became leader of the Canadian Alliance party, which merged with the Progressive Conservatives to form the Conservative Party of Canada in 2004, Tom Flanagan says that Harper realized “The traditional Conservative base of Anglophone Protestants [was] too narrow to win modern Canadian elections.”3 In a speech to the conservative organization Civitas, in 2003, Harper argued that the only way to achieve power was to focus not on the tired wish list of economic conservatives or “neo-cons,” as they’d become known, but on what he called “theo-cons”—those social conservatives who care passionately about hot-button issues that turn on family, crime, and defense. -
The Prophet (Discussion Questions)
The Prophet (Discussion Questions) 1. Is Lebanese or Arab patriotism discernable? What is Gibran's view of America? Is there a political dimension to his work? 2. Can you identify with any of the characters? Does Gibran want you to identify with them? Do you think somebody in Lebanon would feel closer or less close to them? Why? 3. What is the prophet's message? What is his vision of human relationships in society? 4. How, overall, does Almustafa rate his ministry to Orphalese? 5. Can Gibran's writing be classified as immigration literature or are there more universal themes at work here? Could it just be romantic idealism? 6. How does Almitra figure in The Prophet? 7. How does Almustafa view nudity? 8. How does Almustafa relate to cities? 9. What is the function of human labor? 10. What is God's function in The Prophet? Is God a creator, provider, or savior, or does God serve some other function? 11. Does Almustafa's enigmatic promise to return through reincarnation fit in with his teachings on human nature? https://www.grpl.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/The-Prophet.pdf The Prophet (About the Author) Kahlil Gibran, known in Arabic as Gibran Khalil Gibran, was born January 6, 1883, in Bsharri, Lebanon, which at the time was part of Syria and part of the Ottoman Empire. In 1885 Gibran emigrated with his mother and siblings to the United States, where they settled in the large Syrian and Lebanese community in Boston, Massachusetts. In 1904 Gibran began publishing articles in an Arabic-language newspaper and also had his first public exhibit of his drawings, which were championed by the Boston photographer Fred Holland Day. -
Exhibition Guide
A free exhibition presented at the State Library of New South Wales 4 December 2010 to 20 February 2011 Exhibition opening hours: 9 am to 8 pm Monday to Thursday, 9 am to 5 pm Friday, 10 am to 5pm weekends Macquarie Street Sydney NSW 2000 Telephone (02) 9273 1414 Facsimile (02) 9273 1255 TTY (02) 9273 1541 Email [email protected] www.sl.nsw.gov.au Curator: Avryl Whitnall The State Library of New South Wales is a statutory authority Exhibition project manager: Phil Verner of, and principally funded by, the NSW State Government Exhibition designers: Beth Steven and Stephen Ryan, The State Library acknowledges the generous support of the Freeman Ryan Design Nelson Meers Foundation Exhibition graphics: Nerida Orsatti, Freeman Ryan Design Print and marketing graphics: Marianne Hawke Names of people and works in this exhibition have been Editor: Theresa Willsteed westernised where appropriate for English-language publication. Unless otherwise stated, all works illustrated in this guide are Conservation services in Lebanon: David Butcher, by Kahlil Gibran (1883–1931), and are on loan from the Gibran Paris Art Consulting Museum, Bsharri, Lebanon. International freight: Terry Fahey, Global Specialised Services Printed in Australia by Pegasus Print Group Cover: Fred Holland Day, Kahlil Gibran with book, 1897, Paper: Focus Paper Evolve 275gsm (cover) and 120 gsm (text). photographic print, © National Media Museum/Science & Society The paper is 100% recycled from post-consumer waste. Picture Library, UK Print run: 10,000 Above: Fred Holland Day, Portrait of Kahlil Gibran, c. 1898, P&D-3499-11/2010 photographic print, © National Media Museum/Science & Society Picture Library, UK ISBN 0 7313 7205 0 © State Library of New South Wales, November 2010 FOREWORD Kahlil Gibran’s visit to the State Library of Kahlil Gibran had an enormous impact on many Gibran Khalil Gibran — writer, poet, artist From Bsharri to Sydney New South Wales is both timely and fitting. -
2013 FC 1283 Ottawa, Ontario, December 23, 2013 PRESENT
Date: 20131223 Docket: T-447-09 Citation: 2013 FC 1283 Ottawa, Ontario, December 23, 2013 PRESENT: The Honourable Mr. Justice Zinn BETWEEN: 2013 FC 1283 (CanLII) CANADIAN ARAB FEDERATION (CAF) Applicant and THE MINISTER OF CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRATION Respondent REASONS FOR JUDGMENT AND JUDGMENT [1] This is an application for judicial review by the Canadian Arab Federation [CAF] of a decision by The Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, then Jason Kenney [the Minister], not to enter into a funding agreement under the Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada [LINC] program for the year 2009-2010. This decision was made by the Minister despite the fact that Citizenship and Immigration Canada [CIC] had previously entered into similar funding arrangements with CAF for many years; the most recent of which expired March 30, 2009, just days after the decision under review was made. Page: 2 [2] The reasons for the Minister’s decision are set out in a letter to CAF dated March 18, 2009, from the Associate Assistant Deputy Minister of CIC to Khaled Mouammar, President of CAF at that time: As you are also aware, serious concerns have arisen with respect to certain public statements that have been made by yourself or other officials of the CAF. These statements have included the promotion of hatred, anti-semitism [sic] and support for the banned terrorist organizations Hamas and Hezbollah. 2013 FC 1283 (CanLII) The objectionable nature of these public statements – in that they appear to reflect the CAF’s evident support for terrorist organizations and positions on its part which are arguably anti-Semitic – raises serious questions about the integrity of your organization and has undermined the Government’s confidence in the CAF as an appropriate partner for the delivery of settlement services to newcomers. -
The Mystical Element in Mikhall Lku6aymah's Litesary Works and Its Affinity to Islamic Mysticism
The Mystical Element in Mikhall lKu6aymah's Litesary Works and Its Affinity to Islamic Mysticism BY Yeni Ratna Yuuingsib, A thesis submitted to the Facul* of Graduate Studies and Research in partial ialflllment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Institute of Islamic Studies MCGLU University Montreal June 1999 National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1*1 ofCanada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographic Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Strmt 395. rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts from it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation, ABSTRACT Author : Yeni Ratna Yuningsih Title : The Mystical Element in MikhaU Nucaymah's Literary Works and Its AfEmity to Islamic Mysticism Department : Institute of Islamic Studies Degree : Master of Arts This thesis investigates the mystical elements in MikhS'ïl Nu'ayrnah's literary works and their affiity to Islamic mysticisrn, elaborating in particular on the notions of oneness of being and the transmigration of soul. -
Former Ottomans in the Ranks: Pro-Entente Military Recruitment Among Syrians in the Americas, 1916–18*
Journal of Global History (2016), 11,pp.88–112 © Cambridge University Press 2016 doi:10.1017/S1740022815000364 Former Ottomans in the ranks: pro-Entente military recruitment among Syrians in the Americas, 1916–18* Stacy D. Fahrenthold Center for Middle Eastern Studies, University of California, Berkeley, California, USA E-mail: [email protected] Abstract For half a million ‘Syrian’ Ottoman subjects living outside the empire, the First World War initiated a massive political rift with Istanbul. Beginning in 1916, Syrian and Lebanese emigrants from both North and South America sought to enlist, recruit, and conscript immigrant men into the militaries of the Entente. Employing press items, correspondence, and memoirs written by émigré recruiters during the war, this article reconstructs the transnational networks that facilitated the voluntary enlistment of an estimated 10,000 Syrian emigrants into the armies of the Entente, particularly the United States Army after 1917. As Ottoman nationals, many Syrian recruits used this as a practical means of obtaining American citizen- ship and shedding their legal ties to Istanbul. Émigré recruiters folded their military service into broader goals for ‘Syrian’ and ‘Lebanese’ national liberation under the auspices of American political support. Keywords First World War, Lebanon, mobilization, Syria, transnationalism Is it often said that the First World War was a time of unprecedented military mobilization. Between 1914 and 1918, empires around the world imposed powers of conscription on their -
Apostolic Journey of His Holiness Francis in Iraq (5 to 8 March 2021
N. 210307a Sunday 07.03.2021 Apostolic Journey of His Holiness Francis in Iraq (5 to 8 March 2021) - Meeting with the President and Prime Minister of the Autonomous Region of Iraqi Kurdistan and Prayer of Suffrage for the victims of the war in Hosh-al-Bieaa Welcome from the President of the Autonomous Region of Iraqi Kurdistan and the religious and civil leaders of the Region, and meeting with the President and Prime Minister This morning, after leaving the apostolic nunciature, the Holy Father Francis transferred by car to Baghdad International Airport, where he departed on board an Iraqi Airways aircraft bound for Erbil. Upon arrival the Pope was received by Archbishop Bashar Matti Warda of Erbil of the Chaldeans, Archbishop Nizar Semaan of Hadiab-Erbil of the Syrians, the President of the Autonomous Region of Iraqi Kurdistan Nechirvan Barzani, the Prime Minister Masrour Barzani, and various civil and religious leaders. Then, after a brief meeting in the Presidential VIP Lounge of the airport with the archbishops of Erbil of the Chaldeans and of Hadiab-Erbil of the Syrians, and with the President and the Prime Minister of the Autonomous Region, Pope Francis took his leave and departed by helicopter for Mosul. In Mosul the Pope was received by Archbishop Najeeb Michaeel, O.P., of Mosrul and Aqra of the Chaldeans, the governor of Mosul and two children who offered him flowers. He then proceeded by car to Hosh-al-Bieaa for the prayer of suffrage for the victims of the war. Prayer of Suffrage for the victims of the war in Hosh-al-Bieaa Greeting of the Holy Father Prayer of the Holy Father At 10.10 local time (8.10 in Rome), the Holy Father Francis arrived in Hosh-al-Bieaa, the Four Churches Square 2 (Syro-Catholic, Armenian Orthodox, Syro-Orthodox, and Chaldean), destroyed between 2014 and 2017 in terrorist attacks, for the prayer of suffrage for the victims of the war.