P Letter 65..226
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Chinese Civil War (1927–37 and 1946–49)
13 CIVIL WAR CASE STUDY 2: THE CHINESE CIVIL WAR (1927–37 AND 1946–49) As you read this chapter you need to focus on the following essay questions: • Analyze the causes of the Chinese Civil War. • To what extent was the communist victory in China due to the use of guerrilla warfare? • In what ways was the Chinese Civil War a revolutionary war? For the first half of the 20th century, China faced political chaos. Following a revolution in 1911, which overthrew the Manchu dynasty, the new Republic failed to take hold and China continued to be exploited by foreign powers, lacking any strong central government. The Chinese Civil War was an attempt by two ideologically opposed forces – the nationalists and the communists – to see who would ultimately be able to restore order and regain central control over China. The struggle between these two forces, which officially started in 1927, was interrupted by the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, but started again in 1946 once the war with Japan was over. The results of this war were to have a major effect not just on China itself, but also on the international stage. Mao Zedong, the communist Timeline of events – 1911–27 victor of the Chinese Civil War. 1911 Double Tenth Revolution and establishment of the Chinese Republic 1912 Dr Sun Yixian becomes Provisional President of the Republic. Guomindang (GMD) formed and wins majority in parliament. Sun resigns and Yuan Shikai declared provisional president 1915 Japan’s Twenty-One Demands. Yuan attempts to become Emperor 1916 Yuan dies/warlord era begins 1917 Sun attempts to set up republic in Guangzhou. -
Assessing the Training and Operational Proficiency of China's
C O R P O R A T I O N Assessing the Training and Operational Proficiency of China’s Aerospace Forces Selections from the Inaugural Conference of the China Aerospace Studies Institute (CASI) Edmund J. Burke, Astrid Stuth Cevallos, Mark R. Cozad, Timothy R. Heath For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/CF340 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-0-8330-9549-7 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2016 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface On June 22, 2015, the China Aerospace Studies Institute (CASI), in conjunction with Headquarters, Air Force, held a day-long conference in Arlington, Virginia, titled “Assessing Chinese Aerospace Training and Operational Competence.” The purpose of the conference was to share the results of nine months of research and analysis by RAND researchers and to expose their work to critical review by experts and operators knowledgeable about U.S. -
Documentary Film (纪录片)
The Mao Era in Objects Documentary Film (纪录片) Ying Qian, Columbia University Summary Films are objects whose production requires resources, labor and technology, and whose distribution requires infrastructure. Films also present other objects on the screen. Documentary images, in particular, are supposed to tell truths about the physical and historical world we live in. This biography discusses the substantial resources committed to filmmaking by the young PRC: in one example, the People’s Liberation Army re-enacted four major battles in the Chinese Civil War for the camera. Why was there a perceived need for re-enactment, and what it might tell us about the society where the film was produced? Introduction In October 1949, soldiers in the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) Fourth Field Army, who had just recently arrived and settled in their new station near Tianjin, were told that they would again be transferred back to the northeast, where their battalions had fought victorious battles against the Nationalist army a year before. Canons, tanks, and tens of thousands of soldiers were loaded onto trains. Soon the open plains near Jinzhou, where the dust of war had barely settled, were shaken again by cannons and gunfire. Between autumn 1949 and summer 1950, four major battles marking PLA’s victory over the Nationalists were re-enacted for the purpose of making PRC’s first color documentary Victory of the Chinese People (Zhongguo renmin de shengli 中国人民的胜利 ), a Sino-Soviet coproduction directed by the renowned Soviet filmmaker Leonid Varlamov 29 [see C9 source: Victory of the Chinese People, see also title screen of Victory of the Chinese People depicted to the left ]. -
People's Liberation Army Air Force Aviation Training at the Operational
C O R P O R A T I O N From Theory to Practice People’s Liberation Army Air Force Aviation Training at the Operational Unit Lyle J. Morris, Eric Heginbotham For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1415 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-0-8330-9497-1 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2016 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface About the China Aerospace Studies Institute The China Aerospace Studies Institute (CASI) was created in 2014 at the initiative of the Headquarters, U.S. -
Nuclear Weapons Security Crises
CHAPTER 3 SECURING NUCLEAR ARSENALS: A CHINESE CASE STUDY Mark A. Stokes INTRODUCTION Nuclear warhead stockpile security has long been a concern of the major powers. Of particular concern is the potential theft of nuclear warheads and associ- ated materials, or a breakdown in command and con- trol authority over their use during periods of domes- tic instability. Since the inception of its program in the 1950s, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has granted nuclear warheads special political signifi- cance. The value of nuclear weapons resides not only in their international deterrent/coercive significance, but also in the domestic power and political legitimacy that a faction enjoys with control over the means of mass destruction. Domestic instability in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) during the initial stages of nuclear warhead production could serve as an illustra- tion of how one nuclear power has absorbed lessons from threats to the security of a warhead stockpile. China’s Great Proletarian Cultural Revolu- tion, which began in 1966 and ended by 1976, is the prominent case in which political instability could have resulted in the loss of control of China’s limited nuclear weapons stockpile. The domestic chaos that characterized this period coincided with a signifi- cant deterioration of relations with the former Soviet Union. Perceived domestic and external threats likely shaped the highly centralized approach to securing the 65 national nuclear warhead stockpile that the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) continues to employ until today. During the initial stages of China’s program, its system of storage and handling nuclear warheads was relatively integrated with its civilian nuclear research and development (R&D) and production complex. -
12';I. ,Ft ,{Il No
12';i. ,ft ,{il No. 6 February 9, 1970 BEIJI Vice-Premier Deng in Washington $ China's Minority Peoples a*'-15-- BEIJING REVIEW CTilRONNCN,E ih a A.fu Jan. 2E Xinhua News Agency reports that the C.P.C. VoL t2, No. 6 Februory g, liln Central Committee recently passed a "Decision on the Question of .Removing the Designations of Landlords and Rich Peasants and on the Class Status of the Children of Landlords and Rich CONIENTS Peasants.;' The decision points out that, except those who persist in maintaining their reac- CHRONICLE tionary stand, all landlords, rich peasants, eounter-revolutionaries and bad elements who, over EVENTS E IRENDS the years; have obs.erved government laws and decrees a4d who have worked honestly, shall"be con- Vice-Premier Deng Visits the Uniied Stotcs sidered as members of rural Beople's communes. All Longings for Kinsfolk members of rural people's communes whose class ' Commission for lnspection of Dlsciplinc origin is that of landlord or rich peasant shalL have Meets the class status of commune member and the class member Fewer Bobies Born Lost Yeor origin of their children shall be commune and no longer that of landlord or rich peasant. In Thirteen Veteron Codres Rehobilitoted urban areas the above also applies. ARTICLES AND DOCUMENTS Jan. 3l Vice-Premier Deng Xiaoping and President Vice-Premier Deng in Woshington Carter sign a scien.tific and technological co- New Poge Annols Sino-Americon in of operation agreement and a cultural agreement. Relotions Vice-Premier Deng Xioo- - ping's vish to the United Stotes-Yugn Feb. -
Military Regions
Encyclopedia of Modern China, Volume 3 – Finals/ 6/8/2009 19:56 Page 99 People’s Liberation Army: Overview MILITARY REGIONS China’s vast territory, diverse populations, and complex into six air-defense regions. The following year, a thirteenth geography, with attendant transportation and logistics military region, Fuzhou, was added. challenges, initially necessitated a regional approach to By 1969 the military regions of the People’s national defense, with centralized control imposed on Liberation Army were reduced to eleven: Shenyang, decentralized operations. The area control of the People’s Beijing, Jinan, Nanjing, Guangzhou, Wuhan, Chengdu, Liberation Army was originally divided into six levels (see Kunming, Lanzhou, Fuzhou, and Xinjiang (renamed Table 1), though terms have varied over time, restructuring Wulumuqi Military Region in May 1979). (In May 1967 has occurred, and mission overlap persists. the Inner Mongolia Military Region was reduced to a Since February 1949 the People’s Liberation Army has provincial military district (sheng junqu) subordinate to the employed a geographically delineated system of military Beijing Military Region, and in December 1969 the Xizang regions (junqu), which comprise military units permanently Military Region was reduced to a provincial military district allocated to them. During wartime, a theater of war subordinate to the Chengdu Military Region.) (zhanqu) encompasses both these geographically based In 1985 the eleven military regions were reduced to units and any additional units deployed or otherwise the current seven (with over twenty provincial military operationally assigned there. districts) as part of a major demobilization. The Shenyang In the late 1940s Red Army forces were organized into Military Region contains Liaoning, Jilin, and Heilongjiang; five field armies (yezhan jun) (see Table 2). -
New China and Its Qiaowu: the Political Economy of Overseas Chinese Policy in the People’S Republic of China, 1949–1959
1 The London School of Economics and Political Science New China and its Qiaowu: The Political Economy of Overseas Chinese policy in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1959 Jin Li Lim A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2016. 2 Declaration: I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 98,700 words. 3 Abstract: This thesis examines qiaowu [Overseas Chinese affairs] policies during the PRC’s first decade, and it argues that the CCP-controlled party-state’s approach to the governance of the huaqiao [Overseas Chinese] and their affairs was fundamentally a political economy. This was at base, a function of perceived huaqiao economic utility, especially for what their remittances offered to China’s foreign reserves, and hence the party-state’s qiaowu approach was a political practice to secure that economic utility. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement March 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 31 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 38 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 54 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 58 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 65 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 69 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 March 2008 The Main National Leadership of the -
The Rise of Communism in China∗
The Rise of Communism in China∗ Ting CHENy James Kai-sing KUNGz This version, December 2020 Abstract We show that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) experienced significantly faster growth in counties occupied by the Japanese Army than those garrisoned by the Kuomingtang (KMT) during the Sino-Japanese War (c. 1940-45), using the density of middle-to-upper rank Communist cadres (5.4%) and the size of the guerilla base (10.3%) as proxies. The struggle for survival and humiliation caused by wartime sex crimes are the channels through which the CCP ascended to power. We also find that people who live in former Japanese- occupied counties today are significantly more nationalistic and exhibit greater trust in the government than those who reside elsewhere. Keywords: Communist Revolution, Peasant Nationalism, Struggle for Survival, Humilia- tion and Hatred, Puppet Troops, China JEL Classification Nos.: D74, F51, F52, N45 ∗We thank seminar participants at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and National University of Singapore for helpful comments and suggestions. James Kung acknowledges the financial support of the Research Grants Council (RGC) of Hong Kong (GRF No. 17505519) and Sein and Isaac Soude Endowment. We are solely responsible for any remaining errors. yTing Chen, Department of Economics, Hong Kong Baptist University, Renfrew Road, Hong Kong. Email: [email protected]. Phone: +852-34117546. Fax: +852-34115580. zJames Kai-sing KUNG, Faculty of Business and Economics, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Email: [email protected]. Phone: +852-39177764. Fax: +852-28585614. 1 Introduction \Precisely because of the Japanese Imperial Army, which had occupied a large part of China, making Chinese people nowhere to go; once they understood, they began taking up arm- struggle, resulting in the establishment of many counter-Japanese military bases, thereby creating favorable conditions for the coming war of liberation. -
People's Republic of China
PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA NINE YEARS AFTER TIANANMEN - STILL A “COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY RIOT" ? INTRODUCTION The 4th of June 1998 will mark the ninth anniversary of the massacre of hundreds of unarmed civilians in Beijing on 4 June 1989, when heavily armed troops and hundreds of armoured military vehicles stormed into the city to clear the streets of pro-democracy demonstrators, firing at onlookers and protesters in the process. In the aftermath of the massacre, thousands of people were detained throughout China. Some received long sentences and are still imprisoned. Amnesty International maintains records of over 250 people who are still imprisoned in connection with the 1989 pro-democracy protests and believes the real number is much higher than the cases it has identified. Every year, new cases of political prisoners imprisoned since 1989 have come to light. Nine years after the massacre and the massive arrests which followed, the Chinese authorities still appear unwilling to reassess the official “verdict” passed at the time that the protests were a “counter-revolutionary riot”. So far, the authorities have taken no step to publicly investigate the killings and bring to justice those found responsible for human rights violations, or to review the cases of those still imprisoned for their activities during the protests. This official “verdict” was used in 1989 to justify the brutal suppression of the protests, despite clear evidence that the seven-weeks protests, starting in mid-April 1989, were overwhelmingly peaceful and drew wide popular support. Several million people took part in the demonstrations, demanding an end to official corruption and calling for political reforms. -
China's Zhu Says Japan Visit Was, “Full of Achievements”
12800 11/2/00 6:29 AM Page 1 Japan Information and Culture Center, EMBASSY OF JAPAN CHINA’S ZHU SAYS JAPAN VISIT WAS, “FULL OF ACHIEVEMENTS” Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji declared his six-day trip to Japan from Oct. 12-17 a success, saying that his talks with Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori and other officials were “full of achievements.” He said the two sides found ways to “deepen C mutual understanding,” and were able to “gain common views.” On his arrival, the Premier said, “The development of China-Japan ties will have an important impact not only on the interests of the two countries and their peoples but on the peace, stability and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region.” The two sides discussed a range of issues from trade to regional security to development assistance, and they also agreed to set up an emergency hotline between Tokyo and Beijing. At a banquet in his honor hosted by Prime Minister Mori, the Premier said, “There are great changes going on in regional and global affairs, but there should be no change in the friendship between China and Japan, and even more, no change in the goal of both peoples seeking friendly OCT 2 0 0 0 ties for generations to come.” In response the Prime Minister noted that 10 the two countries are neighbors, “But we must try harder to build a CONTENTS genuine partnership.” Mr. Mori accepted an invitation extended by Premier Zhu to visit China next year. Furthermore, the two leaders News Digest agreed to hold a tripartite summit meeting, between Japan, the Concern at Mideast violence; Yugoslavia’s Republic of Korea and China, on the occasion of the ASEAN+3 election; a dialogue with Africa.