1 Bolivar & Zamora Revolutionary Current
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Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’S Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’s Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah 1 Table of Contents 3. Letter from Chair 4. Members of Committee 5. Committee Background A.Solving the Economic Crisis B.Solving the Presidential Crisis 2 Dear LYMUN delegates, Hi, my name is Peter Derrah and I am a senior at Lyons Township High School. I have done MUN for all my four years of high school, and I was a vice chair at the previous LYMUN conference. LYMUN is a well run conference and I hope that you all will have a good experience here. In this committee you all will be representing high level political figures in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, as you deal with an incomprehensible level of inflation and general economic collapse, as well as internal political disputes with opposition candidates, the National Assembly, and massive protests and general civil unrest. This should be a very interesting committee, as these ongoing issues are very serious, urgent, and have shaped geopolitics recently. I know a lot of these issues are extremely complex and so I suggest that you do enough research to have at least a basic understanding of them and solutions which could solve them. For this reason I highly suggest you read the background. It is important to remember the individual background for your figure (though this may be difficult for lower level politicians) as well as the political ideology of the ruling coalition and the power dynamics of Venezuela’s current government. I hope that you all will put in good effort into preparation, write position papers, actively speak and participate in moderated and unmoderated caucus, and come up with creative and informed solutions to these pressing issues. -
Activist Video, Mexico, and the Politics of Affect Channeling the State
Reviewed by Robert J. Mills The Open Invitation: Activist Video, Mexico, and the Politics of Affect by Freya Schiwy. University of Pittsburgh Press. 2019. 296 pages. $40.00 hardcover; also available in e- book. Channeling the State: Community Media and Popular Politics in Venezuela by Naomi Schiller. Duke University Press. 2018. 296 pages. $99.95 hardcover; $26.95 paper; also available in e-book. In May 2006, an annual teachers’ strike in the southern Mexican city of Oaxaca became the site of an unprecedented act of state brutality. Less than one month into this planned labor action, organized initially against a series of neoliberal educational reforms, the recently elected governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz deployed an army of several thousand riot police to forcefully infiltrate a number of protest camps assembled across the town square. The scenes that followed were devastating: striking labor activists were taken as political prisoners, union coordinators were evicted and reportedly tortured, and at least seventeen individuals lost their lives at the hands of the Mexican state. Over the following days, in an unexpected gesture of support, outraged local residents helped rebuild the devastated encampments, declared themselves 202 JCMS 60.2 • WINTER 2021 the new regional governing body, and initiated a grassroots anarchist uprising that would seize control of the city for the next seven months. Images of this unrest soon began to circulate globally; almost overnight, Oaxaca emerged onto the world stage as a city in flames, recognizable amid its swaths of smoke and tear gas as a zone of active democratic contestation. From behind their reinforced barricades, the energized occupants— soon to become the Oaxaca Peoples’ Popular Assembly (APPO)— led with the prefigurative chant “Ulises ya cayó! Ya cayó! Ya cayó!” (Ulises already fell! Already fell! Already fell!).1 Just a decade earlier, in the neighboring state of Venezuela, a political project spearheaded by the newly elected Hugo Chávez was likewise recon- figuring the contours of an established participatory democracy. -
Judgment of 18 December 2020
18 DECEMBER 2020 JUDGMENT ARBITRAL AWARD OF 3 OCTOBER 1899 (GUYANA v. VENEZUELA) ___________ SENTENCE ARBITRALE DU 3 OCTOBRE 1899 (GUYANA c. VENEZUELA) 18 DÉCEMBRE 2020 ARRÊT TABLE OF CONTENTS Paragraphs CHRONOLOGY OF THE PROCEDURE 1-22 I. INTRODUCTION 23-28 II. HISTORICAL AND FACTUAL BACKGROUND 29-60 A. The Washington Treaty and the 1899 Award 31-34 B. Venezuela’s repudiation of the 1899 Award and the search for a settlement of the dispute 35-39 C. The signing of the 1966 Geneva Agreement 40-44 D. The implementation of the Geneva Agreement 45-60 1. The Mixed Commission (1966-1970) 45-47 2. The 1970 Protocol of Port of Spain and the moratorium put in place 48-53 3. From the good offices process (1990-2014 and 2017) to the seisin of the Court 54-60 III. INTERPRETATION OF THE GENEVA AGREEMENT 61-101 A. The “controversy” under the Geneva Agreement 64-66 B. Whether the Parties gave their consent to the judicial settlement of the controversy under Article IV, paragraph 2, of the Geneva Agreement 67-88 1. Whether the decision of the Secretary-General has a binding character 68-78 2. Whether the Parties consented to the choice by the Secretary-General of judicial settlement 79-88 C. Whether the consent given by the Parties to the judicial settlement of their controversy under Article IV, paragraph 2, of the Geneva Agreement is subject to any conditions 89-100 IV. JURISDICTION OF THE COURT 102-115 A. The conformity of the decision of the Secretary-General of 30 January 2018 with Article IV, paragraph 2, of the Geneva Agreement 103-109 B. -
Journal of Diplomacy
Seton Hall Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations 400 South Orange Avenue, McQuaid Hall, South Orange, NJ 07079 Tel: 973-275-2515 Fax: 973-275-2519 Email: [email protected] http://www.journalofdiplomacy.org Seton Hall Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations is the official semi- Editor-in-Chief annual publication of the Seton Hall School Dennis Meaney of Diplomacy and International Relations at Seton Hall University. The Journal provides Deputy Editor-in-Chief a unique forum for international leaders in Michael Curtin government, the private sector, academia, and nongovernmental organizations to Executive Editor analyze and comment on international Ruthly Cadestin affairs. Editorial Media Manager Indexing: The Journal is indexed by Sajedeh Goudarzi Columbia International Affairs Online, Public Affairs Information Service, Social Media Associates International Political Science Abstracts, Patricia Zanini Graca, Juan C Garcia, America: History and Life and Historical Abstracts: International Relations and Security Network, and Ulrich’s Periodical Senior Editors Directory. Zehra Khan, Kevin Hill, Chiazam T Onyenso Manuscripts: Address all submissions to the Editor-in-Chief. We accept both hard Associate Editors copies and electronic versions. Submissions Maliheh Bitaraf, Meagan Torello, Erick may not exceed 6,000 words in length and Agbleke, Oluwagbemiga D Oyeneye, Edder must follow the Chicago manual of style. A Zarate, Emanuel Hernandez, Katherine M Submission deadlines are posted on our Landes, Troy L Dorch, Kendra Brock, Alex website. Miller, Devynn N Nolan, Lynn Wassenaar, Morgan McMichen, Eleanor Baldenweck Back Issues: Available upon request. Faculty Adviser Dr. Ann Marie Murphy The opinions expressed in the Journal are those of the contributors and should not be construed as representing those of Seton Hall University, the Seton Hall School of Diplomacy and International Relations, or the editors of the Journal. -
The Fifth Assembly Kyiv, Ukraine, April 6–9, 2008
The Fifth Assembly Kyiv, Ukraine, April 6–9, 2008 Making Democracy Work: From Principles to Performance WORLD MOVEMENT FOR DEMOCRACY FIFTH ASSEMBLY 6–9 APRIL 2008 KYIV UKRAINE The World Movement for Democracy is a global network Steering Committee Members of democrats, including activists, practitioners, scholars, policy mak- ers, and funders, who have come together to cooperate in the promotion of Mariclaire Acosta – Mexico democracy. It is dedicated to strengthening democracy where it is weak, to Mahnaz Afkhami – Iran reforming and invigorating democracy even where it is longstanding, and to bolstering pro-democracy groups in countries that have not yet entered Genaro Arriagada – Chile* into a process of democratic transition. The Washington, D.C.-based National Igor Blaževic – Bosnia Endowment for Democracy (NED) serves as the Secretariat. Francesca Bomboko – Democratic How We Help to Promote Democracy Republic of Congo The World Movement seeks to offer new ways to give practical help to Kim Campbell – Canada (Chair) democrats who are struggling to open closed societies, challenge dicta- torships, democratize semi-authoritarian systems, consolidate emerging Kavi Chongkittavorn – Thailand democracies, and strengthen established democracies. It has the poten- Alicja Derkowska – Poland tial to do so in several ways… • as an of democrats in dangerous situations who need political Ivan Doherty – Ireland ally solidarity and moral support; Han Dongfang – China (Vice Chair) • as a lobby for the cause of democracy in international bodies and -
Participatory Democracy in Chávez's Bolivarian Revolution
Who Mobilizes? Participatory Democracy in Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution Kirk A. Hawkins ABSTRACT This article assesses popular mobilization under the Chávez gov- ernment’s participatory initiatives in Venezuela using data from the AmericasBarometer survey of 2007. This is the first study of the so- called Bolivarian initiatives using nationally representative, individ- ual-level data. The results provide a mixed assessment. Most of the government’s programs invite participation from less active seg- ments of society, such as women, the poor, and the less educated, and participation in some programs is quite high. However, much of this participation clusters within a narrow group of activists, and a disproportionate number of participants are Chávez supporters. This partisan bias probably reflects self-screening by Venezuelans who accept Chávez’s radical populist discourse and leftist ideology, rather than vote buying or other forms of open conditionality. Thus, the Venezuelan case suggests some optimism for proponents of par- ticipatory democracy, but also the need to be more attuned to its practical political limits. uring the past decade, leftist governments with participatory dem- Docratic agendas have come to power in many Latin American coun- tries, implementing institutional reforms at the local and, increasingly, the national level. This trend has generated a scholarly literature assess- ing the nature of participation in these initiatives; that is, whether they embody effective attempts at participatory forms of democracy that mobilize and empower inactive segments of society (Goldfrank 2007; Wampler 2007a). This article advances this discussion by studying popular mobiliza- tion under the government of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, referred to here as the Bolivarian Revolution or Chavismo. -
Venezuela After Chavez
Edited by Veronica Zubillaga George Ciccariello-Maher Rebecca Hanson Boris Muñoz Robert Samet Naomi Schiller David Smilde Alejandro Velasco Veronica Zubillaga April 30th, 2014 1 Introduction Venezuela after Chávez: Challenges of Democracy, Security and Governance April 30, 2014 Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies Watson Institute for International Studies Brown University The death of President Hugo Chávez on March 2013 has raised pressing questions about the future of Venezuela and the continuity of Chávez’s Bolivarian project. Nicolás Maduro, Chávez’s hand-picked successor, won elections in April 2013 with a very narrow electoral victory that aroused serious suspicion of fraud amidst the opposition and intense tensions among Venezuelans. Nine months later, in February 2014, Venezuelans experienced a burst of massive students protests in different states, which immediately spread to middle-classes neighborhoods of the emboldened opposition. While we were organizing the Venezuela conference at Brown, in Caracas some middle-class neighborhoods were taken and blocked by “vecinos” (neighbors); students kept taking to the streets protesting while excessively repressive and militarized police responses reheated the students’ rage. The protest’s focused on a vast range of claims: from freedom of speech, citizen security, food shortages; inflation; freedom for those imprisoned for political motives since the beginning of the protests; government repression, up to Maduro’s immediate resignation. The landscape resembled a war zone in one part of the city yet was amazingly calm in other parts. Social polarization was evident and finding out the reasons why people in barrios were not protesting is one of the questions posed here. -
The Survival of Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution Written by Víctor M
Opinion – The Survival of Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution Written by Víctor M. Mijares This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Opinion – The Survival of Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution https://www.e-ir.info/2020/07/07/opinion-survival-of-venezuelas-bolivarian-revolution/ VíCTOR M. MIJARES, JUL 7 2020 Since his official arrival to the presidency of Venezuela in 2013, Nicolás Maduro has been underestimated both inside and outside his country. As the political heir to Hugo Chávez, a charismatic leader who enjoyed the benefits of history’s biggest oil boom, Maduro has had to contend with high expectations of his political performance. These expectations have not been met and Chavismo is today a discredited political movement for a significant part of Venezuelans and Latin Americans. Nonetheless, Maduro has managed to stay in power despite the collapse of the oil industry, the biggest recession in the Venezuelan economy, and opposition from much of the Western Hemisphere, including U.S. sanctions and naval presence in the Caribbean, and an obscure amphibious operation by contractors. How has this leader, without charisma and with a ruinous economy, managed to sustain the Bolivarian Revolution? The answer to the question that motivates this essay is multifactorial. Here I summarize what my years of observation have allowed me to distinguish as keys to the survival of the Bolivarian Revolution. The first of these precedes the revolution itself and is a structural condition: Venezuela is a petro-state. -
Venezuela's Bolivarian Democracy
F o r e w o r d Venezuela’s Bolivarian Democracy Julia Buxton Venezuela during the Chávez period (from 1998 to the present) provides rich insights that can inform conceptual understanding across a range of different scholarly disciplines. From social science to the liberal arts, from economics to international relations, the Bolivarian experience of radical change in eco- nomic, social, energy, and foreign policy challenges many contemporary as- sumptions and paradigms. Moreover, the experience of conflict and polar- ization that characterized the development and application of the Bolivarian process fundamentally transformed Venezuelan society and culture. Conse- quently the country is an interesting laboratory for exploring the impacts of major political upheaval on identities, loyalties, and values. The Bolivarian Revolution may also provide helpful lessons for the interna- tional donor and development community. In 1999 Hugo Chávez inherited a country characterized by profound inequalities in the distribution of wealth, land, housing, education, employment, and security. His regime sought to reverse this through novel policy and organizational initiatives to distribute and redistribute public goods in favor of those located outside mainstream po- litical and economic activity in the informal sector. Community participation, social capital development, stakeholder engagement, and gender mainstream- ing were central elements of programs that were intended to recast citizenship and promote inclusion. These are all stressed in the donor and development literature, but they are rarely applied in practice. Venezuela provides a rare opportunity to study the implementation of such major projects of social trans- formation, their successes and failures in application, their impact on commu- nities, and whether they reached their stated goals. -
Centralized Federalism in Venezuela
Duquesne Law Review Volume 43 Number 4 Federalism in the Americas ... and Article 9 Beyond, Part I 2005 Centralized Federalism in Venezuela Allan R. Brewer-Carias Follow this and additional works at: https://dsc.duq.edu/dlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Allan R. Brewer-Carias, Centralized Federalism in Venezuela, 43 Duq. L. Rev. 629 (2005). Available at: https://dsc.duq.edu/dlr/vol43/iss4/9 This Symposium Article is brought to you for free and open access by Duquesne Scholarship Collection. It has been accepted for inclusion in Duquesne Law Review by an authorized editor of Duquesne Scholarship Collection. CENTRALIZED FEDERALISM IN VENEZUELA* Allan R. Brewer-Caria* Federalism in Venezuela reveals a very contradictory form of government. Typically, a Federation is a politically decentralized State organization based on the existence and functioning of autonomous States. The power of that decentralized state organi- zation is distributed among the national State (the Union or the federation) and the member States. In contrast, the Federation in Venezuela is a Centralized Federation, which of course, is a con- tradiction in itself. That is why, unfortunately, my Country is not a good example for explaining "Federalism in the Americas," being as it is a Fed- eration based in a very centralized national government, with 23 formal autonomous states. Each of these 23 formal autonomous states is without their own effective public policies and without their own substantive sub-national constitutions. But our Federation has not always been like it is now. The process of centralization of the Federation progressively occurred during the 20th Century, and has been particularly accentuated during the past five years. -
A History of the Church in Venezuela, 1810-1930
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA LIBRARY THIS Vv'u]3^niA5 bttN REVIEWED FOR PRESERVATION. Date: A HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN VENEZUELA 1810-1930 A HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN VENEZUELA 1810-1930 BY Mary Watters, Ph.D. PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AND GOVERNMENT ARKANSAS STATE COLLEGE *^^^%^ Chapel Hill The University of North Carolina Press 1933 COPYRIGHT, 1933, BY THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA BY THE SEEMAN PRESS, DURHAM, NORTH CAROLINA ^ ^ TO MY FATHER AND MY MOTHER 119387 PREFACE An interesting and significant feature of the history of the states that resulted from the dissolution of the Spanish Empire in America is found in the differences they present in the evolution of the church. The diversity in the history of this institution is one of the striking evidences of the individuality and differentiation of these Hispanic- American groups. It is suggestive, too, of the decentralization and consequent variations in operation now recognized to have been fundamental characteristics of the Spanish colonial system; for in the colonial background, racial, social, and political, lie the roots of this institutional evolution, whatever may have been the contributions of the national period. Although the progress of anti-clericalism and the operation of other forces have weakened in varying degrees the hold of the church in all Hispanic-American states, in none did the loss of influence fall so early ,^ in none was it so complete as in Venezuela. Indeed, the virtual impotence of the church has been recognized as a peculiar feature of the history of this people which distinguishes it from all other Hispanic-American groups. -
The British Venezuela Incident and the Attitude of the American People Toward Cleveland's Policy in Venezuela
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Master's Theses Theses and Dissertations 1949 The British Venezuela Incident and the Attitude of the American People Toward Cleveland's Policy in Venezuela Jenny Pauline Gerakitis Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Gerakitis, Jenny Pauline, "The British Venezuela Incident and the Attitude of the American People Toward Cleveland's Policy in Venezuela" (1949). Master's Theses. 760. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses/760 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1949 Jenny Pauline Gerakitis THE BRITISH VENEZUELA INCIDENT AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE TOWARD CLEVELAND'S POLICY IN VENEZUELA By Jenny Pauline Gerakitis A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulltillment ot the Requirements tor the Degree ot Master ot Arts in Loyola University Chicago. Illinois June. 1949 E TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 1 CHAPTER I. ORIGIN OF THE BRITISH-VENEZUELA CLAIMS ••••••••••••••••••• 3 Origin of the controversy -- Papal Bull of Pope Alex ander VI -- Line of Demarcation -- Treaty of Torde aillas -- Voyage of Columbus in 1498 -- Alonso de Ojeda -- Spanish and Dutch settlements -- Diego de Ordaz -- Antonio de Berrio -- Dutch renunoiation of Spanish sovereignty -- Dutch West India Company - Treaty of Munster -- Treaty of 1814 -- Vene~uelan Independenoe, July 5, 1811 -- Recognition of Vene zuela.