The Impact of 1956 on the Communist Party of Australia
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A Call for the Revolutionary Regroupment of the Australian Left
A Call for the Revolutionary Regroupment of the Australian Left http://www.softdawn.net/Archive/MRM/thecall.html September 1975 Melbourne Revolutionary Marxists Introduction (2017) by Robert Dorning and Ken Mansell Momentous changes occurred in Western societies in the 1960s and 70s. A wave of youth radicalisation swept many Western countries. Australia was part of this widespread generational change. The issues were largely common, but varied in importance from country to country. In Australia, the Vietnam War and conscription were major issues. This radicalisation included the demand for major political change, and new political movements and far-left organisations came into being. A notable new development in Australia was the emergence of Trotskyist groupings. However, as the wider movement subsided with Australia's withdrawal from the Vietnam War, the Australian Left became fragmented and more divided than ever. It was in this environment that, in 1975, "A Call for the Revolutionary Regroupment of the Australian Left" was published by the "Melbourne Revolutionary Marxists" (MRM). "The Call" includes a description of the evolution of the new Left movements in Australia including the Trotskyist current to which MRM belonged. MRM was a break-away from the Communist League, an Australian revolutionary socialist organisation adhering to the majority section of the Fourth International. At the Easter 1975 National Conference, virtually the entire Melbourne branch of the CL resigned en masse from the national organisation. The issue was the refusal of the national organisation to accept the application by Robert Dorning (a leading Melbourne member) for full membership on the grounds he held a "bureaucratic collectivist" position on the social nature of the Soviet Union, rather than the orthodox Trotskyist position of "deformed workers' state". -
MEDIA WATCH on Phillip Adams
ISSUE 39 AUGUST 2011 ANYA POUKCHANSKI with a Gen Y look at The First Stone STEPHEN MATCHETT looks at political biography with Bush, Blair and Howard AYN RAND uncovered – again GERARD HENDERSON versus Brenda Niall – history and the case of Fr Hackett SJ JOHN MCCONNELL unveils Mark Aarons’ rethink on the Australian Communist Party Faith and politics – Enid Lyons as seen by ANNE HENDERSON SANDALISTA WATCH CONTINUES – Margaret Throsby and Haydn Keenan find ASIO under the bed MEDIA WATCH on Phillip Adams. Alan Ramsey and Robert Manne’s memories Published by The Sydney Institute 41 Phillip St. with Gerard Henderson’s Sydney 2000 Ph: (02) 9252 3366 MEDIA WATCH Fax: (02) 9252 3360 The Sydney Institute Quarterly Issue 39, August 2011 l CONTENTS MR SCOTT’S FIVE YEAR PLAN Editorial 2 In July 2006 Mark Scott commenced work as managing director of the Australian Broadcasting Sandalista Watch - Corporation. Initially appointed for a five year term, Mr Scott recently had his contract renewed for a Public Broadcasting, ASIO second term by the ABC Board. Shortly after his aand the Cold War appointment, Mark Scott’s office approached The Sydney Institute with a proposal that he deliver his - Gerard Henderson 3 first major public on the ABC to the Institute. The offer was willingly accepted and the talk took place Government and Freedom - on 16 October 2006. Who is Ayn Rand? In his address, Mark Scott correctly pointed out that i - 6 he was both managing director and editor-in-chief of Anne Henderson the public broadcaster. He acknowledged that there is “a sense that the organisation has issues with Ripples From the First Stone balance and fairness” and conceded that the ABC - Anya Poukchanski 10 had “been at times too defensive in the face of such criticism”. -
RECONSTRUCTING AUSTRALIAN COMMUNISM Winton Higgins IN
RECONSTRUCTING AUSTRALIAN COMMUNISM Winton Higgins IN December, 1971, the Communist Party of Australia suffered its second split in eight years. In 1963, a relatively small grouping had left the party to form the Peking-oriented Communist Party ofAustralia (Marxist-Leninist). By comparison, the later split was far more traumatic: it took three years-during part of which period the party was virtually paralysed-to come to a head; it compromised the CPA internationally; and the new party, the Socialist Party of Australia, took with it much of the CPA's trade union support and many of its most experienced cadres. In this article I shall attempt to show that this traumarepresented an important stage in the party's coming to terms with its own history, and was inevitable if the party was to develop as an effective revolutionary force. Further, I shall argue that, despite its critical weakness immediately following the 1971 split, the CPA is now demonstrating the potential to lead a viable communist movement in Australia. The Origins of Australian Labourism and Communism Contemporary Australian society presents a fairly orthodox, advanced capitalist appearance. It is highly industrialized and urban- ized, and its monopolistic economic structure is thoroughly- . -penetrated by foreign capital: The final touch to this normality is a new social democratic regime armed with working class electoral support on the one hand, and the latest OECD capitalist development plans on the other. But a closer examination of this social formation reveals unique- and politically significant-characteristics, the product of the peculiar development of capitalism in Austra1ia.l When this development began in the early nineteenth century, the capitalist mode of production was already dominant in England, along with large-scale industry. -
Socialism and the ALP Left
John Sendy Socialism and the ALP Left THE FEDERAL TAKE-OVER of the Victorian Labor Party, inspired by rightwing policies, ruling class desires and the ambi tions of attaining electoral victory at any cost, has proved a grand failure, irrespective of what occurs in the next weeks. The interventionists had a completely unreal estimate of the situation in Victoria and have proved quite unequal to the job undertaken. They in no way realised the depth of support for Hartley, Hogg and their colleagues. Estimating that Hartley, Hogg & Co. would have only a handful of supporters faced with strong-arm tactics, they to a large degree were paralysed by the strength and full-blooded nature of the opposition and defiance which they confronted from a membership sickened by the traditional parliamentary antics of a Whitlam and the hare brained, opportunist, power-game manoeuvrings of a Cameron. The idea of reforming the ALP to enhance its 1972 electoral prospects by eliminating “the madmen of Victoria” in exchange for some curbing of the rightwing dominance in NSW was swal lowed readily by sundry opportunistic, unprincipled “left wingers" in NSW and Victoria obsessed with positions and “power” and with achieving the “advance” of electing a Labor Government under Whitlam. The “Mad Hatters tea party” of Broken Hill was fol lowed by the circus-style orgy of the Travel Lodge Motel in the John Sendy is Victorian Secretary of the Communist Party. This article was written in mid-January. 2 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW— MARCH, 1971 full glare of television cameras and the shoddy backroom dealings of the dimly lit Chinese cafes of Sydney. -
Full Thesis Draft No Pics
A whole new world: Global revolution and Australian social movements in the long Sixties Jon Piccini BA Honours (1st Class) A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2013 School of History, Philosophy, Religion & Classics Abstract This thesis explores Australian social movements during the long Sixties through a transnational prism, identifying how the flow of people and ideas across borders was central to the growth and development of diverse campaigns for political change. By making use of a variety of sources—from archives and government reports to newspapers, interviews and memoirs—it identifies a broadening of the radical imagination within movements seeking rights for Indigenous Australians, the lifting of censorship, women’s liberation, the ending of the war in Vietnam and many others. It locates early global influences, such as the Chinese Revolution and increasing consciousness of anti-racist struggles in South Africa and the American South, and the ways in which ideas from these and other overseas sources became central to the practice of Australian social movements. This was a process aided by activists’ travel. Accordingly, this study analyses the diverse motives and experiences of Australian activists who visited revolutionary hotspots from China and Vietnam to Czechoslovakia, Algeria, France and the United States: to protest, to experience or to bring back lessons. While these overseas exploits, breathlessly recounted in articles, interviews and books, were transformative for some, they also exposed the limits of what a transnational politics could achieve in a local setting. Australia also became a destination for the period’s radical activists, provoking equally divisive responses. -
Halcyon Days? the AMWU and the Accord
Halcyon Days? The AMWU and the Accord Dr Elizabeth Humphrys, UTS Introduction We are in the midst of the 30th anniversary of the period of the Accord social contract between the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU), which lasted from 1983 and 1996. The Accord was a national agreement on economic policy that profoundly reshaped the Australian political economy during the Hawke and Keating governments. The parties involved today commonly view the Accord era as the high point of relations between the ALP and ACTU, and as being beneficial to workers in a period marked by the anti-worker policies of the New Right overseas. For many in the ALP and the trade unions these remain halcyon days, awash with electoral successes only dreamed of in a contemporary era of low ALP primary votes, declining party and union membership, and the consolidation of a political challenger to the left of Labor in the form of the Australian Greens. Yet it was also an era where a Labor government, with the direct collaboration of the union movement, introduced a full suite of neoliberal economic reforms while workers acceded to a systematic, government-led program of real wage cuts—a process which bureaucratised, weakened and hollowed out previously powerful and militant union organisation. In recent years there have been calls for new social contract between the unions and government from members of the ALP and the labour movement. These calls turn attention to the strategy of the Accord in the 1980s and 1990s, and of the role of far-Left unions in backing or fighting it. -
Dilemmas of Defending Dissent: the Dismissal of Ted Steele from the University of Wollongong
AUSTRALIAN UNIVERSITIES REVIEW Dilemmas of Defending Dissent: The Dismissal of Ted Steele from the University of Wollongong BRIAN MARTIN When the University of Wollongong decided to sack a self-styled whistleblower, some colleagues and unionists had mixed emotions. Brian Martin explains the difficult processes that followed. On 26 February 2001, Ted Steele was summarily dismissed demic freedom, most parties to the conflict were more con- from his tenured post of Associate Professor in the Department cerned with winning specific battles. The Steele case shows of Biological Sciences at the University of Wollongong, fol- how difficult it is to operationalise global concepts of justice lowing his contentious public comments about ‘soft marking,’ and freedom. namely lower standards especially for full-fee-paying foreign I describe the Australian and Wollongong context of the dis- students. The dismissal sparked a huge outcry in academic cir- missal, then look at Steele’s actions and their interpretations cles and beyond, where it was widely seen as an attack on aca- and finally assess the strategies adopted by the key players demic freedom. The case soon became the most prominent of from the point of view of defending dissent. its sort in Australia since the dismissal of Professor Sydney Orr from the University of Tasmania in 1956, itself a landmark in DISSENT IN AUSTRALIAN UNIVERSITIES the history of Australian higher education. What is the state of dissent in Australian universities? This Few cases are as simple as they appear on the surface. The question is surprisingly difficult to answer. There is quite a lot Steele dismissal can be approached from a bewildering range of dissent expressed in both professional and public fora, with of perspectives, including Steele’s personality and history, no difficulties anticipated or encountered; at the same time, the accuracy and legitimacy of Steele’s public statements, there is quite a lot of suppression and inhibition of dissent. -
The Rise and Fall of Australian Maoism
The Rise and Fall of Australian Maoism By Xiaoxiao Xie Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Asian Studies School of Social Science Faculty of Arts University of Adelaide October 2016 Table of Contents Declaration II Abstract III Acknowledgments V Glossary XV Chapter One Introduction 01 Chapter Two Powell’s Flowing ‘Rivers of Blood’ and the Rise of the ‘Dark Nations’ 22 Chapter Three The ‘Wind from the East’ and the Birth of the ‘First’ Australian Maoists 66 Chapter Four ‘Revolution Is Not a Dinner Party’ 130 Chapter Five ‘Things Are Beginning to Change’: Struggles Against the turning Tide in Australia 178 Chapter Six ‘Continuous Revolution’ in the name of ‘Mango Mao’ and the ‘death’ of the last Australian Maoist 220 Conclusion 260 Bibliography 265 I Declaration I certify that this work contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in my name, in any university or other tertiary institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made in the text. In addition, I certify that no part of this work will, in the future, be used in a submission in my name, for any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution without the prior approval of the University of Adelaide and where applicable, any partner institution responsible for the joint-award of this degree. I give consent to this copy of my thesis, when deposited in the University Library, being made available for loan and photocopying, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. -
Dreaming of a National Socialist World: the World Union of National Socialists (Wuns) and the Recurring Vision of Transnational Neo-Nazism
fascism 8 (2019) 275-306 brill.com/fasc Dreaming of a National Socialist World: The World Union of National Socialists (wuns) and the Recurring Vision of Transnational Neo-Nazism Paul Jackson Senior Lecturer in History, University of Northampton [email protected] Abstract This article will survey the transnational dynamics of the World Union of National Socialists (wuns), from its foundation in 1962 to the present day. It will examine a wide range of materials generated by the organisation, including its foundational docu- ment, the Cotswolds Declaration, as well as membership application details, wuns bulletins, related magazines such as Stormtrooper, and its intellectual journals, Nation- al Socialist World and The National Socialist. By analysing material from affiliated organisations, it will also consider how the network was able to foster contrasting rela- tionships with sympathetic groups in Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Europe, al- lowing other leading neo-Nazis, such as Colin Jordan, to develop a wider role interna- tionally. The author argues that the neo-Nazi network reached its height in the mid to late 1960s, and also highlights how, in more recent times, the wuns has taken on a new role as an evocative ‘story’ in neo-Nazi history. This process of ‘accumulative extrem- ism’, inventing a new tradition within the neo-Nazi movement, is important to recog- nise, as it helps us understand the self-mythologizing nature of neo-Nazi and wider neo-fascist cultures. Therefore, despite failing in its ambitions of creating a Nazi- inspired new global order, the lasting significance of the wuns has been its ability to inspire newer transnational aspirations among neo-Nazis and neo-fascists. -
Samuel Griffith Society Proceedings Vol 2
Proceedings of the Second Conference of The Samuel Griffith Society Upholding the Australian Constitution Volume Two The Windsor Hotel, Melbourne; 30 July - 1 August 1993 Copyright 1993 by The Samuel Griffith Society. All rights reserved. Table of Contents Foreword (P4) John Stone Foreword Dinner Address (P5) The Hon. Jeff Kennett, MLA; Premier of Victoria The Crown and the States Introductory Remarks (P14) John Stone Introductory Chapter One (P15) Dr Frank Knopfelmacher The Crown in a Culturally Diverse Australia Chapter Two (P18) John Hirst The Republic and our British Heritage Chapter Three (P23) Jack Waterford Australia's Aborigines and Australian Civilization: Cultural Relativism in the 21st Century Chapter Four (P34) The Hon. Bill Hassell Mabo and Federalism: The Prospect of an Indigenous People's Treaty Chapter Five (P47) The Hon. Peter Connolly, CBE, QC Should Courts Determine Social Policy? Chapter Six (P58) S E K Hulme, AM, QC The High Court in Mabo Chapter Seven (P79) Professor Wolfgang Kasper Making Federalism Flourish Chapter Eight (P84) The Rt. Hon. Sir Harry Gibbs, GCMG, AC, KBE The Threat to Federalism Chapter Nine (P88) Dr Colin Howard Australia's Diminishing Sovereignty Chapter Ten (P94) The Hon. Peter Durack, QC What is to be Done? Chapter Eleven (P99) John Paul The 1944 Referendum Appendix I (P113) Contributors Appendix II (P116) The Society's Statement of Purposes Published 1993 by The Samuel Griffith Society P O Box 178, East Melbourne Victoria 3002 Printed by: McPherson's Printing Pty Ltd 5 Dunlop Rd, Mulgrave, Vic 3170 National Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data: Proceedings of The Samuel Griffith Society Upholding the Australian Constitution Volume Two ISBN 0 646 15439 7 Foreword John Stone Copyright 1993 by The Samuel Griffith Society. -
SOCIAL DEMOCRACY and the "FAILURE" of the ACCORD Tom
SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE "FAILURE" OF THE ACCORD Tom Bramble School of Business University of Queensland Brisbane Q 4072 AUSTRALIA [email protected] Published in K. Wilson, J. Bradford, and M. Fitzpatrick (eds) (2000): Australia in Accord: An Evaluation of the Prices and Incomes Accord in the Hawke-Keating Years, South Pacific Publishing, Melbourne, pp.243-64. 2 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE "FAILURE" OF THE ACCORD1 INTRODUCTION Most sections of the industrial relations academic community (broadly defined) started with favourable impressions of the ALP-ACTU Prices and Incomes Accord. Amongst its keenest and most articulate supporters were academics and unionists writing from an explicitly social democratic perspective. Frequently drawing on the German and Scandinavian experiences, writers such as Hughes (1981), Hartnett (1981), Higgins (1978, 1980, 1985), Stilwell (1982), Burford (1983), Ogden (1984), Mathews (1986), and Clegg et al (1986) argued that the Accord would enable the union movement to break out of its labourist straitjacket to encompass broader political concerns and to develop a social role well beyond the ranks of organised labour.2 Similarly it was the left unions such as the Building Workers Industrial Union (BWIU) and Metal Workers Union (AMWU) who were most successful in developing an ideological underpinning for the Accord within the labour movement and who were most influential in winning support for it amongst workers who had the capacity to render it impotent. Opponents of the Accord at the time were almost entirely limited to Left organisations outside the Labor and Communist Parties (below) and a minority of right-wing commentators (for example Terry McCrann in The Age), the former on the basis that it represented an attack on wages and workers' rights under the rubric of social justice, the latter that it did not attack unions hard enough. -
Academic Freedom and Institutional Autonomy in American and Australian Universities: a Twenty-First Century Dialogue and a Call to Leaders
ACADEMIC FREEDOM AND INSTITUTIONAL AUTONOMY IN AMERICAN AND AUSTRALIAN UNIVERSITIES: A TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY DIALOGUE AND A CALL TO LEADERS PATRICK D. PAUKEN† BOWLING GREEN STATE UNIVERSITY, USA Within the context of academic freedom and institutional autonomy, and ultimately with respect to the important roles played by university leaders, this article explores the current dialogue among American and Australian university players, both individual and institutional, as those players search for, develop, define, modify, and proclaim their respective voices and messages, particularly in a world where the role and position of universities are changing. I INTRODUCTION In 1964, Marvin L. Pickering, a public school teacher in Illinois, wrote a letter to the editor of a local newspaper criticising his board of education for the board’s appropriation of funds and its handling of two failed tax levy campaigns. The board countered with accusations that the statements in the letter were false and had a negative impact on the efficient operation of the schools. The board of education then fired Pickering.1 Meanwhile, in Australia, administrators at the University of Sydney vetoed the appointment of philosophy professor Frank Knopfelmacher after he exposed Communist infiltration in some of the academic units at the University of Melbourne.2 Fast forward to 2005. Ward Churchill, faculty member in the University of Colorado’s ethnic studies department, came under significant fire on campus and throughout the United States for his written and spoken arguments that, among other comments, the victims of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, were ‘little Eichmanns’ and presumably deserved their fate.