Issue No. 80, Summer, 1980/81

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Issue No. 80, Summer, 1980/81 ~ Australasian . ~ Number 80 Summer 1980/81 30 cents A workers Poland, yesl :. ~ The PODe's Poland, nol In the'months since the signing of the much-heralded Gdansk and threats in an attempt to ride it out. One settlement seems settlement on 31 August, everyone senses Polish society has lost only to sow the seeds of the next crisis. Claiming government it,s moorings. The state of trade-union organisation has become footdragging on agreed wage increases and 'other concessions, utterly chaotic and confused. The regime is paralysed, with the the Solidarity leadership called a successful nationwide one-hour top leaders frantically scapegoating one another. The leadership work stoppage on 3 October. Kania charged Walesa & Co had of the new "free unions" and the Catholic hierarchy reneged on a pledge to recognise the "leading role" of the ruling consort more brazenly. Meanwhile, the Kremlin and its Polish United Workers Party (PUWP); when the courts finally hard-line satellites, especially East Germany, speak registered the union, they inserted the contentious clause in the incessantly of the growing threat of "anti-socialist Solidarity charter. Kania stonewalled for weeks before agreeing forces" in Poland, increasingly drawing a direct parallel with the to put it in an "annex" to the charter instead, under pressure of 1968 }»rague Spring. And everyone in Poland, indeed through­ a general strike deadline. out Europe, knows how that ended. Despite Kania's claims that they cl!D "work together", the At the time of the Gdansk agreement both the Polish bureau­ Polish Stalinists instinctively must feel the "new, self-governing· cratsand the leaders of the new "free trade unions" proclaimed unions" as a grave threat to their power. At the time of the 31 it as a genuine compromise, a step from confrontation toward August settlement, the strike committee published an apparent­ collaboration. We said no, the settlement is only on paper: "The ly authentic document by a high party commission which compromise creates an impossible situation economically and maintained: "Such unions would fulfill the role of a political politically; it cannot last". No Stalinist bureaucratic caste, we . opposition party inspired by anti-Communist forces. They would pointed out, which must monopolise political power to preserve create a division of.power" (New York Times, 1 September). itse.1f,can tolerate any genuinely independent wOrking-class This unquestionably expresses social reality from the standpoint organisation .. And the striJre leadership around Lech Walesa, .of t~ Polish Stalinist bureaucracy. ' . which strongly· identifies with the powerful Catholic church When the strike leaders initially conceded to recognise the opposition, would increasingly challenge the damaged and dis­ PUWP's "leading role", it was not without sharp dispute and credited regime. through clenched teeth. Of course, the PUWP is not a revol­ utionary (Leninist) vanguard; on the contrary, it is the instru­ Cold Dual Power '. ment of a parasitic bureaucracy. In struggling for proletarian As the new union federation dubbed Solidarnosc ("Soli­ political revolution to free the deformed workers states Qf this Walesa looks to god and pope against darity") grows more aggressive, the regime headed by Gierek's internal obstacle, Trotskyists support independent trade unions Stalinist bureaucracy. replaeement Stanislaw Kania alternates between concessions Continued on page six Reagan's America - court licence for ,fascist murder killers freed in Greensboro They staged the massacre on TV. A taken on the government now on their Nazi/Ku Klux Klan motorcade of death home ground, right in their own court­ drove up to the black housing project room and we beat them." But the Nazis in Greensboro, North Carolina one sunny didn't have to beat the government. morning in November 1979. Millions of They were on the same side. US workers watched in living colour They were all there together in the .' as the fascists calmly openeCi the trunks motorcade. A "former" FBI informer of their cars, pulled out pistols and rifles rode in the first car, a Greensboro cop . and opened fire on the small gathering brought up the rear. Even the Alcohol, of left-wing and black demonstrators. Tobacco and Firearms division of the Then they packed their weapons back into "Justice" DepQ.rtment got into the act: the trunks and drove off. their agent told the fascist killers how to It was cold-blooded murder for all legally transport the guns. At the trial to see. But on 17 November last an everyone agreed it was the FBI testimony all-white jury in Greensboro let the that clinched it for the defence. KKK killers go free - acquitted on five From the outset, the American ruling counts of first-degree murder, felonious class has maintained a remarkably rioting and all other charges. Now the disciplined line on the Greensboro courts can get down to their real aim - massacre. For over a year they unani­ pe~uting the fascists' victims in the mously labelled the fascist murder a Communist Workers Party (CWP). "shootout" between two "hate groups", Some commented the verdict was a equating the murderers and their victims. licence to kill. It was more - it was Now they greet the verdict with sighs of an invitation to racist murder. "who can ever know what really hap­ pened?" Not a peep of liberal protest but It was all done under the stars and studied agnosticism, again serving to stripes. The Klan murderers claimed victimise the left and embolden the ultra­ they were just doing their patriotic duty right terrorists. For the bourgeoisie in the war against communism. The racist understands that it is now necessary to courts set them free in the name of stand with fascists against communists. "evenhanded" American (capitalist) communists. "justice". Harold COv1ngton, head of the . Public reaetion to the Greensboro National Socialist (Nazi) party cnlwed, Fascists routed In Evanston, Illinois, 19 October 1980. Protesters Joined "It's a victory for white America. We've Continued on page nine Spartaclst chant "Sweep the Nazis off the streets!" _:c Hunger strikers demand political rights ~,'~'" Free Long IRA prisoners I On 27 October seven Irish Republican international embarrassment for a Tory prisoners in the notorious "H-Blocks" of government which wants to march in step Northern Ireland's' Long Kesh prison with the US anti-Soviet' war drive. Iron launched a hunger strike against their Maiden Margaret Thatcher attempted to British imperialist jailers. They are de­ head off the hunger strike by having her manding no more than the status of politi­ secretary of state for Northern Ireland. cal prisoners and the rights taken away Humphrey Atkins, make the cosmetic from them by a Labour government in concession of agreeing to issue "civilian­ March 1976 under the slogan "U1steris­ style" uniforms. When rebuffed by the ation, Criminalisation, Normalisation". Long 'Kesh prisoners, Atkin's response Since then the prisoners have refused to was: "If they die, so be it". wear the uniforms issued by Her The Thatcher government has also met Majesty's jailers and have had only with ruthless terror the substantial sup­ blankets to cover themselves. port the "blanket" protests have evoked In an attempt to break the blanket outside the prison walls. In the past five protest, the vicious administration which months, four prominent leaders in- the runs Long Kesh forbade going to the campaign on behalf of the a-Block pris­ toilet except in uniform, and "Loyalist" oners have been assassinated either by prison guards refused to empty chamber Protestant extremists or the British pots or dumped them in the cells. The counterinsurgency force, _the SAS. But "blanket-men" are thus forced literally these attacks did not deter the thousands to live in their own shit. Female national­ who took to the streets in Belfast, publin ist supporters are incarcerated in equally and the south Armagh border village of horrendous conditions at the women's Crossmaglen in support of the hunger prison in Armagh. Hamilton Fish,. a con­ strikers'demands. servative US Republican representative The international Spartacist tendency from New York who visited Long Kesh as (iSt) calls for abolishing the Emergency part of an American Congressional del­ Powers Act and the Prevention of ASp photo SL contingent counterposes Trotskyist program for Ireland to IS' green egation, said he found the H-Blocks to be Terrorism Act, terror measures aimed at nationalism at Sydney "Stop Paisley" rally. worse than the Saigon "Tiger Cages" in intimidating the oppressed Catholic min­ which captured DRV INLF fighters were ority, and for freeing all their victims. In barbarically confined. ' Sydney on 21 November, Spartacist fascist. But as we pointed out in' our inate terror such as the murderous attack The. Irish nationalist prisoners at Long League (SL) members raised the slogan article "Protest reactionary bigot on the La Mon House hotel in 1978, in Kesh. and Armagh are victims of "Free Long Kesh IRA Prisoners! Smash Paisley!" (Australasian Spartacist no 79, which -twelve Protestant workers died, draconian laws which have been con­ H-Block!" at a small rally in Martin Place November 1980), Paisley "is no Adolf and call for programmatically based demned by such bourgeois institutions as called by the International Socialists-' Hitler and the IS know it. They insist on workers militias to combat sectarian and Amnesty International and the European dominated "Stop Paisley Committee". In the characterisation for a purpose: if imperialist terror. The ptogram raised by Court on Human Rights. Embodied in the New York, SLiUS comrades were'among Paisley is a fascist. then his followers are the iSt at the rallies in Sydney and New Emergency Powers Act and the Preven­ 800 protesters who chanted "Smash presumably fascists too. By extension York alone indicates the way ahead: tion of Terrorism Act, these laws provide H-Block! Smash Long Kesh!" outside the they must be crushed." In short, the "British Troops out of Ireland now! " , for the arrest and holding incommunicado British consulate on 22 November.
Recommended publications
  • A Call for the Revolutionary Regroupment of the Australian Left
    A Call for the Revolutionary Regroupment of the Australian Left http://www.softdawn.net/Archive/MRM/thecall.html September 1975 Melbourne Revolutionary Marxists Introduction (2017) by Robert Dorning and Ken Mansell Momentous changes occurred in Western societies in the 1960s and 70s. A wave of youth radicalisation swept many Western countries. Australia was part of this widespread generational change. The issues were largely common, but varied in importance from country to country. In Australia, the Vietnam War and conscription were major issues. This radicalisation included the demand for major political change, and new political movements and far-left organisations came into being. A notable new development in Australia was the emergence of Trotskyist groupings. However, as the wider movement subsided with Australia's withdrawal from the Vietnam War, the Australian Left became fragmented and more divided than ever. It was in this environment that, in 1975, "A Call for the Revolutionary Regroupment of the Australian Left" was published by the "Melbourne Revolutionary Marxists" (MRM). "The Call" includes a description of the evolution of the new Left movements in Australia including the Trotskyist current to which MRM belonged. MRM was a break-away from the Communist League, an Australian revolutionary socialist organisation adhering to the majority section of the Fourth International. At the Easter 1975 National Conference, virtually the entire Melbourne branch of the CL resigned en masse from the national organisation. The issue was the refusal of the national organisation to accept the application by Robert Dorning (a leading Melbourne member) for full membership on the grounds he held a "bureaucratic collectivist" position on the social nature of the Soviet Union, rather than the orthodox Trotskyist position of "deformed workers' state".
    [Show full text]
  • Full Thesis Draft No Pics
    A whole new world: Global revolution and Australian social movements in the long Sixties Jon Piccini BA Honours (1st Class) A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2013 School of History, Philosophy, Religion & Classics Abstract This thesis explores Australian social movements during the long Sixties through a transnational prism, identifying how the flow of people and ideas across borders was central to the growth and development of diverse campaigns for political change. By making use of a variety of sources—from archives and government reports to newspapers, interviews and memoirs—it identifies a broadening of the radical imagination within movements seeking rights for Indigenous Australians, the lifting of censorship, women’s liberation, the ending of the war in Vietnam and many others. It locates early global influences, such as the Chinese Revolution and increasing consciousness of anti-racist struggles in South Africa and the American South, and the ways in which ideas from these and other overseas sources became central to the practice of Australian social movements. This was a process aided by activists’ travel. Accordingly, this study analyses the diverse motives and experiences of Australian activists who visited revolutionary hotspots from China and Vietnam to Czechoslovakia, Algeria, France and the United States: to protest, to experience or to bring back lessons. While these overseas exploits, breathlessly recounted in articles, interviews and books, were transformative for some, they also exposed the limits of what a transnational politics could achieve in a local setting. Australia also became a destination for the period’s radical activists, provoking equally divisive responses.
    [Show full text]
  • The Aboriginal Struggle & the Left
    The Aboriginal Struggle & the Left Terry Townshend 2 The Aboriginal Struggle & the Left About the author Terry Townsend was a longtime member of the Democratic Socialist Party and now the Socialist Alliance. He edited the online journal Links (links.org) and has been a frequent contributor to Green Left Weekly (greenleft.org.au). Note on quotations For ease of reading, we have made minor stylistic changes to quotations to make their capitalisation consistent with the rest of the book. The exception, however, concerns Aborigines, Aboriginal, etc., the capitalisation of which has been left unchanged as it may have political significance. Resistance Books 2009 ISBN 978-1-876646-60-8 Published by Resistance Books, resistanceboks.com Contents Preface...........................................................................................................................5 Beginnings.....................................................................................................................7 The North Australian Workers Union in the 1920s and ’30s.....................................9 Comintern Influence..................................................................................................12 The 1930s....................................................................................................................15 Aboriginal-Led Organisations & the Day of Mourning............................................19 Struggles in the 1940s: The Pilbara Stock Workers’ Strike........................................23 The 1940s: Communists
    [Show full text]
  • Origins of the Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security
    Origins of the Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security CJ Coventry LLB BA A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Research) School of Humanities and Social Sciences UNSW Canberra at ADFA 2018 i Table of Contents Acknowledgements iii Introduction & Methodology 1 Part I: ASIO before Whitlam 9 Chapter One: The creation of ASIO 9 Chapter Two: Bipartisan anti-communism 23 Chapter Three: ASIO’s anti-radicalism, 1950-1972 44 Part II: Perspectives on the Royal Commission 73 Chapter Four: Scholarly perspectives on the Royal Commission 73 Chapter Five: Contemporary perspectives on ASIO and an inquiry 90 Part III: The decision to reform 118 Chapter Six: Labor and terrorism 118 Chapter Seven: The decision and announcement 154 Part IV: The Royal Commission 170 Chapter Eight: Findings and recommendations 170 Conclusion 188 Bibliography 193 ii Acknowledgements & Dedication I dedicate this thesis to Rebecca and our burgeoning menagerie. Most prominently of all I wish to thank Rebecca Coventry who has been integral to the writing of this thesis. Together we seek knowledge, not assumption, challenge, not complacency. For their help in entering academia I thank Yunari Heinz, Anne-Marie Elijah, Paul Babie, the ANU Careers advisors, Clinton Fernandes and Nick Xenophon. While writing this thesis I received help from a number of people. I acknowledge the help of Lindy Edwards, Toni Erskine, Clinton Fernandes, Ned Dobos, Ruhul Sarkar, Laura Poole-Warren, Kylie Madden, Julia Lines, Craig Stockings, Deane-Peter
    [Show full text]
  • Socialism, Revolution & the Working Class
    Socialism, Revolution & the Working Class Graham Matthews & Dave Holmes 2 Socialism, Revolution & the Working Class Contents Class in Australia Today by Graham Matthews.........................................3 What is social class? — 3 l Why is class so important? — 5 l What do Marxists mean by ruling class? — 6 l Class & class struggle — 6 l The state — 7 l Ideology — 8 l Limits to democracy — 8 l How can the working class change society? — 10 l What prevents working class unity? — 11 l How do socialists struggle for working class unity? — 13 l What is the situation of the class struggle in Australia today? — 14 l Why was November 30 smaller? — 15 l Politics of the speeches — 16 l What assessment should socialists make of the campaign? — 17 The Socialist Revolution & the Revolutionary Party by Dave Holmes..........................................................................................20 Socialism the only solution — 20 l Beyond utopianism — 21 l Is the working class up to it? — 22 l Peculiarities of the socialist revolution — 24 l ‘No other weapon but organisation’ — 25 l From a class in itself to a class for itself — 26 l The party is the brain of the class — 27 l Leadership: theirs & ours — 28 l What is needed is a mass socialist workers party — 29 l A complicated & tortuous process — 30 l In Australia … — 33 l Our tradition — 34 l A particle of the fate of humanity — 35 Notes ............................................................................................................37 Resistance Books 2007 ISBN 978-1-876646-58-5 Published by Resistance Books, resistancebooks.com Class in Australia Today By Graham Matthews According to Marx and Engels in the Communist Manifesto published in 1848, the history of all hitherto existing societies has been the history of class struggles.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Complete Vintage Reds Booklet
    More stories of rank and file organising (published online 2007: http://roughreds.com/) Contents International Struggles Connie Healy Echoes of Black Armada (1945) Brian Manning The Stay Put Malayans (1961) Jim Baird After the Coup (1973) Culture & Song Mark Gregory Union Songs in Australia (1946-2005) Harry Black Waterside Workers Film Unit (1950-1960s) Connie Healy Women in Radical Theatre In Brisbane (1930-1960) On the Waterfront Warren Keats Bluey Evans and the Bucco Panno (1951) Harry Black No Religion Politics or Sex (1954) Vic Williams Tiger and the Convicts (1968) Direct Action Betty Fisher Mrs Lawrence & Mrs Thomson (1930s) Ray Harrison Metalworker in the Red Belt 1950-1980 Drew Cottle & Angela Keys The Harco ‘Stay Put’ Dispute (1971) Russ Hermann Taking Over the Crane (1974) Hal Alexander The bastards never told me (1974) Peter Murphy Building Up to Sydney’s first gay and lesbian Mardi Gras (1978) John Tomlinson Black & White in Brisbane (1970s) Working Life Stan Jones Working on the railways (1920-1970) Frank Bollins Organising the Railway Workshops Frank Bollins Growing up in the shadow of the railway Sheds Lingiari Lecture Brian Manning A blast from the past: an activists account of the Wave Hill walk-off 6th Vincent Ligiari Memorial Lecture Connie Healy Recollections of the 'Black Armada' in Brisbane Since Boxing Day 2004, the attention of all Australians has been focussed on countries in Asia, particularly Indonesia, Sri Lanka and India. These countries were the worst affected by the devastating tsunami which struck their coastlines and other areas in the region such as Thailand, the Maldives and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
    [Show full text]
  • The Self-Management Group (SMG)
    'A map of the world that includes Utopia': The Self-Management Group and the Brisbane libertarians Tim Briedis A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Bachelor of Arts (Honours) at the University of Sydney, October 5, 2010. 1 Abstract This thesis explores a slice of Brisbane's radical history. I focus on the Self-Management Group (SMG), a revolutionary organisation that flourished from 1971-1977. The SMG formed as Brisbane activism shifted from a politics based around conscience to a revolutionary subjectivity. In 1977, the SMG dissolved. Three new organisations were formed, one of which became the Brisbane Greens in 1984. I examine the potential and pitfalls of radical organisation. While the SMG had flaws, its practice was strengthened by a utopian desire, a creative flair and a sense of how the political relates to everyday life. I argue that such utopian desire is relevant to a revitalisation of political radicalism today. 2 Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible without the support that I received from others. Dave, Susan, Kristy, Ack, Steve and Em allowed me to stay in their homes during my numerous research trips to Brisbane. Many thanks to the former SMG members and the other Brisbane radicals who gladly shared their memories with me. In particular, thanks to Ian Rintoul, Frank Jordan, John Jiggens and Greg George, whose personal collections of leaflets and paraphernalia were invaluable. The Fryer librarians tolerated my incessant requests for photocopying and helped me negotiate their vast array of archival material. Thanks to my parents who supported me constantly, despite my fairly idiosyncratic interests.
    [Show full text]
  • The Communist Party of Australia and Khrushchev's
    ‘We all make mistakes’: the Communist Party of Australia and Khrushchev’s Secret Speech, 1956 This is the Published version of the following publication Deery, Phillip and Calkin, Rachael (2008) ‘We all make mistakes’: the Communist Party of Australia and Khrushchev’s Secret Speech, 1956. Australian Journal of Politics & History, 54 (1). pp. 69-84. ISSN 0004-9522 The publisher’s official version can be found at Note that access to this version may require subscription. Downloaded from VU Research Repository https://vuir.vu.edu.au/15466/ Australian Journal of Politics and istory: Vol&me )*+ ,&m-er /+ 0112+ 334 5672*4 “We All Make Mistakes”: the Communist Party of Australia and Khrushchev’s Secret Speech, 1956 PFLSSLP TEER ;, R;AE A;SWL, Victoria University of Technology Thi arile eamine he im3aD oE he TRenieh onre o he ommni Par o he Soie nion on he ommni Par o ;&=<ralia YAP;Z4 S3eDiEiDallG i< EoD&=e= on <he reNer-era<ion= oE Whr&=hDheN[= \=eDre< =3eeDh] Ri<hin <he AP; leaKer=hi3 Eor <he Eir=< =iX monh o are ha in onra o he reeie iom+ <he re=3on=e oE <he leaKer=hi3 Ra= DharaD<eri=eK -G DonE&=ion ra<her <han Don=i=<enDG+ KiNi=ion ra<her <han nanimi Thi ha imliaion or P memer a= <heG =<r&JJleK <o Dome <o <erm= Ri<h <he line oE <he leaKer=hi3 anK <he a&<hen<iDi<G or o<herRi=e oE <he Ne <ork Times erion o Whr&=hDheN[= =3eeDh4 The RorK= oE ^Whr&=hDheN[=_ =3eeDh Rere liQe -&lle<=+ anK eaDh Eo&nK i<= 3laDe in <he hear<= oE <he Ne<eran Aomm&ni=<=4 Tear= =<reameK KoRn <he EaDe= oE men anK omen ho ha en or or more Gear heir hole al lie in he moemen
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of 1956 on the Communist Party of Australia
    ‘Cracking the Stalinist Crust’ ‐ The Impact of 1956 on the Communist Party of Australia School of Social Sciences Faculty of Arts, Education, & Human Development Victoria University Rachael Calkin 2006 Table of Contents Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………. iii Abstract………………………………………………………………………………….. v Chapter One ‐ Introduction…………………………………………………………… 1 ‐ Background………………………………………………………….. 2 ‐ The historiography of 1956………………………………………….. 10 Chapter Two ‐ ʹThe most important document of our generationʹ: …….. 21 The Secret Speech and Uprising in Hungary ‐ The Speech…………………………………………………………… 21 ‐ Hungarian Uprising………………………………………………… 26 ‐ Impact amongst Western Parties……………………………………. 28 ‐In Denial……………………………………………………………... 29 ‐ Internal Debate……………………………………………………… 35 ‐ Membership Reactions………………………………………………. 36 ‐ Differences between Parties…………………………………………. 44 ‐ A Similar Line on Hungary…………………………………………. 49 Chapter Three ‐ ʹIt will split the Party from top to bottomʹ: The CPA …... 55 Leadership before June 1956 ‐ A focus on the Positive Messages…………………………………… 56 ‐ Leadership Inconsistencies…………………………………………... 60 ‐ A More Objective, Analytical Approach……………………………. 67 ‐ Publication of text of the Speech…………………………………….. 71 ‐ Togliatti’s Analysis…………………………………………………. 76 Chapter Four ‐ ʹWe all make mistakesʹ: The CPA Leadership Post …….. 81 June 1956 ‐ The Statement from the CPSU and its Effect……………………….. 81 ‐ Instances of the Cult within the CPA……………………………….. 85 ‐ China………………………………………………………………… 88 ‐ Contradictions……………………………………………………….
    [Show full text]
  • Basket Weavers and True Believers the Middle Class Left and the ALP Leichhardt Municipality C
    Basket Weavers and True Believers The Middle Class Left and the ALP Leichhardt Municipality c. 1970-1990 by Tony Harris A thesis presented to the University of New South Wales in fulfilment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Library Copy Sydney, Australia, 2002 © Tony Harris, 2002 Certificate of Originality. ii iii Acknowledgements This thesis is in large part based on oral history interviews and I wish to express my gratitude for the generous time given by informants, in participating in recorded interviews or in providing written responses. I also wish to thank the Australian Labor Party, New South Wales Branch for granting access to the Party’s archival sources at the Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, as well as for communicating with local branch and electorate council secretaries on my behalf. Jack Bolton, David West, Robert Grieve and the late Greg Johnston generously made local branch records available and Sue Tracey of the NSW ALP Labor History group provided valuable advice. I would also like to acknowledge the assistance of the Federal Department of Administration and Finance in giving permission to access the records of the Glebe Project Office in the National Archives. Further thanks are due to a wide range of people who were of assistance. The staff of the State Library of NSW, including Rosemary Bloch, Jim Andrighetti and Arthur Easton. The archivists and librarians from the NSW Housing Department Library, Leichhardt Municipal Library and National Archives of Australia, Chester Hill. George Georgarkis and Dianne Walker at Leichhardt Council.
    [Show full text]
  • 62 February 2004 ; 1] CONTENTS. 0] 3... Murris
    # 62 February 2004 ; 1] CONTENTS. 0] 3... Murris and Kooris. For a workers campaign to get back the stolen paypackets. 3...lraq One year after the invasion 4....Socialist Alliance Bob Gould v the Democratic socialist Party 7....For a new revolutionary communist international 8. Statement of five revolutionary Trotskyist organisations calling for a Conference to form a new international 10... Defend the Redfern Block Mark Latham. What his leadership means to working people Labor supporters are cocky again. Now they have a leader who represents something, has strong and strident ideas and can score points of John Howard. Simon Crean is living testimony to the bankruptcy of the trade union bureaucracy which he had been part of for most of his life. He was arid is a weak and insipid bureaucrat, unable to pull punches let alone score knockouts, even when handed issues on a plate. It is extremely understandable mat no one had any faith in him, not even the Labor faithful. Hs percentage support was the lowest in ALP history. He had to go. Latham won leadership in a two person contest with former leader Kim Beazley. Beazley lost last time but he is a man with more presence than hapless Crean. Justifiably be considers himself unlucky as he won more votes than Howard even though he won less seats. Latham won narrowly Beazley, considered to be the most right wing leader in Labor’s history had the support of the Labor left including Anthony Albanese. This exposes the lefts total and utter bankruptcy. But there is absolutely no basis for supporting Latham either.
    [Show full text]
  • Origins of the Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security
    Origins of the Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security CJ Coventry LLB BA A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Research) School of Humanities and Social Sciences UNSW Canberra at ADFA 2018 i Thesis/Dissertation Sheet Surname/Family Name : COVENTRY Given Name/s : CAMERON JAMES Abbreviation for degree as give in the University calendar : MRes Faculty : UNSW Canberra School : School of Politics and International Studies Thesis Title : Origins of the Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security Abstract 350 words maximum: (PLEASE TYPE) This thesis explores the context in which the Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security, 1974-1977 came to be. The Whitlam Government wanted to reform the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) so as to depoliticise it and make it more effective in combating genuine threats to the state, including global terrorism. In early 1973 the government's reform was stalled as a result of the attorney-general's raid on ASIO offices. The Prime Minister announced in late 1973 that an inquiry into ASIO would arise at some point. The Australian Labor Party took the idea of a judicial inquiry into Australia's intelligence and security apparatus to the 1974 election. Within weeks of returning to office the Whitlam Government decided to launch the Royal Commission. Even by the time of the government's dismissal in 1975 the process of ASIO's reform was advanced. The decision to keep ASIO was made by Labor prior to the 1972 election. This was despite experiencing two decades of ASIO's ideological partisanship, which had consequences for Labor.
    [Show full text]