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A Call for the Revolutionary Regroupment of the Australian Left
A Call for the Revolutionary Regroupment of the Australian Left http://www.softdawn.net/Archive/MRM/thecall.html September 1975 Melbourne Revolutionary Marxists Introduction (2017) by Robert Dorning and Ken Mansell Momentous changes occurred in Western societies in the 1960s and 70s. A wave of youth radicalisation swept many Western countries. Australia was part of this widespread generational change. The issues were largely common, but varied in importance from country to country. In Australia, the Vietnam War and conscription were major issues. This radicalisation included the demand for major political change, and new political movements and far-left organisations came into being. A notable new development in Australia was the emergence of Trotskyist groupings. However, as the wider movement subsided with Australia's withdrawal from the Vietnam War, the Australian Left became fragmented and more divided than ever. It was in this environment that, in 1975, "A Call for the Revolutionary Regroupment of the Australian Left" was published by the "Melbourne Revolutionary Marxists" (MRM). "The Call" includes a description of the evolution of the new Left movements in Australia including the Trotskyist current to which MRM belonged. MRM was a break-away from the Communist League, an Australian revolutionary socialist organisation adhering to the majority section of the Fourth International. At the Easter 1975 National Conference, virtually the entire Melbourne branch of the CL resigned en masse from the national organisation. The issue was the refusal of the national organisation to accept the application by Robert Dorning (a leading Melbourne member) for full membership on the grounds he held a "bureaucratic collectivist" position on the social nature of the Soviet Union, rather than the orthodox Trotskyist position of "deformed workers' state". -
MAC1 Abstracts – Oral Presentations
Oral Presentation Abstracts OP001 Rights, Interests and Moral Standing: a critical examination of dialogue between Regan and Frey. Rebekah Humphreys Cardiff University, Cardiff, United Kingdom This paper aims to assess R. G. Frey’s analysis of Leonard Nelson’s argument (that links interests to rights). Frey argues that claims that animals have rights or interests have not been established. Frey’s contentions that animals have not been shown to have rights nor interests will be discussed in turn, but the main focus will be on Frey’s claim that animals have not been shown to have interests. One way Frey analyses this latter claim is by considering H. J. McCloskey’s denial of the claim and Tom Regan’s criticism of this denial. While Frey’s position on animal interests does not depend on McCloskey’s views, he believes that a consideration of McCloskey’s views will reveal that Nelson’s argument (linking interests to rights) has not been established as sound. My discussion (of Frey’s scrutiny of Nelson’s argument) will centre only on the dialogue between Regan and Frey in respect of McCloskey’s argument. OP002 Can Special Relations Ground the Privileged Moral Status of Humans Over Animals? Robert Jones California State University, Chico, United States Much contemporary philosophical work regarding the moral considerability of nonhuman animals involves the search for some set of characteristics or properties that nonhuman animals possess sufficient for their robust membership in the sphere of things morally considerable. The most common strategy has been to identify some set of properties intrinsic to the animals themselves. -
Social Movements and Political Parties: Conflicts and Balance1
Social movements and political parties: conflicts and balance1 Lee Rhiannon Abstract The paper addresses aspects of the relationship between political parties and social movements, with a focus on the Australian Greens. It posits some of the limitations and possibilities of this relationship, arguing that it is a necessary one, both to social movements seeking to pursue their agendas through the political system, and to political parties needing to be open to broad public participation and to maintain strong links to on-the-ground issues. It concludes that the Australian Greens have sought to strike a balance between party and movement, recognising the limits of both. Introduction For much of the 19th and 20th centuries the Left was renowned for being strong on organisation while the conservative side of politics relied on money and media dominance to advance their causes. The term "organising" is not used here to mean "well organised" in progressive politics, organising is about a commitment to involve and empower people through democratic decision-making. The term organising in Left politics embodies the society that is strived-for (see Alinsky 1971; Bobo et al 2001). Organising as a tool for building democratic structures and taking the message to a wider audience is at the core of progressive movements and political parties (Bronfenbrenner 1998; Doyle 2001). Without that commitment, focussed campaigns and progressive political parties will fail to bring about the far-reaching structural changes required to build a society free of exploitation of people and the environment (Kovel 2007; Panitch 2007). While right wing commentators and conservative politicians abuse the Left for a lack of democracy – and there have been dictators, big and small – a deep commitment to participatory democracy has characterised most progressive movements and political parties (see Maddison and Hamilton 2006). -
Full Thesis Draft No Pics
A whole new world: Global revolution and Australian social movements in the long Sixties Jon Piccini BA Honours (1st Class) A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2013 School of History, Philosophy, Religion & Classics Abstract This thesis explores Australian social movements during the long Sixties through a transnational prism, identifying how the flow of people and ideas across borders was central to the growth and development of diverse campaigns for political change. By making use of a variety of sources—from archives and government reports to newspapers, interviews and memoirs—it identifies a broadening of the radical imagination within movements seeking rights for Indigenous Australians, the lifting of censorship, women’s liberation, the ending of the war in Vietnam and many others. It locates early global influences, such as the Chinese Revolution and increasing consciousness of anti-racist struggles in South Africa and the American South, and the ways in which ideas from these and other overseas sources became central to the practice of Australian social movements. This was a process aided by activists’ travel. Accordingly, this study analyses the diverse motives and experiences of Australian activists who visited revolutionary hotspots from China and Vietnam to Czechoslovakia, Algeria, France and the United States: to protest, to experience or to bring back lessons. While these overseas exploits, breathlessly recounted in articles, interviews and books, were transformative for some, they also exposed the limits of what a transnational politics could achieve in a local setting. Australia also became a destination for the period’s radical activists, provoking equally divisive responses. -
Whitlam's Children? Labor and the Greens in Australia (2007-2013
Whitlam’s Children? Labor and the Greens in Australia (2007-2013) Shaun Crowe A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the Australian National University March 2017 © Shaun Crowe, 2017 1 The work presented in this dissertation is original, to the best of my knowledge and belief, except as acknowledged in the text. The material has not been submitted, in whole or in part, for a degree at The Australian National University or any other university. This research is supported by an Australian Government Research Training Program (RTP) Scholarship. 2 Acknowledgments Before starting, I was told that completing a doctoral thesis was rewarding and brutal. Having now written one, these both seem equally true. Like all PhD students, I never would have reached this point without the presence, affirmation and help of the people around me. The first thanks go to Professor John Uhr. Four and half years on, I’m so lucky to have stumbled into your mentorship. With such a busy job, I don’t know how you find the space to be so generous, both intellectually and with your time. Your prompt, at times cryptic, though always insightful feedback helped at every stage of the process. Even more useful were the long and digressive conversations in your office, covering the world between politics and philosophy. I hope they continue. The second round of thanks go to the people who aided me at different points. Thanks to Guy Ragen, Dr Jen Rayner and Alice Workman for helping me source interviews. Thanks to Emily Millane, Will Atkinson, Dr Lizzy Watt, and Paul Karp for editing chapters. -
How Labour Built Neoliberalism : Australias Accord, the Labour Movement and the Neoliberal Project Pdf, Epub, Ebook
HOW LABOUR BUILT NEOLIBERALISM : AUSTRALIAS ACCORD, THE LABOUR MOVEMENT AND THE NEOLIBERAL PROJECT PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Elizabeth Humphrys | 268 pages | 03 Dec 2019 | Haymarket Books | 9781642590685 | English | Chicago, United States How Labour Built Neoliberalism : Australias Accord, the Labour Movement and the Neoliberal Project PDF Book However, when the Labor Party today tells us that neoliberalism is dead and that it went too far, they never mention their role in its introduction. Union mergers are a legal procedure empty of meaning aside from the surrounding context and character of any proposal. Ultimately, it was through the organisational leadership of the labour movement and the ALP, within a state-centred project, that labour was incorporated into the project of building neoliberalism in Australia. In this timely and controversial treatment of the Australian labour movement, Humphrys examines the role of the Labour Party and trade unions in constructing neoliberalism in Australia. I tell you all this, perhaps for the same reason Frank Bongiorno includes some of his family history in his contribution, to make the point that the economic crisis and the policies of the Accord are not simply a matter for scholarly debate. I consider this to be a landmark work in Australian political sociology and an invaluable contribution to the literature on global neoliberalism. Submit Sign in. The next day the Labor government gave notice of the National Coal Emergency Bill that provided for jailing of union officials who provided financial assistance to the strike. She has published on trade union and social movement responses to crisis, including in Globalizations and Critical Sociology. -
The Published Version Is Available Online at
Robinson, Geoffrey 2015, Joan Kirner, a pioneering leader for the Left as well as women, The Conversation, June 2nd. The published version is available online at : https://theconversation.com/joan-kirner-a-pioneering-leader-for-the-left-as-well-as-women-42639 ©2015, Conversation Media Group Reproduced by Deakin University under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution NoDerivatives Licence Available from Deakin Research Online: http://hdl.handle.net/10536/DRO/DU:30077050 Joan Kirner, a pioneering leader for the Left as well as women https://theconversation.com/joan-kirner-a-pioneering-leader-for-the-lef... Academic rigour, journalistic flair June 2, 2015 3.10pm AEST Author Geoffrey Robinson Senior Lecturer, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Deakin University Joan Kirner, Victoria’s first – and so far only – female premier, has died at the age of 76. AAP/Alan Porritt Joan Kirner was a woman of many firsts. More than anything, the political career of Kirner – who died on Monday aged 76 – reveals much about the development of the contemporary Australian Left. As Victorian premier between 1990 and 1992, Kirner was the first member of the modern ALP Left to lead a government. A child of Whitlam 1 of 3 8/11/2016 1:57 PM Joan Kirner, a pioneering leader for the Left as well as women https://theconversation.com/joan-kirner-a-pioneering-leader-for-the-lef... Kirner was a product of the Whitlam generation. A schoolteacher and state school parents’ activist, she represented the sector on the Whitlam government’s Schools Commission. Like so many of her generation, she joined the ALP in response to Whitlam’s 1975 dismissal. -
Leadership and the Australian Greens
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Online @ ECU Edith Cowan University Research Online ECU Publications Post 2013 1-1-2014 Leadership and the Australian Greens Christine Cunningham Edith Cowan University, [email protected] Stewart Jackson Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.ecu.edu.au/ecuworkspost2013 Part of the Leadership Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons 10.1177/1742715013498407 This is an Author's Accepted Manuscript of: Cunningham, C., & Jackson, S. (2014). Leadership and the Australian Greens. Leadership, 10(4), 496-511. Reprinted by permission of SAGE Publications. Available here. This Journal Article is posted at Research Online. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/ecuworkspost2013/26 Leadership and the Australian Greens Christine Cunningham School of Education, Education and the Arts Faculty, Edith Cowan University, Australia Stewart Jackson Department of Government and International Relations, Faculty of Arts, The University of Sydney, Australia Abstract This paper examines the inherent tension between a Green political party’s genesis and official ideology and the conventional forms and practices of party leadership enacted in the vast bulk of other parties, regardless of their place on the ideological spectrum. A rich picture is painted of this ongoing struggle through a case study of the Australian Greens with vivid descriptions presented on organisational leadership issues by Australian state and federal Green members of parliaments. What emerges from the data is the Australian Green MPs’ conundrum in retaining an egalitarian and participatory democracy ethos while seeking to expand their existing frame of leadership to being both more pragmatic and oriented towards active involvement in government. -
The Aboriginal Struggle & the Left
The Aboriginal Struggle & the Left Terry Townshend 2 The Aboriginal Struggle & the Left About the author Terry Townsend was a longtime member of the Democratic Socialist Party and now the Socialist Alliance. He edited the online journal Links (links.org) and has been a frequent contributor to Green Left Weekly (greenleft.org.au). Note on quotations For ease of reading, we have made minor stylistic changes to quotations to make their capitalisation consistent with the rest of the book. The exception, however, concerns Aborigines, Aboriginal, etc., the capitalisation of which has been left unchanged as it may have political significance. Resistance Books 2009 ISBN 978-1-876646-60-8 Published by Resistance Books, resistanceboks.com Contents Preface...........................................................................................................................5 Beginnings.....................................................................................................................7 The North Australian Workers Union in the 1920s and ’30s.....................................9 Comintern Influence..................................................................................................12 The 1930s....................................................................................................................15 Aboriginal-Led Organisations & the Day of Mourning............................................19 Struggles in the 1940s: The Pilbara Stock Workers’ Strike........................................23 The 1940s: Communists -
Thesis August
Chapter 1 Introduction Section 1.1: ‘A fit place for women’? Section 1.2: Problems of sex, gender and parliament Section 1.3: Gender and the Parliament, 1995-1999 Section 1.4: Expectations on female MPs Section 1.5: Outline of the thesis Section 1.1: ‘A fit place for women’? The Sydney Morning Herald of 27 August 1925 reported the first speech given by a female Member of Parliament (hereafter MP) in New South Wales. In the Legislative Assembly on the previous day, Millicent Preston-Stanley, Nationalist Party Member for the Eastern Suburbs, created history. According to the Herald: ‘Miss Stanley proceeded to illumine the House with a few little shafts of humour. “For many years”, she said, “I have in this House looked down upon honourable members from above. And I have wondered how so many old women have managed to get here - not only to get here, but to stay here”. The Herald continued: ‘The House figuratively rocked with laughter. Miss Stanley hastened to explain herself. “I am referring”, she said amidst further laughter, “not to the physical age of the old gentlemen in question, but to their mental age, and to that obvious vacuity of mind which characterises the old gentlemen to whom I have referred”. Members obviously could not afford to manifest any deep sense of injury because of a woman’s banter. They laughed instead’. Preston-Stanley’s speech marks an important point in gender politics. It introduced female participation in the Twenty-seventh Parliament. It stands chronologically midway between the introduction of responsible government in the 1850s and the Fifty-first Parliament elected in March 1995. -
Reimagining Asia: Indian and Australian Women Crossing Borders∗
Modern Asian Studies 53, 4 (2019) pp. 1183–1221. C Cambridge University Press 2018. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S0026749X17000920 First published online 7 December 2018 Reimagining Asia: Indian and Australian women crossing borders∗ HEATHER GOODALL University of Technology Sydney Email: [email protected] DEVLEENA GHOSH University of Technology Sydney Email: [email protected] Abstract The decades from the 1940stothe1960s were ones of increasing contacts between women of India and Australia. These were not built on a shared British colonial history, but on commitments to visions circulating globally of equality between races, sexes, and classes. Kapila Khandvala from Bombay and Lucy Woodcock from Sydney were two women who met during such campaigns. Interacting roughly on an equal footing, they were aware of each other’s activism in the Second World War and the emerging Cold War. Khandvala and Woodcock both made major contributions to the women’s movements of their countries, yet have been largely forgotten in recent histories, as have links between their countries. We analyse their interactions, views, and practices on issues to which they devoted their lives: women’s rights, progressive education, and peace. Their beliefs and practices on each were shaped by their respective local contexts, although they shared ideologies that were circulating internationally. These kept them in contact over many years, during which Kapila built networks that brought Australians into the sphere of Indian women’s awareness, while Lucy, in addition to her continuing contacts with Kapila, travelled to China and consolidated links between Australian and Chinese women in Sydney. -
Origins of the Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security
Origins of the Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security CJ Coventry LLB BA A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Research) School of Humanities and Social Sciences UNSW Canberra at ADFA 2018 i Table of Contents Acknowledgements iii Introduction & Methodology 1 Part I: ASIO before Whitlam 9 Chapter One: The creation of ASIO 9 Chapter Two: Bipartisan anti-communism 23 Chapter Three: ASIO’s anti-radicalism, 1950-1972 44 Part II: Perspectives on the Royal Commission 73 Chapter Four: Scholarly perspectives on the Royal Commission 73 Chapter Five: Contemporary perspectives on ASIO and an inquiry 90 Part III: The decision to reform 118 Chapter Six: Labor and terrorism 118 Chapter Seven: The decision and announcement 154 Part IV: The Royal Commission 170 Chapter Eight: Findings and recommendations 170 Conclusion 188 Bibliography 193 ii Acknowledgements & Dedication I dedicate this thesis to Rebecca and our burgeoning menagerie. Most prominently of all I wish to thank Rebecca Coventry who has been integral to the writing of this thesis. Together we seek knowledge, not assumption, challenge, not complacency. For their help in entering academia I thank Yunari Heinz, Anne-Marie Elijah, Paul Babie, the ANU Careers advisors, Clinton Fernandes and Nick Xenophon. While writing this thesis I received help from a number of people. I acknowledge the help of Lindy Edwards, Toni Erskine, Clinton Fernandes, Ned Dobos, Ruhul Sarkar, Laura Poole-Warren, Kylie Madden, Julia Lines, Craig Stockings, Deane-Peter