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April 12, 1967 Discussion Between Zhou Enlai, Chen Yi, Pham Van Dong and Vo Nguyen Giap
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 12, 1967 Discussion between Zhou Enlai, Chen Yi, Pham Van Dong and Vo Nguyen Giap Citation: “Discussion between Zhou Enlai, Chen Yi, Pham Van Dong and Vo Nguyen Giap,” April 12, 1967, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, CWIHP Working Paper 22, "77 Conversations." http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/112156 Summary: Zhou Enlai discusses the class struggle present in China. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation ZHOU ENLAI, CHEN YI AND PHAM VAN DONG, VO NGUYEN GIAP Beijing, 12 April 1967 Zhou Enlai: …In the past ten years, we were conducting another war, a bloodless one: a class struggle. But, it is a matter of fact that among our generals, there are some, [although] not all, who knew very well how to conduct a bloody war, [but] now don’t know how to conduct a bloodless one. They even look down on the masses. The other day while we were on board the plane, I told you that our cultural revolution this time was aimed at overthrowing a group of ruling people in the party who wanted to follow the capitalist path. It was also aimed at destroying the old forces, the old culture, the old ideology, the old customs that were not suitable to the socialist revolution. In one of his speeches last year, Comrade Lin Biao said: In the process of socialist revolution, we have to destroy the “private ownership” of the bourgeoisie, and to construct the “public ownership” of the proletariat. So, for the introduction of the “public ownership” system, who do you rely on? Based on the experience in the 17 years after liberation, Comrade Mao Zedong holds that after seizing power, the proletariat should eliminate the “private ownership” of the bourgeoisie. -
New China and Its Qiaowu: the Political Economy of Overseas Chinese Policy in the People’S Republic of China, 1949–1959
1 The London School of Economics and Political Science New China and its Qiaowu: The Political Economy of Overseas Chinese policy in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1959 Jin Li Lim A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2016. 2 Declaration: I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 98,700 words. 3 Abstract: This thesis examines qiaowu [Overseas Chinese affairs] policies during the PRC’s first decade, and it argues that the CCP-controlled party-state’s approach to the governance of the huaqiao [Overseas Chinese] and their affairs was fundamentally a political economy. This was at base, a function of perceived huaqiao economic utility, especially for what their remittances offered to China’s foreign reserves, and hence the party-state’s qiaowu approach was a political practice to secure that economic utility. -
READING REVOLUTION Thomas Fisher University Rare of Book Toronto Library, Art and Literacy During China’S Cultural Revolution
READING REVOLUTION READING REVOLUTION Art and Literacy during China’s Cultural Revolution HannoSilk 112pg spine= .32 Art and LiteracyCultural Revolution during China’s UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY, 2016 $20.00 Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto Reading Revolution: Art and Literacy during China’s Cultural Revolution Exhibition and catalogue by Jennifer Purtle and Elizabeth Ridolfo with the contribution of Stephen Qiao Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto 21 June – 30 September 2016 Catalogue and exhibition by Jennifer Purtle, Elizabeth Ridolfo, and Stephen Qiao General editors P.J. Carefoote and Philip Oldfield Exhibition installed by Linda Joy Digital photography by Paul Armstrong Catalogue printed by Coach House Press Permission for the use of Toronto Star copyright photographs by Mark Gayn and Suzanne Gayn, held in the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, courtesy Torstar Syndication Services. library and archives canada cataloguing in publication Purtle, Jennifer, 1966-, author, organizer Reading revolution : art and literacy during China’s Cultural Revolution / exhibition and catalogue by Jennifer Purtle, Stephen Qiao, and Elizabeth Ridolfo. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-7727-6119-4 (paperback) 1. Mao, Zedong, 1893-1976—Bibliography—Exhibitions. 2. Literacy— China—History—20th century—Exhibitions. 3. Chinese—Books and reading— History—20th century—Exhibitions. 4. Books and reading—China—History— 20th century—Exhibitions. 5. Propaganda, Communist—China—History— 20th century—Exhibitions. 6. Propaganda, Chinese—History—20th century— Exhibitions. 7. Political posters, Chinese—History—20th century—Exhibitions. 8. Art, Chinese—20th century—Exhibitions. 9. China—History—Cultural Revolution, 1966-1976—Art and the revolution—Exhibitions. 10. China— History—Cultural Revolution, 1966-1976—Propaganda—Exhibitions. -
The Vietnam War As China's Watershed
the vietNAM wAr As chiNA’s wAtershed China today is a rising superpower and a major challenger to American hegemony. Te industrialization and modernization that other nations achieved in centuries, China has compressed to a few decades. Indeed, all too ofen, we forget how meager were China’s origins before its recent rise. By the mid-20th Century, China remained extremely poor and militarily weakened, having sufered the Century of Humiliation and the Japanese Invasion. Tese trends would begin to change, however, during the Vietnam War of the 1960s and 1970s. Tis paper tracks how the Chinese leadership used their involvement in Vietnam to work toward three goals: frst, to legitimize Mao’s military theories; second, to damage Soviet international prestige in the Communist movement; and third, to secure an advantageous post-war relationship with the United States. In achieving these goals, the Chinese used Vietnam as a springboard for future geopolitical relevance and development. By Christian Talley ‘16 Vanderbilt University ne of the most important trends in Vietnam War his- toriography has been the shif from a stale East ver- Osus West analysis and toward an examination of the competing intra-bloc interests of the Soviets, Chinese, and Vietnamese. Historians such as Lien-Hang Nguyen have re- cently reconstructed Hanoi’s perspective, demonstrating that North Vietnam’s leaders were torn between their commu- nist patrons in Beijing and Moscow as a result of the Sino- Soviet split. Just as important is the perspective of China in this seminal confict. At the beginning of the Vietnam War, China was an impoverished junior partner in the world communist movement. -
1992 a Glorious Model of Proletarian Internationalism: Mao Zedong and Helping Vietnam Resist France
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified 1992 A Glorious Model of Proletarian Internationalism: Mao Zedong and Helping Vietnam Resist France Citation: “A Glorious Model of Proletarian Internationalism: Mao Zedong and Helping Vietnam Resist France,” 1992, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Luo Guibo, "Wuchanjieji guojizhuyide guanghui dianfan: yi Mao Zedong he Yuan-Yue Kang-Fa" ("A Glorious Model of Proletarian Internationalism: Mao Zedong and Helping Vietnam Resist France"), in Mianhuai Mao Zedong (Remembering Mao Zedong), ed. Mianhuai Mao Zedong bianxiezhu (Beijing: Zhongyang Wenxian chubanshe, 1992) 286-299. Translated by Emily M. Hill http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/120359 Summary: Luo Guibo recounts China's involvement in the First Indochina War and its assistance to the Viet Minh. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the MacArthur Foundation and the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation One Late in 1949, soon after the establishment of New China, Chairman Ho Chi Minh and the Central Committee of the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) wrote to Chairman Mao and the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), asking for Chinese assistance. In January 1950, Ho made a secret visit to Beijing to request Chinaʼs assistance in Vietnamʼs struggle against France. Following Hoʼs visit, the CCP Central Committee made the decision, authorized by Chairman Mao, to send me on a secret mission to Vietnam. I was formally appointed as the Liaison Representative of the CCP Central Committee to the ICP Central Committee. Comrade [Liu] Shaoqi personally composed a letter of introduction, which stated: ʻI hereby recommend to your office Comrade Luo Guibo, who has been a provincial Party secretary and commissar, as the Liaison Representative of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. -
Information to Users
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript Pas been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissenation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from anytype of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely. event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material bad to beremoved, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with smalloverlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back ofthe book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell &Howell Information Company 300North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. MI48106-1346 USA 313!761-47oo 800:521·0600 THE LIN BIAO INCIDENT: A STUDY OF EXTRA-INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS IN THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY AUGUST 1995 By Qiu Jin Dissertation Committee: Stephen Uhalley, Jr., Chairperson Harry Lamley Sharon Minichiello John Stephan Roger Ames UMI Number: 9604163 OMI Microform 9604163 Copyright 1995, by OMI Company. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement May 2007 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC .......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 44 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 45 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 52 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 May 2007 The Main National Leadership of the PRC -
China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence: Principles and Foreign Policy
China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence: Principles and Foreign Policy Sophie Diamant Richardson Old Chatham, New York Bachelor of Arts, Oberlin College, 1992 Master of Arts, University of Virginia, 2001 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Politics University of Virginia May, 2005 !, 11 !K::;=::: .' P I / j ;/"'" G 2 © Copyright by Sophie Diamant Richardson All Rights Reserved May 2005 3 ABSTRACT Most international relations scholarship concentrates exclusively on cooperation or aggression and dismisses non-conforming behavior as anomalous. Consequently, Chinese foreign policy towards small states is deemed either irrelevant or deviant. Yet an inquiry into the full range of choices available to policymakers shows that a particular set of beliefs – the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence – determined options, thus demonstrating the validity of an alternative rationality that standard approaches cannot apprehend. In theoretical terms, a belief-based explanation suggests that international relations and individual states’ foreign policies are not necessarily determined by a uniformly offensive or defensive posture, and that states can pursue more peaceful security strategies than an “anarchic” system has previously allowed. “Security” is not the one-dimensional, militarized state of being most international relations theory implies. Rather, it is a highly subjective, experience-based construct, such that those with different experiences will pursue different means of trying to create their own security. By examining one detailed longitudinal case, which draws on extensive archival research in China, and three shorter cases, it is shown that Chinese foreign policy makers rarely pursued options outside the Five Principles. -
Cpc Bg Final
31ST ANNUAL HORACE MANN MODEL UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE OCTOBER 22, 2016 CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY 1945 ALEXANDER KARPF JOSHUA DOOLAN CHAIR MODERATOR TABLE OF CONTENTS LETTER FROM THE SECRETARIAT 3 LETTER FROM THE CHAIR 4 COMMITTEE BACKGROUND AND PROCEDURE 5 TOPIC A: WINNING THE WAR 9 OVERVIEW OF THE TOPIC 9 HISTORY 9 CURRENT SITUATION 12 QUESTIONS TO CONSIDER 12 POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS 13 PROFILES: 15 SOURCES 23 Horace Mann Model United Nations Conference 2 LETTER FROM THE SECRETARIAT Dahlia Krutkovich DEAR DELEGATES, Isabella Muti Henry Shapiro Secretaries-General Welcome to Horace Mann's 31st annual Model United Nations Daniel Frackman conference, HoMMUNC XXXI! Since 1985, HoMMUNC has Maya Klaris engaged the future leaders of the world in a day full of learning, Noah Shapiro Directors-General debate, and compromise. The conference brings together intellectually curious high school and middle school students to Charles Gay Zachary Gaynor contemplate and discuss serious global concerns. We are honored Ananya Kumar-Banarjee to have inherited the responsibility of preparing this event for Livia Mann over 1000 students that will participate in HoMMUNC XXXI. William Scherr Audrey Shapiro Benjamin Shapiro Regardless of your age or experience in Model UN, we challenge Senior Executive Board you to remain engaged in the discourse of your committees and Joshua Doolan truly involve yourself in the negotiation process. Each committee Jenna Freidus Samuel Harris is comprised of an eclectic group of delegates and will address Charles Hayman and important global concern. Take this opportunity to delve deep Valerie Maier Radhika Mehta into that problem: educate yourself think innovatively to create Evan Megibow the best solutions, and lead the committee to a resolution that Jada Yang Under-Secretaries- could better the world. -
March 01, 1954 Report of Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yi, and Tan Zhenlin Concerning the Discussion Meeting of the Rao Shushi Question
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified March 01, 1954 Report of Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yi, and Tan Zhenlin concerning the Discussion Meeting of the Rao Shushi Question Citation: “Report of Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yi, and Tan Zhenlin concerning the Discussion Meeting of the Rao Shushi Question,” March 01, 1954, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Hubei Pronvincial Archives, SZAA-3371. Translation from Frederick C. Teiwes, Politics at Mao’s Court: Gao Gang and Party Factionalism in the Early 1950s (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1990), 245-252. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/121328 Summary: Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yi, and Tan Zhenlin summarize the seven meetings held to discuss the purge of Rao Shushi. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the MacArthur Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation To the Central Committee: The following is a report on the results of the series of discussions on the question of Rao Shushi called by the decision of the Secretarial of the Central Committee. A total of seven meetings were held. The first four meetings focused on the facts of the mistakes committed by Comrade Rao Shushi. At the fifth and sixth meetings, many comrades spoke and continued to expose his mistakes. Rao spoke at the seventh meeting, making a self- criticism. Comrades Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yi then made addresses to the meeting, thereby concluding the discussions. The meetings were attended by twenty-six comrades including some from East China who were in Beijing or who had been transferred to Beijing, as well as comrades of central departments and ministries who had work relations with Rao. -
Using Baise Red Cultural Resources to Create Ideological and Political Brand of Physical Education Course
Using Baise Red Cultural Resources to Create Ideological and Political Brand of Physical Education Course Qirong QIU College of Physical Education, Baise University Absrtact: Colleges and universities should construct physical education curriculum according to local conditions, fully develop and utilize the red cultural resources of the school location, integrate the red cultural resources into the physical education curriculum teaching, and create the ideological and political brand of physical edu- cation curriculum. Therefore, Baise University located in the border areas of the old and the young should grasp the connotation and significance of Baise red cul- tural resources, familiarize itself with the general situation of Baise red cultural re- sources, grasp the principles of its application in the teaching of physical education courses in Colleges and universities of the border areas of the old and the young, and explore the Countermeasures of integrating it into the teaching of physical ed- ucation courses. Key words: Baise Uprising Spirit; Red Cultural Resources; Physical Education Course; Course Ideology and Politics n December 11, 1929, Deng Xiaoping and other revolutionary predecessors O led the Baise Uprising and the Longzhou Uprising, created the seventh and eighth armies of the Chinese Red Army of Workers and Peasants, established the right and left Jiangsu Vietnamese regime, opened and protected the revolutionary base areas of the left and right rivers, nurtured and formed the spirit of the Baise About the author: Qirong QIU (1963-), male, Lianjiang, Guangdong Province, Secretary of the General Party Branch, Associate Professor, Bachelor of Physical Education Col- lege of Baise University, whose research direction is party building and ideological and political education in Colleges and universities. -
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WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS Lee H. Hamilton, 77 CONVERSATIONS Christian Ostermann, Director Director Between Chinese and Foreign Leaders on the Wars in Indochina, 1964-1977 BOARD OF TRUSTEES: ADVISORY Edited by COMMITTEE: Joseph A. Cari, Jr., Chairman Odd Arne Westad, Chen Jian, Stein Tønnesson, William Taubman Steven Alan Bennett, (Amherst College) Nguyen Vu Tungand and James G. Hershberg Vice Chairman Chairman PUBLIC MEMBERS Working Paper No. 22 Michael Beschloss The Secretary of State (Historian, Author) Colin Powell; The Librarian of Congress James H. Billington James H. Billington; (Librarian of Congress) The Archivist of the United States John W. Carlin; Warren I. Cohen (University of Maryland- The Chairman of the National Endowment Baltimore) for the Humanities Bruce Cole; The Secretary of the John Lewis Gaddis Smithsonian Institution (Yale University) Lawrence M. Small; The Secretary of Education James Hershberg Roderick R. Paige; (The George Washington The Secretary of Health University) & Human Services Tommy G. Thompson; Washington, D.C. Samuel F. Wells, Jr. PRIVATE MEMBERS (Woodrow Wilson Center) Carol Cartwright, May 1998 John H. Foster, Jean L. Hennessey, Sharon Wolchik Daniel L. Lamaute, (The George Washington Doris O. Mausui, University) Thomas R. Reedy, Nancy M. Zirkin COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES CHRISTIAN F. OSTERMANN, Series Editor This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side” of the post-World War II superpower rivalry.