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Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School
2019
The Krickets: Gender and Agency in an ACailtlly-n GLigihrtlle Southern Folk Band
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COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES
THE KRICKETS:
GENDER AND AGENCY IN AN
ALL-GIRL SOUTHERN FOLK BAND
By
CAITLYN LIGHTLE
A Thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts
2019 Caitlyn Lightle defended this thesis on April 5, 2019. The members of the supervisory committee were:
Vincent Joos Professor Directing Thesis
Kristin Dowell Committee Member
Jayur Mehta Committee Member
The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the thesis has been approved in accordance with university requirements.
ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would first like to thank my thesis committee, Dr. Vincent Joos, Dr. Kristin Dowell, and Dr. Jayur Mehta at Florida State University. Thank you to all of you for your support when I told you I wanted to make a film and for your continued encouragement in this process. I would especially like to thank Dr. Kristin Dowell for making me a better filmmaker, and being as excited about this project as I was. She steered me in the right direction but always reminded me this was my project and my passion fueling it.
I would also like to acknowledge the Department of Anthropology and the Department of Art History, specifically Dr. Kristin Dowell, who provided the equipment and support needed to create the accompanying film. As well, to my fellow graduate students who were supportive and helpful during the long process of fieldwork and who endured my need for feedback during the editing process. I would also like to thank the scholars whose work contributed to this project and the filmmakers who inspired it.
I must also express my profound gratitude to my family and friends for providing me with unfailing support and continuous encouragement throughout my time in the Master’s program and through the process of researching, filming, editing, and writing this thesis.
Finally, I have unending gratitude for the women without whom this project would not exist. To the women of The Krickets; Lauren Spring, Emily Stuckey, Katrina Kolb, Amanda Kolb, and Melissa Bowman, thank you for your incredible encouragement and trust. This accomplishment would not have been possible without you all. Thank you.
iii TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract ...... v
1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1
2. METHODS: FILM TREATMENT ...... 4
3. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 15
4. DISCUSSION AND ANALYSIS ...... 29
5. CONCLUSIONS ...... 37
APPENDICES ...... 40
A. IRB EXEMPTION ...... 40 B. VIDEO RELEASE FORMS ...... 41 C. FILM ONE SHEET ...... 46
References ...... 47
Biographical Sketch ...... 53
iv ABSTRACT
This thesis examines the intersection between culture-based social structure and individual agency in all-girl Southern folk band The Krickets. By utilizing practice theory we are able to understand the relationship of the individual to their inherent social rules and then compensate for individual action opposing those rules. Through the action of musical performance The Krickets express their connection to a Southern culture and act against the cultural expectations of femininity therein. In studying The Krickets we can understand how notions of femininity, Southern culture, and folk music intersect to create their individual identities, which both adhere to and subvert their cultural structures. This thesis is also accompanied by a film entitled “The Krickets”, which follows the band while they write, record, and release their sophomore album. By utilizing video ethnography as a methodology and practicing ethical feminist approaches to anthropology we can understand how The Krickets grapple with concepts of cultural identity verses personal identity.
v CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Problem Orientation: The aim of this thesis is to identify how all-girl band The Krickets, challenges so-called ‘traditional’ Southern gender roles through musical performance. This study will utilize practice theory, feminist theory, and documentary film ethics in order to represent the complexity of these women’s lives and understand how musical performance both represents their cultural structures of women’s roles while subverting them through the action of individual agency. The problem this project will focus on is how certain themes of gender, music, and notions of Southern culture function to create a social identity for this band. The analysis will endeavor to understand the dichotomy between cultural identity and individual identity and how The Krickets navigate these concepts. Not only can this research give insight into the niche area of Southern culture and music, but it can also provide an example of how these women interact with their culturally constructed ideas of what it means to be a woman in this era of fourth wave feminism (Munro 2013). This study will address how individual agency and social structure interact in these subjects.
The importance of this study focuses on an application of ethnomusicological theory (Blacking 1974; Hood 1982; Merriam 1964), feminist theory (Abu-Lughod 1990; Butler 2011; Munro 2013; Rosaldo 1980; Walker 2001), practice theory (Bourdieu 1977; De Certeau 1998; Giddens 1979; Ortner 1984; Sahlins 2013), and film theory (Asch 1992; Columpar and Mayer 2009; Grimshaw 2001; Heider 2006; Loizos 1993; Pink 2007; Ruby 2000), in order to understand the construction of identity as it relates to music, gender, and the South. The reasons for this theoretical focus stem from postmodern approaches to identifying the voice of the subject and ensuring their accurate representation (Abu-Lughod 1992; Asch 1992; Clifford 1986). This study will shed a light on a population rarely viewed in anthropology, it will serve as insight into the connection between concepts of inherent cultural rules and individual control, and because it will encourage ethnographic film as thorough and ethical methodology in data collection. The
1 motifs and the theoretical approaches used to analyze this data will function together in order to create a complete study of an all-girl folk band and explain why this band is an appropriate example of women’s gendered identities and their expression in the music industry. A major part of the value of this research has to do with its focus on an all-girl band in the American South. The Krickets exemplify the topics this study will focus on—the band represents four women from rural Florida and Alabama who maintain feminine roles and gender identifications, play traditionally Southern folk music, and were brought up in culturally Southern homes. Rooted in place and culturally defined, these women serve as examples of the typical southern woman (Beaver 1988). At the same time however, they also subvert these ideals in their musical expression, which is a function of their individual agency and rejection of cultural norms. For the purposes of this project The Krickets have been selected as the sole case study. It is my belief as the ethnographer that this study can benefit more from a detailed analysis of one population that adheres well to the themes of the research project than to analyze multiple case studies that may not be wholly relevant to the themes at hand.
Goals and Hypothesis: The central hypothesis of this research is that by studying an all-girl Southern folk band we can identify how culturally constructed gendered identities are both created and challenged in the action of musical performance. How do institutions like gender and cultural custom shape the creation of music? The goal of this work is to gain insight into the phenomenon of culture verses the individual and its application through music. How does the band represent themes of femininity, southern culture, and folk music in lyrics, instrumentation, and even in aspects of their personal lives? This research will determine more specifically the role of these motifs as structuring agents in the lives of these women. It is the conviction of this study that exploring a women’s band in a largely male music industry will give insight into southern views and debates about female identity and the conceptions and functions of agency therein.
It is my position and goal that conducting this study will be informative in producing data to aid a thorough and enlightening account of how gender, Southern culture, and music all coincide to inform the identity of the women in The Krickets. Through data collection via video recording this research will express the significance of each of these themes as they connect with
2 these women. Another goal of this work is to provide the reader with an example of how ethnographic film as a medium can provide as ethical a representation of human subjects as possible in anthropology and can serve to educate the viewer more readily than simply ethnographic writing. The women of The Krickets deal with concepts of femininity and music in culturally and individually specific ways that can be ascertained from this data, and ultimately contribute to a larger discussion on the position of feminist theory and video ethnography as a method in anthropology. It is also the goal of this project that this research can provide an example of the value of a discussion of feminist theory and other interdisciplinary fields in ethnography. The main vehicle for this research is an ethnographic film—it also the partial goal of this work to further the discussion in anthropology on the ethical representation of women in film and to express the value of a feminist perspective in that endeavor. Overall this project will argue that you can best read broader cultural patterns and challenges to them in the details of particular women’s lives, and that performance offers an ideal venue since these women are creating representations of these themes in the production of their music. In this research we will see how these women relate their representations to those of so-called Southern ‘traditions’, and how they engage and go against these traditions musically.
3 CHAPTER 2
METHODS: FILM TREATMENT
Due to the nature of the project, the main method of data collection is video-recording; because of this I have found it prudent to instead take the format of a film treatment instead of a traditional written methods section. This section will go over the basic information and methodology in a format traditionally practiced by filmmakers at the beginning of a project. By using this structure the reader will be able to understand each step of the process through pre- production, production, and post-production; in order to see how the methodology and original ideas were altered during research. The goals for this project were clear at its onset and detailed in the preliminary treatment. While the spirit of the project has maintained clarity from its inception, the research questions and goals have altered as often happens in the process of ethnographic research. In order to respond to these changes and account for the resulting analyses, this thesis includes a more complete and thorough treatment detailing the methodology of the accompanying ethnographic film, as well as addressing the pertinent changes from preliminary research to completed film in an attempt towards self-reflexivity. It is my belief that the inclusion of this information will instill in the reader a more thorough understanding of the methodology utilized in this research and how the inherent nature of ethnographic fieldwork relies on the ethnographer’s ability to establish rapport, work collaboratively, and make adjustments throughout the process.
Synopsis: This film follows an all-girl band from the American South, playing “swamp folk” and Americana music; The Krickets. They are not signed to a record label and continue to self- release their own music—thanks in part to the support of a loyal fan following across the Southeast that donates to the band’s Patreon page in order to assist in the production of the band’s albums. They have won Song of the Year for their first single, “Cool Cool Water”, from the Independent Music Awards as well as been recognized by the American Folk Alliance for their sound. The Krickets is comprised of four women, playing multiple different instruments
4 including guitar, banjo, fiddle, upright and electric bass, drums, and mandolin. The Krickets’ founding members Lauren Spring and Melissa Bowman met for the first time performing together at a cancer research fund benefit called Mammos and Martinis in Port Saint Joe, Florida. Spring was asked to perform solo at the event, but ended up enlisting the help of another solo artist in town, Melissa Bowman. The women enjoyed playing together so much that they continued to book more gigs together, and ultimately asked fellow musicians Emily Stuckey and Katrina Kolb to join them—forming an official band. The benefit supported breast cancer research and the Cricket Fund, an organization that raises money to pay for cancer screenings for people without health insurance in rural North Florida. Cricket Russell was a young woman without health insurance from Port Saint Joe who died from undiagnosed breast cancer. The Krickets pay tribute to her memory by donating a portion of money from every album sold to the Cricket Fund. This film intends to account for role of individual agency within this all-girl band and understand the function of music and performance in the lives of all the women involved.
In the beginning of this project I had clear expectations of who the women were and what was to be expected from this research, specifically in regards to my preconceived notions of Southern women. The Krickets were selected as a sole case study for this research because of the cultural implications of being a band that writes and performs folk music and because of their personal and geographical identification with the American South. In addition, their personal identifications as women performing folk music promised a dynamic worthy of study. The original goals of this project also did not take the time to account for the strikingly different opinions and life experiences of all of the band members individually. This can be viewed now as a gross oversight that has indeed been accounted for in the final product. Each woman had varying experiences that altered their perspectives on the major questions I was asking, which also helped to direct the goals and research questions of the project in some differing directions. Original expectations included the women speaking freely and fervently about the role sexism plays in their day-to-day lives as a group of female musicians, as well as them having similar if not matching opinions on Southern femininity and womanhood. This proved not to be the case and aided in a more thorough and diverse example of the role agency plays in individual contexts. No one woman saw these dynamics the same way nor exactly how the original research plan expected, because of how thoroughly they all differed from each other.
5 It seems that the sole thing maintaining the connection these women have to each other is a love for music and appreciation of traditional folk instrumentation and vocal harmony. That is not to say that these women do not express their own type of sisterhood and friendship based on mutual respect and compassion, but rather that the major commonality between them is the music they make together. They live in different towns, have different family structures, opposing styles, various career goals, but share a sonic connection and a rooting in the South that is obvious in their music. This brings the subject back to the original focus of this project, which relied predominantly on studying a folk band in order to provide insight into Southern folk and Americana music as a whole. I have determined that studying the music is a vital aspect of understanding the function and expression of personal agency within the group—however, the general focus has shifted from the cultural examination of contemporary folk music to the study of how these women utilize folk musical performance to interact with latent concepts of feminism and the roles of the Southern Woman, whether that be to act against or for stereotypical concepts of womanhood. Overall, learning exactly who these women are over time spent with them was incredibly formative in changing the perspective of who they were thought to be in the preliminary research, and guided the formation of this thesis in terms of anthropological concepts like the role of individual agency and its connection to feminist theory.
Topic and Subject of Film: The principle focus of this film is on the role agency plays in the action of musical performance by Southern women, specifically studying how these women contend with their own cultural boundaries and express these interactions musically. Key research questions include: How is folk music representative of a Southern culture? How does the folk music produced by the band follow the sonic guidelines of the genre while going against the cultural and social elements regarding gender that is normally embodied in the music? How can performance serve as both protest against cultural norms as well as positive reinforcement of cultural norms? How are the women of The Krickets suitable examples of these themes? What is “swamp folk”? How can we glean agency from the action of performance? The film tracks the interactions and experiences of the band over the course of eight months as they write, record, and release their second studio album. Following them through the trials and tribulations involved in maintaining a band—including the departure of one of the founding members and
6 her replacement with another musician. The purpose of following this single band was to utilize them as an example of folk music and femininity in the South while engaging in a discussion about the nature of those themes and how they interact. This outlook has not changed as it is the goal of this thesis to understand how this group acts through musical performance to exert personal agency; the methodology and process of data collection has altered however towards a more strictly ethnographic approach.
The point of focus for the project at its inception was on the music; specifically what could be learned from the band about folk music and its connections to a Southern culture. This perspective has altered somewhat in switching focus to the women, but more importantly the shift is due because of what I anticipated the women would want to talk about, and what the women actually wanted to talk about. A major dynamic anticipated at the start was the role of sexism in the lives of the band members, especially pertaining to its predominance in the music industry. Through interactions with the band members this has altered—it was to my surprise that while the women have had multiple experiences with sexism, both significant and minor, they were not inclined to view these instances exactly how I anticipated. This caused me to understand their music performance differently—if the women were not as inclined to speak in an interview setting about sexism in the industry but willing and comfortable with discussing these matters in social settings (specifically with other women) it is clear that these were still issues of importance to them. The habitus associated with Southern culture does not necessarily provide an outlet to speak boldly about this topic without being perceived as unladylike. By singing about it instead and using the guise of delicate Southern women—and perhaps by relying on the novelty of being an all-girl folk band, The Krickets are able to utilize performance to express their agency and protest everyday sexism through images of nice women playing nice music.
Mode of Production: The main subjects of this film are the band members themselves; while there are a few other people involved and shown on-screen, the band members were the only individuals interviewed. This was done to maintain focus on these women specifically above all else in order to centralize the story from the perspectives of the band members. This includes Lauren Spring,
7 Emily Stuckey, Katrina Kolb, and both Melissa Bowman and Amanda Kolb. Though Melissa Bowman founded the band with Spring, halfway through the production process of this film she made the decision to leave the band permanently, in order to pursue other projects and spend more time with her family. At the time the band had just finished recording their sophomore album Redbird, which Bowman was a part of. Bowman was not replaced on the album nor was her name taken off of it, but the band did get with a new member to fill out their sound during live shows, Katrina’s sister Amanda Kolb, who is a fiddle player. Due to this change all five women are featured in the film, however Amanda Kolb is not interviewed by herself. At the time the production was wrapping up Amanda was getting newly acclimated to the group and while she was comfortable with filming in a group setting, she preferred not to do a sit-down interview.
The shooting style of this film is inspired by reflexive and observational style of filmmaking. This required long shots with wide angles in order to ensure the camera did not miss any possible action or dialogue. Due to my desire to adhere to ethnographic standards of participant observation, I did not intervene or attempt to lead the conversation or ask the subjects to do certain things in order to capture it for the film, which means I ended up with hours and hours of natural dialogue between the subjects, and necessitated the use of long shots with minimal use of tight framing. While my personal filming style appreciates the use of close-up shots, this was used sparingly and intuitively. Because of the nature of this film as following a band as well, most of the filming was done in greenrooms and at band practices or onstage during performances. This made it difficult to prepare for shoots, as much of the time was spent on the move and never in the same place twice. Due to this the filming style could be described as utilizing a guerilla approach—mostly handheld single camera work from room corners and in spaces the production did not have the ability to prep or see ahead of time. During a few performances I was able to set up a second stationary camera audience-side in order to get two angles on shows, but I did not have the crew available to do this during other shoots. As well because I did not have the ability to prepare a location before filming there I had to request permission to film in every location we arrived at before recording anything; thankfully I did not run into any instances in which the owners of the venue we were at rejected my request. The one camera setup and unpredictability of uncoached subjects provides a special honesty to the filming that is visible in the film, and harkens to casual methods of reflexivity and observational
8 styles in other ethnographic films, like David MacDougall’s To Live With Herds (1973). As far as a shot list is concerned, I filmed performances, practices, band discussions, individual interviews, recording sessions, and band interactions. The goal was a to acquire as much diverse footage as possible in order to understand the interactions of the band with each other and those around them, to see how their onstage personalities echo themselves offstage, to understand how Southern cultural norms play a role in their everyday lives often without notice.
The shooting schedule for this film stretched from February 2018 to September 2018; while it did not involve a regular or predictable schedule, the majority of the filming occurred over entire days spent with the band as opposed to a few hours at a time. I shot the film this way in order to account for my class schedule at the time, as well as to ensure that my time spent with the band was during important events and when they were all together as well.
Month Filming Sessions February 2018 Writing session; Monticello Opera House performance, greenroom, and soundcheck in Monticello, Florida April 2018 Three days filming recording of new album and performance in Nashville, Tennessee May 2018 Filmed band meeting; soundcheck, and performance at Bowery Station in Apalachicola, Florida June-July 2018 Recorded sit-down interviews individually with band members; band meetings; practices for upcoming album release shows in Gulf Shores, Alabama August 2018 Photo shoot and recording of music video for new album in Apalachicola, Florida September 2018 Filmed album release show at Port Theatre in Port Saint Joe, Florida
Film Structure: From the outset of this project the core methodology of data collection has always been through video-recording with the ultimate purpose of the editing together of this information in a single comprehensive film outlining all of the research conducted. This methodology is used chiefly because of how it allows for the ethnographer to step back and literally put the voices of the subjects first. It was my goal that any resulting analysis or record include the subjects as they are, without my voice speaking for them. The ability of the public to see the band--hear them
9 speak and play--is far more valuable a source than the written record of an ethnographer’s interpretation. The benefit associated with hearing the music and seeing it performed is irrefutable.
The original concept of this project also relied on a more analytical perspective that utilized The Krickets as an example of the folk music genre and as women in the music industry. They were the ethnographic subjects that would support these claims, in the same way that I had planned to rely on historical accounts of the development of folk music and the history of women in music. This would require expert input from professionals in these fields and take away from a focus on these women as individuals with their own stories to tell. In the early stages of field research this perspective altered away from a heavy focus on historical perspectives and literature on folk music and Southern women—and instead moved to focus entirely on these women themselves. The move away from involving “experts” was reliant on the idea that foregrounding the subjects and their stories was more important than trying to understand notions of culture on a broader and more generalized scale. This direction is more directly observational in terms of methodology and relies on The Krickets as the sole perspective. This is assuredly to the benefit of the project because of how it gives the viewer intimate access to how femininity and agency play out in this isolated group and does not attempt to justify the same concepts in a broader whole. The only proper way to discuss ethnographic subjects—especially from a perspective of advocacy of individual voices—is to highlight these voices over everything else. This thesis does not attempt to account for the stories and experiences of all women in music, or all folk musicians, et cetera, but instead understand the perspectives of these five women and how they are relevant to this area of interest. In changing focus this thesis offers the viewer/reader this information not from multiple retellings or interpretations but rather from the women themselves. Though this project has multiple goals, it is my belief as the ethnographer that the first role of anthropology is to provide outlets in which the subjects can speak with their own voices.
Because of this perspective, this project may be deemed observational—it is not my task to draw excessive conclusions about the nature of Southern women in music when these women could do so themselves, so the film does not rely on obvious guidance from myself via voice-
10 over or an onscreen presence. The structure is instead reliant on the guidance of the women through performance and interviews. This information has of course been analyzed here and comes with the support of extensive research and focus allowed through specific schools of theory. This shift of the subject and their voices to the forefront is a vital move that will allow for the easier transmission of these concepts to viewers. By showcasing these women and their individual experiences the viewers can not only understand and relate to them, but also see why it is important that we as researching parties showcase female voices.
For the academic viewer this thesis attempts to reach out and encourage other social scientists to not only speak for their subjects but foregrounds the personal voices of the collaborators and their right to tell their own stories. For the public viewer, this thesis showcases the lives of these women who are mothers and sisters and wives and continue to not compromise themselves or their dreams in that process. They stand as an example of fourth wave feminism, they manage not to compromise their connections to their homes and cultural ideals while they insist on traditionally and culturally unconventional careers as musicians. It is also worth noting that the original plan for the final film structure relied more heavily on a self-reflexive presence from the filmmaker. This was originally planned for because of the simple fact that I identify as female, and in accordance with feminist theory can speak from a point of authority. This was changed in the process because of my desire to focus solely on the perspectives of the women in the band. While interactions between the women and the filmmaker do appear in some places to maintain reflexivity and honesty about the relationships between individuals, they are not at the forefront. Any interactions or references made by the band to myself are examples of the women’s comfort with the camera and me, and are spontaneous interactions occurring without prompting.
Intended Distribution and Audience: As far as distribution is concerned, this edit of the film will serve chiefly as a representation of the data gathered and ethnographic analysis of an all-girl band. It will be screened at my thesis defense for a small audience, and it will be utilized in other venues to showcase my anthropological research. Outside of this environment this edit will also be screened for the subjects, in order to gain feedback for future edits. From there it is my intention
11 to do further editing of the footage in order to submit it to film festivals in the next few years. The chief goal will be documentary film festivals like Full Frame Documentary Film Festival and the Margaret Mead Film Festival. Outside of the film festival circuit I would also be interested in releasing the film for distribution, perhaps with non-profit feminist media production organization Women Make Movies. I hope to continue work on this project in order to achieve further public recognition of the film. The audience this edit aims to capture is primarily academics and other individuals in anthropological fields, and secondarily a public audience interested in folk music and female musicians. In future edits I hope to engage more exclusively a public audience interested in music and female musicians—this is not meant as publicity for The Krickets but rather an attempt to engage people and encourage an appreciation for women in the music industry, as well as for the band’s own brand of folk music. I believe this film will appeal chiefly to music lovers and hopefully to people interested in individuals who are a part of a band. With the release of this film I am conscious of my role as representing these women and though I am not conscious at this time of any possible negative results from public viewing of my portrayal of them, I do hope I can avoid this in the future by screening the edits for the band members and for a few non-biased individuals who can give me honest feedback.
Challenges: Utilizing video-recording equipment as the chief method of data gathering certainly had accompanying difficulties but was a hugely important part of ensuring the validity of the ethnographic voices and encouraging subject autonomy above the ethnographer’s bias. The ethical discussion alone is extensive regarding filming human subjects, and required incredible trust on the part of the band. Because of this proper voluntary informed and documented permission was obtained before the cameras were turned on, as well as agreement from every venue as well. This was incredibly important to ensure ethical representation but was ultimately a more significant part of the process in terms of earning the trust of the people involved and making sure they understand the intentions of the project and believe that I am both trustworthy and capable of achieving what I told the band I was trying to do. Only with this level of understanding between the subjects and myself could proper diligence be done in terms of the access the project required. Because of the sheer volume of the content recorded and the unnatural process of being video-recorded over long periods of time in order to gather as much
12 data as possible, filming absolutely required significant allowance from the band and understanding on my part that the subject’s perception in the public is a responsibility in of itself.
As well, the process of recording data through film instead of more traditional ethnographic methods required a different skill set of the ethnographer, as well as necessitating a certain level of assistance along the way. Much of traditional ethnographic fieldwork is done alone by a solitary researcher, and this was certainly the case for this project as well—but there have been significant portions of this project that required additional people beyond me alone. This is its own logistical challenge and required aid by someone properly informed on how to use the camera and accompanying equipment efficiently. For most of the data recording myself and one camera setup was sufficient, but more than one person was required for filming sit-down interviews and performances in which multiple camera angles were desired. Challenges around this also occurred because when camera assistance was needed, special access also had to be granted to these individuals on a case by case basis.
Anticipated challenges at the beginning of this project mostly centered around the logistics of filming a band while they are on the road and touring. At that time as well, it was a question of how much access would be granted to me in terms of traveling and being able to attend performances, not only in reference to the amount of access the band would allow into their lives but also considering the multiple different locations in which fieldwork was to take place. Permission had to be given to me at every step along the way, not only from the band but from venue owners, sound engineers, photographers, and anyone else involved at each location. It was originally thought that I would travel with the band for a time, however this proved to be unnecessary and illogical, for the most part the band was not consistently touring during this period and instead was playing multiple shows in just Florida and Alabama over an extended period of time, while they prepared and recorded their second album. The travel aspect proved to be the greatest challenge along with coordinating schedules with the individual band members and myself but was however handled successfully. I was able to drive to the locations of the shows and spend up to a few days at a time with the band—which was sufficient in terms of participant observation and collecting data to interpret; namely aspects like band interactions, amount of time spent with family, writing sessions, band meetings, time spent in greenrooms,
13 and soundchecks as well as actual performances. I was also able to travel to Nashville and spent a longer amount of time with the band in the studio while they recorded their second album; this was the farthest traveling location for this project while all other locations were within a five- hour driving radius of where I live.
14 CHAPTER 3
LITERATURE REVIEW
The analysis of this research relies on certain theoretical backgrounds that have shaped both the process of data collection and the formation of an anthropological thesis. More specifically examined in this section are these key themes as they function in anthropological theory. Emphasis will be placed on film theory pertaining to documentary and ethnographic work; under this section will be a discussion of reflexive verses observational filming styles and how this project utilized ethical guidelines of feminist representation in film. Following this will be a discussion of ethnomusicological theory; particularly focusing on historical precedence of folk music and Southern culture, as well as feminist theory as applied to ethnomusicology, then the application of feminist theory to this research more generally. Finishing this section will be a discussion of practice theory and its anthropological applications; this will identify how the concepts of habitus and agency are formative themes for analyzing the relation between The Krickets and their cultural identities.
What is Southern culture? For the purposes of this research the topic of Southern culture must be addressed more generally before applying it to the case at hand and looking more closely at the theoretical concepts that I apply to it. When utilizing the term Southern culture, I mean to refer to a generalized definition that encompasses the South as a region of the United States and also recognize a cultural soverneignty that separates the South socially from the rest of the country. The South has long been associated with a refusal to change in favor of maintaining long- existing ideas and values (Bartley 1988). While I disagree on the principle that culture in its very nature is ever progressing, the connection with the South and tradition is a core aspect when discussing its culture. For this thesis Southern culture refers to the full scope of Southern-defined traits, specifically focus on family and respect for tradition. My concept of Southern culture relies on historical precedence that has served to separate the South from the rest of the country since before the Civil War—namely agrarian systems and ethnic class division, which has served to further encourage a separate history for the South and therefore instill in its people a clear 15 division between them and American people from other regions. Conceptions of a Southern culture rely first and foremost on the social existence of the American South as an entity separate from the rest of the nation—which requires an acknowledgement of the South’s origins, namely the Confederate States of America during the mid-19th century (Cobb 1999). This may seem like a long jump back in time for the purposes of this thesis but conceptions of the South as a separate cultural body begin here and progress through the first half the 20th century in many ways. The center principle of conceptualizing a Southern culture is the emphasis placed on the role of tradition in everyday life. This manifests itself in many ways, however I will mainly be discussing its relevance to conceptions of women’s roles in society, its effects on a musical culture, and the importance it places on the South as a physical space—meaning the role of location in Southern identity. These traits that will be examined are centered in a Southern history that stretches further back than the Civil War however the versions of them here are contemporary and result more to the mid 20th century.
Film Theory and Ethnographic Applications: There are many varying opinions on the role ethnographic film has in the field of anthropology but ultimately summed up, ethnographic film should function in the style of documentary film—with a specific focus on humans and human culture from an anthropological approach (Barbash and Taylor 1997; Heider 2006; Loizos 1993; Pink 2007; Ruby 2000; Sikand 2015). Karl Heider expresses the view that ethnographic film is a method used solely to express knowledge—and therefore intones that neither the creator nor the audience need be anthropologists to participate in the process (2006). Differing from Heider’s opinion, Jay Ruby holds to the idea that it is a medium meant for use only by anthropologists and shown for academic purposes and requires a PhD in anthropology to create (2000). Ruby’s opinion does not allow for the intersection of anthropology with film and takes the artistic bend out of this medium of expression. Despite these differing opinions and those of many other anthropologists and filmmakers, it must be noted that the first priority of the ethnographer is always to the culture they are representing; which brings back why both Heider’s and Ruby’s views on ethnographic film are relevant—though this can be an artistic field, the ethnographer’s responsibility requires them to compromise their desire to create a visually appealing film with their ability to accurately represent their subject; meaning that ethnographer’s view must be
16 scientific over artistic (Ruby 2000). Heider agrees by emphasizing that while film is an art in its own right, it is designed to act as a tool, in this instance a tool to express ethnographic information; over cinematography “ethnography must prevail” (Heider 2006).
Having introduced the relationship between science and art as it applies to anthropological film this section will move to discuss the stylistic filming choices utilized in this project, and its predecessors. At the outset of this research the suspected style mode that influenced all stages of production was reflexive ethnographic film. Reflexive styles of filmmaking rely on a self-aware approach by the ethnographer that acknowledges the presence of the filmmaker while also analyzing the results of that presence, in order to obtain a more ethical and honest result (Heider 2006). An influencing figure in the history of ethnographic film having utilized this style is French filmmaker Jean Rouch; his reflexive style cinema verité relied on a notion of truth and shared anthropological basis among the filmmakers and subjects, and often involved the direct collaboration of both, on screen and in other inventive ways (Henley 2010). Rouch strongly believed in the usefulness of film in ethnography, and his films pushed the field further in terms of reflexivity as well as camera work. Specifically, in his film, Jaguar (1967), he closely involved the subjects in the production; it follows three young men as they travel to the Gold Coast in search of work and Rouch structures it in the form of a narrative, making it feel like a road trip movie (Heider 2006). The film is an expression of agency among the men, which is further encouraged thanks to the fact that Rouch had the men narrate their actions in the film in a recorded voice over (Grimshaw 2009). The act of allowing the men to speak for to their own actions is a prime example of how Rouch contributed to the notion of reflexivity within ethnographic films. In addition to the reflexivity shown in Jaguar, Rouch had also revolutionized the field years before with his film Chronique d’un Été (1961). Expounding his notions of reflexivity, Rouch teamed up with sociologist Edgar Morin to turn the lens from studying culture abroad to studying his own western culture; Parisians (Loizos 1993). Rouch and Morin are active participants on screen, they conduct interviews and interact with their subjects in ways not utilized before. Morin and Rouch also screened rushes for all the actors involved and get their opinions on the film. The result is a fascinatingly collaborative piece which leaves both Morin and Rouch with perhaps more questions than when they began the project (Henley 2010).
17 Worth examining as well for how she successfully utilizes reflexivity in film is Barbara Myerhoff, Oscar-winning ethnographic filmmaker. Her film, In her Own Time directed by Lynne Littmean, tells her own story during the last few months of her life as she battles cancer and continues to conduct research in an Orthodox Jewish community in California (Frank 1995). The film is led along by a series of interviews between Myerhoff and Littmean as she updates the director and the viewer both in the process of her fieldwork but in the progression of her illness. Myerhoff’s role as the cinematic subject in this film is innovative reflexivity; in her case, not only are the people she’s studying speaking for themselves, she is also speaking for herself (Frank 1995). This style is often critiqued by more purist ethnographers, like Jay Ruby, but it is incredibly innovative for ethnographic film as well as cultural anthropology as a whole. The benefit of this type of relationship between subject and filmmaker being expressed on screen is how it allows for the viewer to see the dynamics of the relationship between the two—it allows the viewer to see any bias the filmmaker may have had and is a logical solution for dealing with the power dynamic inherent in filmmaking; the filmmakers actions are not to be interpreted, they are viewable. It also allows the subjects in many ways to speak to the way they have been presented by the filmmakers and endeavors to limit any possibility of misconduct on the part of the filmmaker.
The ethical implications of utilizing a reflexive style in the process of making this film were not lost on me as the ethnographer. The reliance on this mode however was altered due to the introduction of observational film concepts during the production stage of this project. The action of observational cinema relies on extreme abandonment of traditional ethnographic methods of data collection and analysis and invented one that was chiefly immersive and focuses on action rather than explanation (Grimshaw 2010). Often connected at its origin with Rouch’s cinema verité, observational film understands the enactment of truth on film very differently than the open discussion and active collaboration that Rouch employed; instead the mode of truth- telling is often characterized by lack of discussion and explanation of events. Lucien Castaing- Taylor is an experimental observational filmmaker whose notable works include Sweetgrass (2009) and Leviathan (2012). Both films make use of strict observational style, which encourages no recognition of the camera and aims to capture events as if a fly on the wall. Leviathan follows the intensive labor of working on a fishing boat in the North Atlantic in which
18 the viewer is forced into a man verses nature metaphor via observational tactics which are characterized by extreme use of ambient sound and a slower pace providing the full scope of events as they happen (Pavsek 2015). There are no interviews or really any contact between human subjects and the cameras, and the ambient sound is by far the most significant aspect of the film; the viewer is not spared from one aspect of the cacophony of sound on a fishing vessel. There is no organization of events, clear end goal, or true plotline; the viewer is simply taken along on this boat with the crew and will surely leave exhausted. This is the benefit of observational film—the almost direct connection it provides between viewer and subject (Pavsek 2015). The viewer does not need to be told anything or helped along the way, they are expected to keep up.
In contrast to Castaing-Taylor is David MacDougall’s shooting style of participatory observation— which did not engage the filmmaker in direct conversation on screen with the subjects like Rouch did or eliminate all traditional structure for a fully immersive experience like Taylor, but instead neglected to remove his presence from dialogue and allowed the filming to be done through his point of view. MacDougall used this approach most notably in his films To Live with Herds (1973) and A Wife among Wives (1981), which serve as formative examples for the approach taken in this project and the blend of reflexive and observational tactics utilized to ensure ethical representation. The filmmaking style I employed for this project is based off of both reflexive practices and observational styles, in order to achieve the most ethical and thorough depiction of the female subjects. Inspired by the work of Jean Rouch and Barbara Myerhoff this project utilizes reflexivity as a way to equalize the viewer and the subjects—as well as to account for the relationship between the filmmaker and the band and allow for a different level of comfortability between the viewer and the subject, as it is not the intention of this film to idolize these women but rather to connect them to the viewer. As well my project benefits from the inclusion of observational sequences; in a partial connection to the work of Lucien Castaing-Taylor. The observational aspects of this film instead speak more to the participant-observatory style of David McDougall due to how they allow for the lack of filmmaker intervention and the simplicity of the subjects speaking and playing without unnecessary addition, but also do not discourage the interactions between subject and filmmaker.
19 The focus of this section is the discussion of ethical practices of representation in ethnographic film, specifically the representation of women. From this examination we can come to the conclusion that the use of feminist perspectives and practices while filmmaking can help ensure the proper representation of women as compared to non-feminist filmmakers (Columpar and Mayer 2009). The focus on women in this discussion is resultant of the tendency of filmmakers and anthropologists to misrepresent female groups, as well as an opportunity to give examples of the correct methods taken to ensure this does not happen. As anthropologists first and filmmakers second, our main priority is to the community in which we are documenting and it our responsibility to protect the image we display of them to the world (Wissler 2009). Tim Asch has a set of ethical guidelines for the proper execution of ethnographic film; Ethics of Ethnographic Filmmaking details a list of ten steps that a filmmaker can pursue to ensure an ethical product. Of this list, we will look most specifically at steps one through three: know your subjects, avoid misleading biases, and shoot whole events (Asch 1992). The purpose of focusing on these three specifically is how they deal with issues of representation. In a discussion of the ethics surrounding ethnographic film we need to look at the goals of the medium, the main of which are truth and holism (Heider 2006). Truth is a common discussion in ethnography as it is the anthropologist’s goal to depict their subjects as accurately as possible, but this begs the question, how can an anthropologist do so, and how can we, as the readers/viewers, trust the information from the anthropologist to be accurate? The goal of truth is impossible as long as the ethnographer portrays the information without putting it into cultural context, without which a film runs the risk of the viewers misinterpreting what they are seeing. In addition to truth, ethnographic film seeks out holism, herein referring to understanding things in a cultural context by expressing “whole people in whole acts” (Heider 2006). This pushes the ethnographer to depict things as holistically as possible, that the more detailed the world of the subject is shown the better interpreted that information is. These ideals emphasize the importance of discussing my reasoning behind the choices made in this project and requires further discussion on ethical representation of women in film.
The film aspect of this project is inspired by feminist filmmaking practices in order to ensure the proper representation of the women that are its subjects, but also because within both the film and written analysis I am directly engaging topics of gender and feminine identity
20 (Columpar and Mayer 2009). Seminal works that serve as both education on this topic and inspiration for this film are Christine Welsh’s Finding Dawn (2006), Kim Longinotto and Ziba Mir-Hosseini’s Divorce Iranian Style (1998), and Melissa Llewelyn-Davies’ The Women’s Olamal (1985). In Finding Dawn Welsh, a Métis woman, discusses the estimated five hundred Aboriginal women who have gone missing in Canada over the last thirty years. Welsh’s position as a member of the community her film discusses encourages a reflexive filmmaking style and helps to ensure an ethical representation of her female subjects by maintaining her connection to them—she has a direct understanding of the culture of violence against Aboriginal women. She states that her goal in creating this film is to give a face to these women and make sure they are properly represented (Finding Dawn 2006). Welsh balances reflexivity to the benefit of the film while maintaining the focus on her subjects. Welsh’s success in this task serves as inspiration for this project—though the film attempts to utilize a predominantly observational format to ensure the accuracy of the information, the elements of reflexivity that do remain are only there to give insight into my relationships with the subjects and to provide a more thorough representation of the personalities of the women. While the subject matter is very different than that of this project, I maintain Finding Dawn’s influence over this film centers on its highly ethical representation of its female subjects and sensitive subject matter. Keeping this element of reflexivity in mind, my choice to forefront the voices of the subjects blends both reflexive and observational methods to the benefit of the project.
This style choice is also in part inspired by Divorce Iranian Style (1998), a film following the divorce proceedings of three couples in Tehran, an intimate look at how the Iranian judicial system blends state law with religious law. Relying on the simple hustle and bustle of the small courtroom the camera follows the action in a fly-on-the-wall manner. The main subjects at the heart of the chaos are the wives, all of whom are attempting to get divorces from their husbands, which while possible is very limited in Iran, and risks the loss of large sums of money for the women. The outcome is a film in which the women speak directly and loudly with their own voices, allowing them the chance to assert their independence and their rights as women. In this film the female subjects are not belied by excessive voice-overs or story-guiding from the filmmakers but instead are seen speaking with their own voices. The success of this film is how the female subjects are able to represent themselves—an observational method so inherently
21 feminist because of how it recognizes the women’s abilities to be independent and does not rely on either the male subjects or female filmmakers to speak for them. By using minimal voiceover, the filmmakers are minimizing their personal role in presenting the subject to the audience and serving as an example of proper ethnographic filmmaking and a source of inspiration for this project. The final example of feminist ethnographic film that served as formative for the stylistic approach of the project is The Women’s Olamal (1985), a film following four women of the Maasai people as they seek the permission of the male elders in their community to perform an olamal, an important ceremony meant to aid in female fertility. Llewlyn-Davies exhibits the dynamics of Maasai culture and the role of female subordination in that culture through sit down interviews and observational sequences (Grimshaw 2001). This film is crafted through a gendered lens, Llewlyn-Davies only interviews the women and does not ask the men’s perspective. As well, the women manage to assert their agency to the viewing audience by speaking boldly of their hardships conceiving children and to the male elders through acts of refusal via public outbursts of wailing and threats of curses. In this way, like the other films discussed here The Women’s Olamal forefronts the voices and perspectives of its female subjects. All of these films directly engage ethical practices of female representation in ethnographic cinema, and thus form the basis of this project’s stylistic approach in terms of filming and editing.
Practice Theory and Anthropology: The significant theoretical literature to understand in order to account for the analysis of this ethnography is based in practice theory and its application in anthropology. Practice theory is a consequential approach in post-modern anthropology that emphasizes an understanding of the role of the individual in their own culture (Bourdieu 1977; de Certeau and Mayol 1998; Giddens 1979; Ortner 1984 and 2006; Sahlins 2013). Pierre Bourdieu introduced practice theory as a method to combat problems he saw with objectivism; namely the tendency to view culture as performative, which encourages separation between the ethnographer and the subject. Prescribers to objectivism only relate actions to their personal perceptions of them which does not allow for ethically unbiased conclusions. As well Bourdieu saw fault in the lack of control objectivism grants the subject over their own social structure. Practice theory relies on the idea
22 that ethnographers must engage with structures within a culture (and the subject’s perception of those structures) and expend their own existing structures—or habitus—in order to do so (Bourdieu 1977). The ability to engage possible futures in the present raises an existential argument for Bourdieu in which he uses the metaphor of sport to explain how we all are essentially players in a game we become invested in as we are born into it. The game being a social contract, arbitrary in nature and unavoidable in practice. The anthropologist enters a new game when engaging with a culture foreign to them, and therefore must learn the rules of the practice. Bourdieu then takes this concept and applies it to how practice is expressed physically in individuals through habitus, which accounts for a system of structures that shapes culture; though being directly influenced by past experience habitus is a living and moving entity that is expressed on an individual basis first—though individuals within a group are predisposed to have the same social structures. Habitus constructs the world in such a way that people are able to observe how its structures shape their world and how they can shape it around those already existing structures—essentially encouraging a theoretical middle ground in terms of approaching and observing social structure, it is not enough to assume that people have complete control or that they have no control at all (Bourdieu 1977; Sahlins 2013). By utilizing the concept of habitus Bourdieu is able to always relate back to culture instead of structural or economic approaches.
Entering into this conception of control an individual has over their own cultural placement and function introduces the concept of agency to practice theory. Individual agency is structured within individual habitus and responds to the existential deluge practice theory provides—agency is about intentionality; to what extent are people in control of their actions, or are conscientious of their habitus? Agency accounts for the individual as a social actor--meaning they are a participant in these systems and rules, and therefore can retain some control and awareness of these underlying structures (Giddens 1979). Despite this balancing concept, Bourdieu’s introduction to practice theory does not thoroughly account for the role of social change, nor does he address the concept of subculture. Since Bourdieu’s introduction to this theory with Outline of a Theory of Practice (1977) there have been many adjustments made and discussions had regarding how concepts of cultural structures and individual agency interact (Giddens 1979; Ortner 2006; Sahlins 2013). Other major developments in the field of practice
23 theory are thanks to Anthony Giddens, Michel de Certeau, and Marshall Sahlins, all of whom dealt directly with the relationship between agency and structure, but the other theorist worth highlighting for the purposes of this project is Sherry Ortner. Ortner’s work in practice theory account first for a history of its development, starting with concepts of the role of structuralism in society taken from Marx and Weber and into its application on a cultural and individual level. Ortner’s work looks at individual agency but specifically its relation to larger societal dynamics of power structures and oppression of peoples (Ortner 2006). Her work looks more at the relationship between the practice of individuals and the system and elucidates social structure as a game of power dynamics that shape individual action. Ortner’s development of practice theory champions the concept of agency and the belief that despite systems of inequality in practice, individuals do not have to follow the guidelines of systems of oppression—because humans have the ability to make and unmake it. The success of practice theory and the reason for its employment in this ethnography is how it opens up the possibility of studying individual perspectives within much larger systems (Ortner 2006). As well, practice theory’s appearance in the 1980s shows its political motivations and secures its home in the postmodern camp of anthropological theory. Without which the larger scope of feminist theory in anthropology would not be as developed as it is today, because of how practice theory engages directly with concepts of structural oppression and individual agency. Much of feminist theory is built on concepts of individual female agency and the ability of human subjects to respond to their environment and act against the inherent structures that shape their lives.
Feminist Theory and Anthropology: Concepts of agency and individual control that were opened up in anthropology by practice theorists also paved the way to even more individualistic examinations of culture; specifically, gendered studies and feminist anthropology. Though feminist theory had existed for some time before Bourdieu’s introduction, it’s obvious connection to practice theory ensured its grounding in post-modern anthropology. Iconic scholars in early woman’s studies include theorists Simone De Beauvoir and Betty Friedan, whose works identified women as an ‘Othered’ population and examined the American housewife in the mid- twentieth century (Beauvoir 1953; Friedan 1953). These works are formative because they recognized women as worthy of ethnographic study—and actively researched a large population that was not being examined.
24 Though the ideas expressed in these works look very different than the work being done today in feminist studies, the concepts and attention they provide remains perennial. The theoretical perspectives of these pioneers have gained traction in other fields and continue to be examined in terms of development and political climate (Butler 2011; Chodorow 1974; Conboy et. al 1997; Munro 2013; Walker 2001). Feminist theorists like Judith Butler, Ealasaid Munro, and Rebecca Walker have tracked the movement of feminist theory and gender politics socially since the 1950’s and have identified cultural epochs and the political transitions of identity politics.
Though this field of study is by its nature politically charged and under heavy influence of the current cultural climate, there has been and will continue to be multiple seminal works in anthropology focusing on identity politics and female representation. Much of this discussion centers on the process of ethical representation of human subjects, and what role the ethnographer plays in this process (Abu-Lughod 1990; Mascia-Lees et. al 1989; Ortner 1974; Rosaldo 1974; Yanagisako and Collier 1987). The general consensus in feminist writings seem to take a disappointed tone: post-modern theories in anthropology and ethnomusicology alike encourage new ground-breaking perspectives that have more often than not been used to great benefit by feminist theorists for decades (Mascia-Lees et. al 1989; Koskoff 2014). Despite this the theorists have usually been disparaged by other scholars for supposedly not adding sufficient work to most fields (Clifford 1986; Abu-Lughod 1992). There is clearly a benefit to a theoretical school that is affected by contemporary politics and social movements—the result is a field utilizing multiple perspectives and encouraging the ethical development of anthropology as a whole. For example, Lila Abu-Lughod’s work Writing Women’s Worlds focuses on the stories of Bedouin women (1992). Taking a nod from James Clifford’s “Partial Truths” within Writing Culture (1986) Abu-Lughod directly discusses the role of the ethnographer as one of inherent power over the subject—in order to combat her role in this narrative she lays out exactly the problem with representation in her introduction, she foregrounds the voices and stories of her female subjects, she details her personal connection to the culture, and she avoids a conclusion and therefore avoids the tendency of the anthropologist to tie up the information in a ‘this is what I’ve learned’ section. As well, Writing Women’s Worlds specifically utilizes the stories of her subjects in their own voices as the principle mode of getting information across. By doing so Abu-Lughod avoids dangerous generalizations among her collaborators and ensures individual
25 representation. Her work utilizes experimental methods of writing to ensure ethical and complete representation of her subjects and has served as inspiration for how I approached this project, especially in terms of avoiding cultural generalizations by foregrounding the subjects voices.
Ethnomusicology and Folk Music: The other significant area of study that is applied in this research is ethnomusicology and an understanding of the Southern cultural history of folk music. While it is of value to understand how ethnomusicology can be generally applied to this study, that task would prove too large for the purposes of this project. The notable figures in the field, namely Mantle Hood and Alan Merriam, have contradicting opinions on the role of ethnomusicology in anthropology however its application is unavoidable to this research and formative in analyzing data (Hood 1982; Merriam 1964; Rice 2014). For the purpose of this proposal the focus is on women in folk music, in order to understand the narrative The Krickets are telling. Research performed on the history of folk music has helped to build a background of the genre in the South, specifically the history of the folk revival in the mid-twentieth century (Cohen 2012; Filene 2000; Linn 1994). This elucidates the origins of Southern folk with traditional songs from the British Isles as well as predominately African melodies and slave songs in the 19th century and declares a revival of folk in the dust-bowl era South (Cohen 2012). The connection between folk music and Southern culture is implicit—the success of the early folk artist and folk music as a genre unto itself has to do with the way it allowed artists to tell stories. The South has long been viewed as holding onto to tradition over progress and its people harkening back to an old agrarian lifestyle (Bartley 1989). The resulting image is one of a poor old-fashioned people—a working class. The artists who gained popularity used this image to their advantage, they told their own stories, used readily available instruments, and related well their audience. Into the mid 20th century we see the height of the resurgence and the immortalization of folk artists like Woody Guthrie and Bob Dylan who played contemporary roots music, and country and bluegrass artists like Johnny Cash and Emmylou Harris—the ancestors of the folk music performed by The Krickets, while maintaining the public memory of traditional folk songs like “Down to the River” (Filene 2000). In the latter half of the 20th century the folk revival was alive within rock music; artists like Joni Mitchell and John Prine utilized folk melodies and traditional instruments to make rock inspired beats. Today this style remains popular with the addition of indie rock and pop music.
26 Moving more specifically to examine women in music, we can look at the history of American women musicians and teachers and general breakdowns of gender roles in music— which is important background information to correctly analyze contemporary notions of the same thing (Ammer 2001; Bufwack and Oermann 1993; Cook and Tsou 1994; Drinker and Solie 1995; Koskoff 2014). Female artists like Emmylou Harris were vital figures in maintaining the relevance of American folk music (Ammer 2001; Bufwack and Oermann 1993). Despite the significance of women’s musical roles there is a distinct lack of study done in anthropology or ethnomusicology that focuses on feminist perspectives on women in music, however this appears to be changing (Ammer 2001; Drinker and Solie 1995; James 2015; Macarthur 2010; McClary 1991; Truchly 1999). Pursuing information on women in music more generally leads well into work on feminist theory in music and its relation to anthropology. Ellen Koskoff is a feminist ethnomusicologist who has written extensively on feminism’s role in musicology as well as ethnography as a whole (1987; 2005; 2014). Her work connects feminist theory to ethnomusicology and the lack of work that has been done to examine women who play music on a cultural level. There is no shortage on theoretical discussions surrounding the need and benefit of feminist ethnography in ethnomusicology, and while this is important and encouraging, there is markedly less actual ethnography being done to combat this.
There are some ethnomusicologists and anthropologists who are endeavoring to take an active and specific look at musical women from varying cultures however; for example, Sonja Downing’s work on the gender roles associated with performing Balinese Gamelan music and the recent acceptance and cultural shift allowing women to play Gamelan drums both examines the political and cultural climate that has shifted in order to accept women playing, and also the significance to the women that they are able to. Her work directly engages ethnomusicological theory as well as concepts of agency in feminist theory (Downing 2010). Another example is Jane Sugarman’s work among Prespa Albanian people and the distinct gender division associated with singing and other musical performance. She examines the cultural importance of this manner of gender separation as well as what this means for women in this culture (Sugarman 1989). There have been some ethnographies focusing on women and music (mostly written by female scholars) however in the process of researching this information and preparing for the project, I was forced to confront the reality that there is a minimum number of significant
27 ethnographies discussing musical women in the West. There are works on the development of feminist movements within music, like the Riot Grrrl punk rock culture of the 1990’s (Downes 2012), but these do not take an anthropological approach to culture or the representation of women. Analyses of Southern women playing Southern music were certainly not identified in ethnomusicology or anthropology, though there is extensive research on Southern culture in the genre of Folk Studies. This project will serve to hopefully encourage the breaking of that trend and encourage Western anthropologists to recognize the wealth of culture in their own environments.
28 CHAPTER 4
DISCUSSION AND ANALYSIS
Having thoroughly discussed both the existing contributing literature as well as the methodological approaches taken in preparation for this study, we can now move on to analyze the data that has been collected. The purpose of this section is to fully address the research questions discussed in the introduction and elucidate for the reader/viewer how conceptions of gender roles, Southern culture, and music combine to create the narrative told by The Krickets— and provide an example of agency in action both in support of and against the notion of cultural habitus acting upon the female subjects. The research questions that will be addressed focus on the role of agency as a method of compensation for the existential reality involved in limiting social and cultural structures that habitus accounts for. Specifically viewing how cultural notions of femininity are limiting structures among these subjects, but more importantly how they react to these limiting structures through the performance of traditional-style folk music. The analysis for this project will be divided by major theme in order to better understand how they interact together; the major themes will be addressed in order to gain greater understanding while also discussing how practice theory applies to each. The process of analysis required both cataloging and reviewing of the video recorded information as well as the detailed written notes by myself that took the place of video when recording was not available. The process of reviewing this information has resulted in the following conclusions and provided room for possible future research, which will also be discussed here following current findings.
Femininity: Concepts of femininity and gender roles are inherent in the progress of this project because of having all female subjects. This section is meant to forefront the nature of the subjects as identifying as female and the associated implications, however it does not intend to raise a discussion about sexism or gendered violence. Though these concepts are addressed in some ways the subjects of this study do not view femininity and their own personal womanhood as requiring a discussion of victimization or lack of recognition based on their gender. These are of course vital discussions to have, they are just not the purpose of this research nor something I 29 found to be an important topic to the women this study focuses on. In order to ensure ethical representation of these women it is important that this project do not attempt to address or engage with topics not encouraged by the women themselves. In the process of fieldwork, I found a true lack of interest among the women when the topics of sexism and gendered discrimination were brought up; they do not view these concepts as applying to them in many ways. Instead, this study addresses how these subjects view and express their femininity, how they live up to expectations of womanhood, and how they do not. In addition, this section will also discuss how individual agency is a vital part of their personal expression and their presence and image as a band, as well as perhaps why these women do not feel the need to discuss discrimination or political activism in support of women.
As I have addressed what is meant generally by utilizing the term Southern culture it is also worth examining the trend of women performing folk and country music in order to understand the band’s relationship to the music industry but also to larger conceptions of women’s experiences in the industry. Before The Krickets formed there were multiple key examples of women performing Southern culture musically who also interacted with expectations of femininity and women’s roles. In early conceptions of folk and bluegrass music, any female performers were usually related to male acts—they were either husband and wife duos like Sally Ann and Howdy Forrester or part of a family band, like the Carters (Bufwack and Oermann 1993). Women were not able to easily break into the music industry on their own the first time. As an example of someone that has, Dolly Parton has reached great success in the music industry as a solo act for her entire career. Her brand early on in her career played with concepts of gender performance and cultural expectations of women. She is well known for her physical appearance, and her aversion to stereotypes of the voluptuous, oversexed, and undereducated image associated with women of her “hillbilly” upbringing (Hoppe 2017). In the face of this type of gender-based discrimination Parton has made a career in which she speaks actively against gender inequality in the music industry and otherwise—and while she has had an occasionally scandalous reputation her career has flourished thanks to her intelligence and dedication. Parton’s success comes in part from how she utilizes performance to express her femininity and sexuality—instead of adhering to traditional and sexist conceptions of women’s roles Parton plays them out to her benefit. By owning her identification as a Southern woman
30 and interacting with expectations inherent in that relationship she subverts the boundaries that cultural identification places on her. In this vein as well, folk country group The Dixie Chicks also have played closely with conceptions of Southern femininity—namely Southern women’s expectations of demure silence. Despite holding an image of sweetness and innocence (one The Krickets know all too well), the women of The Dixie Chicks interacted with concepts of third wave feminism in the 1990’s that shows in their music and performance personalities. Lead singer, Natalie Maines claims to have been reprimanded on multiple occasions by label executives for cursing and drinking on stage and writing lyrics with sexual innuendos (Hiatt 2013). Being an all-girl group from Texas, the image of the band was often associated with traditional Southern women’s roles despite the fact that their music did not project this. Songs like “Goodbye Earl” and “Sin Wagon” told stories about a woman killing her abusive husband, and used the phrase ‘mattress dancing’ to the horror of their conservative Southern fanbase. This was all taken in stride for the most part until a performance in London in 2003, in which Maines told the crowd that she did not agree with the President Bush’s invasion of Iraq and disparished that he was from Texas. The backlash these comments received from their fanbase and the American media was extreme—radio stations boycotted their albums, they were nicknamed the ‘Dixie Sluts’ and were immediately shamed for expressing a political opinion in the first place (Campbell 2003). Fox News personality Bill O’Reilly famously stated on television that they “deserved to be slapped around,” for the statement (Hiatt 2013). The band’s success during this time plummeted quickly and in the years since they have never been able to gain back the popularity they had before. Most of the backlash had to do with the public’s utter shock that the band would have these opinions in the first place and the general reaction was that the women had no business expressing their political opinions. This reaction seems startling; is it not common for musicians and artists to use their public platforms to further their personal agendas, political or otherwise? Why is it that this group of women playing country music faced such distain? Many other artists throughout time have said scandalous things that have not been treated so extremely. In the aftermath of this The Dixie Chicks did not apologize or back down from their positions, which did not help theirs careers. It seems to me that the problem in the first place with this incident is that The Dixie Chicks never tried to adhere to the public’s expectations of them as quiet and docile women. By declaring their personal identities in spite of the blow to their reputations the band fell into the trap of what the public expects from women. The industry
31 was alright with them as long as they adhered to a specific ideal of Southern gender roles. When the band’s performance of gender turned political and actively defied political Southern ideals at the time they were spurned. The Krickets play with this line in a way far more subtle than The Dixie Chicks—and in an environment that is likely more welcoming because of the actions of The Dixie Chicks, but they do play with these notions.
The legacies of these women are examples of the role gender performance plays in music and its connection to Southern culture. The women of The Krickets express femininity in many viewable ways; they identify as women and they view the reality of making up an all-girl group as niche in of itself. They actively utilize their identification as women as a marketing tool that sets them apart from other folk bands—which certainly works to gain them recognition and may help get people in the door, as Lauren Spring said, “I think that we’ve been given a lot of opportunity because we have a lot of novelty to us…its different to see girls pick up their instruments and play, it’s just a little more different than seeing four boys do it…” (Lightle 2019). They are clearly aware of their own femininity and express it in their clothing, their music, and generally how they present themselves as a band. Because they utilize their femininity to their advantage as a band they do live up to expectations of women’s roles in multiple ways. In their personal lives three of the original members are married mothers that adhere to a traditional view of motherhood and the importance of putting family first. During performances they usually coordinate outfits and adhere to a dress code that they have described as ‘kricket-esque’, which usually consists of flowing dresses and loose long hair. This is a clear performance of gender on the physical body of the band members and harkens to Gender Trouble’s discussion of the ritualized and culturally repetitive acts that cement our understanding of gender (Butler 2011). By performing these roles of gender they reaffirm their existence. This adheres to an image of the band as ultra-feminine, but more than that it makes them appear soft and delicate and reaffirms their role as women. This image they embody on stage harkens to the concept of their first album, Spanish Moss Sirens. The goal of this album was to conjure an image of a culturally Southern version of a siren—a feminine and innocent appearing creature whose depths are revealed as they lure sailors to their deaths (Ang-Mendoza 2017). The symbolism of a musical siren and its feminist applications are significant and applicable here (Austern and Naroditskaya 2006). The Krickets embody these concepts of innocence in their
32 physical image and take advantage of their audiences focus on the femininity of the band, while they destroy these expectations with their lyrics. Much like the mythical siren whose beauty serves as a distraction and veil for their true message. In this way they manage to also ignore the expectations of femininity in their performance, their music is of course beautiful but by no means is it polite or innocent. The title song from that album, The Song of the Spanish Moss Sirens, written by Melissa Bowman, serves as a metaphor for this phenomenon. “We know that you are weary, we know that you are cold, But do not fear, take shelter here in our oak and cedar cove, We will warm and calm you as the hurricane winds blow, To port, you’ll learn, you can’t return as we three lasses know,” (Bowman 2016).
Off stage the women live up to expectations of kindness and welcoming, but they are not demure or quiet at all. In this way as well, they go against ideals about the role of women as quiet figures in the background. On the contrary they are loud, they joke and laugh boisterously, and they drink and curse liberally. Katrina Kolb as well is the only member of the band who is unmarried without children, an example in of itself of subversion of ideals of femininity for her age. The juxtaposition between the two is fascinating and specifically recalls in me the first day of research done, an evening spent in a greenroom before a show; Stuckey, Spring, and Kolb all drink Coors Light while Bowman breastfeeds her six-month old son Bowie. The topic of discussion is bikini waxing and a man Kolb recently met on Tinder. The level of comfort apparent in talks like this in front of a camera and myself as a relative stranger speak more to the dispositions of the subjects than most anything else. I recall being told by one or more of the women multiple times, “Don’t put that in the film!” which always received a large laugh from the other women. It is apparent that despite notions of habitus that are associated with women in most Western cultures—this meaning the expectation of women to play a quieter role in society than men (Butler 2011), that the women of The Krickets have found their own methods of combatting these inherent structures with individual agency. In the case of femininity this is seen in the appearance they project of living up to these roles, the women’s veiled expression of deeper subjects within their music, and their boldness among each other. The band manages to both project an image of upholding their habitus as women, while also exercising their agency as well.
33 Southern Culture and Tradition: Notions of habitus while relating well to Western femininity are also closely applicable more specifically to Southern culture and the role of tradition therein. The concept of tradition as it applies to this project has already been described previously but will be addressed here in terms of the cultural reliance on maintaining aspects of culture that have been passed down through generations of Southerners. Tradition relies on this concept of giving the younger generation both items and ideals that will aid in holding a line of connection between the past and the present (Hobsbawm and Ranger 2012). This concept is generally applicable however it should be stated that each one of the female subjects, while considering themselves Southern, identify different concepts of a Southern tradition (Bartley 1989). This may be in part because of the different physical locations in the American South that they identify with however it appears to be more individualistic than simply geographical location. The cultural constructions that apply to these women and inform their individual habitus are involved in concept of femininity, but also in motherhood and women’s familial roles. Generalized conceptions of Southern culture posit that women marry young, have children, and run a household, all while maintaining an appropriate etiquette (Beaver 1988; Bernhard 1992). These conceptions may read as old- fashioned and certainly are in some ways, however the spirit of them remains in contemporary Southern people and practice. That is the backdrop of expectations surrounding these subjects that make up their habitus and they do live up to them in some ways. As stated, three of the original members are married, two of which daylight as stay-at-home mothers. At first glance all the women appear the part as well, lovely and sweet dispositions are aided by differing Southern accents from all. Band member Lauren Spring also lives up to these expectations in her own way as she owns and runs two clothing boutiques in her home of Port Saint Joe. She both subverts her habitus by owning a business while also having two children and upholds it by working in a seemingly feminine industry.
At the same time, much with concepts of femininity more specifically the women exert their agency in their own ways, which subverts expectations associated with their habitus. Kolb for example is neither married nor a mother but is a fulltime graduate student at Southern Alabama University in her early thirties. She has chosen to forego building a family early in her life in favor of higher education. As well member Emily Stuckey is a stay-at-home mother, but
34 while touring regionally her husband takes the time off work to stay with their two young children. Perhaps the most interesting example of the utilization of agency in the face of a Southern culture within the band however is when founding member Melissa Bowman made the decision in the Summer of 2018 to leave the band in order to stay at home and care for her children. I propose that the choice of Bowman to leave the band is not an adherence to Southern tradition, which often is viewed as a type of female oppression—but instead is the active expression of Bowman’s individual agency in the face of these social structures. Just as Bowman and the other band members have made the choice previously to start and participate in a band, Bowman is choosing at this point to stop touring and participating in The Krickets as a function of her desire spend more time with her family and provide a safer environment for her children. While this is an expression of habitus at the same time it is also an example of agency—because Bowman is actively choosing it.
Folk Music: Agency is also of course applicable to the concept of folk music as it is a major theme of this project. The action of musical performance is a core concept and representation of the action agency takes among these women. The boldest and most expressive way that they exert their agency and subvert their habitus is through performance. There is an important element of tradition associated with the music performed by The Krickets—it is folk music and directly inspired by the music the individual band members grew up listening to and learning to play from a young age and is regionally influenced (Lornell 2012). Both Katrina Kolb and her sister Amanda Kolb learned their respective instruments (standup bass and fiddle) while touring on the road with their family bluegrass band as children, and Melissa Bowman’s father was a session musician at the Muscle Shoals Sound Studio in Alabama, a historic location for folk and Americana music that saw musicians like Willie Nelson, Joe Cocker, Paul Simon, and Cat Stevens come through its doors (Whitley 2011). The musicians who ran the studio called themselves Swampers and were responsible for creating folk and bluegrass music as we know it today; The Krickets ‘swamp-folk’ sound may indeed be in part an homage to this legacy. The other members of the band also grew up in musical households and have had a lifelong passion for folk. There is a clear element of the role tradition plays in Southern culture in the maintenance of this connection to a past expression of cultural identity. Folk music is so tied into
35 the habitus of all the women in the band that it raises existential questions; would the women ever play another type of music? In interviews with individual members I asked this question and was met generally with surprise; it appears that The Krickets had never even contemplated writing and performing in another genre and seemed genuinely confused as to why I felt that question was of relevance. This only serves to prove the connection between folk music and the band’s individual habitus.
In terms of agency’s role in the band’s music, performance must be addressed. The very action of performance requires the women to object Southern cultural norms of the role of women—the performance demands attention from an audience, requires assertiveness from the performers, and physically keeps the women from their families in its action. Though through their ministrations and appearances the band keeps a guise of allegiance to concepts of Southern femininity, they are inherently going against these ideals by being a part of the band in the first place. In the production of their second album as well they have made more clear moves of individual agency—the production of the album involves sonic elements that serve to further pull the band away from traditional folk music. The whole album has a much stronger percussive thread through it that does not conform to traditional folk and bluegrass styles (Burrison 2003). As well, the band utilized more some more modern and electric instruments as opposed to the stripped-down harmony heavy acoustic bend of the first album; Katrina Kolb played an electric bass on some of the songs in addition to her normal upright bass, and Melissa Bowman recorded on a gitjo (half banjo half electric guitar) instead of a traditional banjo. More specifically, the band maintains their cultural expectations by performing the type of music their families taught and passed on to them, but simply by performing at all they have found an avenue in which they can exercise individual agency in the face of Southern social structures and expectations.
36 CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSIONS
After focusing on the core themes of this research individually, how can all of this data serve to explain to the reader who the band member are? The Krickets utilize notions of femininity to their advantage in performance, they understand how they are perceived as women and they market themselves to this. At the same time however they have found a way to subvert these clichés in a personal and feminist way—they present their image of kindness and naiveté while singing about things that might be construed as less than savory in adherence with a traditional Southern concept of femininity and the role of women. Topics like infidelity, sex, and resurrection couple with songs about motherhood, homesickness, and remembrance. They understand how they embody both sides of this dichotomy; and they use it to their advantage. Off the stage as well the women are kind and welcoming while also being brash and direct. All of this information aids in the idea that the women manage to enact their cultural habitus while also subverting it and acting with their own agency. Perhaps the women’s adherence to cultural norms is more a choice of agency than an unconscious acceptance of their social position and inherent roles as Southern women. Ultimately the role agency and independent control plays within the women in The Krickets appears to me as just as inherent an occurrence as the role of habitus. It does seem this dichotomy is something comfortable within the women, a form of codeswitching that allows them to move comfortably within these lines. The application of practice theory to this project allowed me to draw conclusions about how concepts of individual identity and a culture’s social structure both can coexist within an individual as well as grate against one another. The Krickets maintain their cultural roles and their actions speak against them. By utilizing feminist approaches to ethnography, I was also able to study this dichotomy as ethically as possible and ensure representation of the women on the part of the ethnographer as well as on their own part was complete, ‘whole people in whole acts’ (Heider 2006). By utilizing the process of video recording as the chief method of data gathering I was able to ensure the accuracy of events and allow the subjects to speak for themselves. In addition, the process of video recording provided a medium in which the viewers of this work will be able to see these interactions for themselves as well as to experience the music. 37 Having analyzed this data and drawn appropriate conclusions about the nature of cultural identity verses individual identity, the possible implications of this research must be discussed. The application of practice theory as a theoretical backdrop for ethnographic data is not a new concept, nor is the application of feminist theory in anthropology. This project’s success relies on its acknowledgement how these concepts fit together, but mostly in the support of the claims made in the analysis on screen. The ability of the reader and the viewer to not only read the opinions of the ethnographer but also see the evidence for how I came to these conclusions in the first place. The true success of this project is how the thoroughness of research and support allow for ethical representation of the subjects, and aids in the elimination of the ethnographer as the authority figure in the process. Too often in the scope of ethnographic work has the anthropologist been able to utilize their excessive authority to the detriment of their subjects; by applying both a written section and film for this research I hope to combat this tendency as much as possible. As for future implications in terms of ethical representation, I hope to see more examples of ethnographic film coupled with written analyses and study guides. Though this project is by no means the first to do so, if it could assist in continuing this type of methodological approach to ethnographic research then it will have served its purpose.
It is also my hope that this research will serve as contributing to the field of cultural anthropology as whole—specifically in terms of benefits of video ethnography, feminist anthropology, and in the studying of Western cultures. As discussed previously, the amount of work done in anthropology on other cultures has allowed the ethnographer some distance, both physically and emotionally from their subjects. It has encouraged an unequal power dynamic in the past and though anthropology today is bent on destroying this reality, it still exists. One of the best ways to understand this dynamic and view it is to conduct research in your own backyard. When you hold more cultural aspects in common with your subjects it forces a change in perspective that can then be applied to the more ethical study of foreign cultures and peoples. Aside from the ethical applications, there seems to have been an idea in anthropology in the past that posits Western cultures as not worthy of study. In relation to Bourdieu’s ideas about practice theory, the anthropologist is tasked with abandoning their own set of game rules (their habitus) in order to be reborn in another culture and truly understand it (Bourdieu 1977). Would this concept not also apply to studying cultures closer to the anthropologists, or even the
38 anthropologist’s culture itself? Could one not attempt to apply methods of studying foreign culture to their own? Would this also not ensure the anthropologists ethical connection to their own culture?
As well in terms of subject matter, this project will serve to full some gaps in anthropological research on culture in the American South and Southern women specifically as human subjects. There is an unfortunate lack of research done on this population, and though this research is just one specific case study and does not attempt to understand the entire scope of Southern folk music culture, or Southern women, or even female performers, it can serve as a thorough example of how to conduct ethnography on this culture, and what to expect from further research. In terms of which, there is plenty of room in this study for future work and data collection, both which this specific population, but more so with the focus of women in folk music as a whole. There are many different areas of focus that are available as well, including studying motherhood in folk performers, the different receptions between male and female folk performers et cetera. Another topic that is worthy of discussion but could not fit in this project is more a focused study on the role of female oppression and gendered violence in the music industry. There is plenty of historical precedence for this type of research and there is a clear politically feminist interest in studies like this currently—it is something I would be interested in pursuing in the future. Outside of this, the realm of women in Southern culture is vastly unexamined and there is plenty room for study within this topic for future projects.
39 APPENDIX A
IRB EXEMPTION
p 1 of 1
FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY OFFICE of the VICE PRESIDENT for RESEARCH
To: Caitlyn Lightle Anthropology
From: Office of Human Subjects
Date: April 17, 2019
Study Title: The Krickets
The Office of Human Subjects at Florida State University has received your determination form for the above-referenced project.
It has been determined that your project does not constitute “human subjects research” as defined by DHHS and/or FDA regulations, and thus does not require IRB review or approval.
Note that this determination applies only to the activities submitted as part of this determination form, and does not apply should any changes be made to your project. If changes are made and there are questions about whether these activities are research involving human subjects, please submit a new request to the Office of Human Subjects for a determination.
Please retain a copy of this memo for your records.
Thank you.
Institutional Review Board, Human Subjects Office [email protected]/850-644-7900
40 APPENDIX B
VIDEO RELEASE FORMS
41
42 VIDEO RELEASE FORM
The Krickets
Spring 2018
The “THE KRICKETS” film project is being conducted by Caitlyn Lightle. The purpose of this film is to produce a documentary video about folk band The Krickets.
I,_Amanda______Kolb , give Caitlyn Lightle permission ____ to use my name ____ to use my filmed or photographed image, likeness, and performance ____ to use my voice ____ to use all filming equipment in my home or place of business
I agree that the program may be edited as desired by Caitlyn Lightle, and I hereby grant unconditional permission to this individual to use the program, in whole or part, for both private and/or public broadcasting, audio/visual, and/or exhibition purposes.
I understand that I have no rights to the program or control of or any benefits derived there from. I expressly release Caitlyn Lightle from any and all claims arising out of the use of this program.
I agree that I am over 18 years old and that I have the right to enter this agreement.
This agreement represents the entire understanding of the parties and may not be amended unless mutually agreed to by both parties in writing.
Participant’s Name: ______Amanda Kolb Participant’s Signature: ______Date: ______04/03/2019 Address: ______12914 Riverview Rd Daphne, AL 36526 D______Phone/Email: ______251-401-4912
43
44
45 APPENDIX C
FILM ONE SHEET
The Krickets
SWAMP FOLK SIRENS
Caitlyn Lightle
A Masters student at Florida State University focusing on Ethnographic Film Production, Caitlyn hopes to graduate and continue making films about inspiring women.
[email protected] | (727) 687-4454 HTTPS://VIMEO.COM/USER84559314
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52 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Caitlyn Lightle has Bachelor’s degrees in History and Anthropology, as well as a Master’s degree in Anthropology from Florida State University. Her thesis expresses her continued interest in ethnographic film, ethical filmmaking practices, feminist anthropology, and ethnomusicology. Upon finishing her Master’s degree, Caitlyn intends to continue producing, directing, and shooting her own ethnographic films and working to teach filmmaking and storytelling to others.
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