“There Was No-One to Protect Us”
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Darfur Genocide
Darfur genocide Berkeley Model United Nations Welcome Letter Hi everyone! Welcome to the Darfur Historical Crisis committee. My name is Laura Nguyen and I will be your head chair for BMUN 69. This committee will take place from roughly 2006 to 2010. Although we will all be in the same physical chamber, you can imagine that committee is an amalgamation of peace conferences, UN meetings, private Janjaweed or SLM meetings, etc. with the goal of preventing the Darfur Genocide and ending the War in Darfur. To be honest, I was initially wary of choosing the genocide in Darfur as this committee’s topic; people in Darfur. I also understood that in order for this to be educationally stimulating for you all, some characters who committed atrocious war crimes had to be included in debate. That being said, I chose to move on with this topic because I trust you are all responsible and intelligent, and that you will treat Darfur with respect. The War in Darfur and the ensuing genocide are grim reminders of the violence that is easily born from intolerance. Equally regrettable are the in Africa and the Middle East are woefully inadequate for what Darfur truly needs. I hope that understanding those failures and engaging with the ways we could’ve avoided them helps you all grow and become better leaders and thinkers. My best advice for you is to get familiar with the historical processes by which ethnic brave, be creative, and have fun! A little bit about me (she/her) — I’m currently a third-year at Cal majoring in Sociology and minoring in Data Science. -
Sudan: Freedom in the World 2020
4/8/2020 Sudan | Freedom House FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 Sudan 12 NOT FREE /100 Political Rights 2 /40 Civil Liberties 10 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 7 /100 Not Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. https://freedomhouse.org/country/sudan/freedom-world/2020 1/24 4/8/2020 Sudan | Freedom House Overview The military leaders and civilian protesters who ousted the repressive regime of Omar al-Bashir and his National Congress Party (NCP) in 2019 are uneasy partners in a transitional government that—if successful—will be replaced by an elected government in 2022. Civic space is slowly opening to individuals and opposition parties, but security personnel associated with the abuses of old regime remain influential, and their commitment to political freedoms and civil liberties is unclear. Key Developments in 2019 President Omar al-Bashir, who came to power in a coup d’état in 1989, was overthrown by the military in April, after a protest movement beginning in December 2018 placed growing pressure on the government. The military initially attempted to rule without the input of civilian protesters, who originally demonstrated against rising commodity prices and pervasive economic hardship before calling for al-Bashir’s resignation as the year opened. Security forces killed 127 protesters in the capital of Khartoum in June, sparking a backlash that forced the short-lived junta to include civilian leaders in a new transitional government as part of a power-sharing agreement reached in August. Al-Bashir was arrested by the military junta and charged with corruption by the succeeding transitional government in August. -
Humanitarian Situation Report No. 19 Q3 2020 Highlights
Sudan Humanitarian Situation Report No. 19 Q3 2020 UNICEF and partners assess damage to communities in southern Khartoum. Sudan was significantly affected by heavy flooding this summer, destroying many homes and displacing families. @RESPECTMEDIA PlPl Reporting Period: July-September 2020 Highlights Situation in Numbers • Flash floods in several states and heavy rains in upriver countries caused the White and Blue Nile rivers to overflow, damaging households and in- 5.39 million frastructure. Almost 850,000 people have been directly affected and children in need of could be multiplied ten-fold as water and mosquito borne diseases devel- humanitarian assistance op as flood waters recede. 9.3 million • All educational institutions have remained closed since March due to people in need COVID-19 and term realignments and are now due to open again on the 22 November. 1 million • Peace talks between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan Revolu- internally displaced children tionary Front concluded following an agreement in Juba signed on 3 Oc- tober. This has consolidated humanitarian access to the majority of the 1.8 million Jebel Mara region at the heart of Darfur. internally displaced people 379,355 South Sudanese child refugees 729,530 South Sudanese refugees (Sudan HNO 2020) UNICEF Appeal 2020 US $147.1 million Funding Status (in US$) Funds Fundi received, ng $60M gap, $70M Carry- forward, $17M *This table shows % progress towards key targets as well as % funding available for each sector. Funding available includes funds received in the current year and carry-over from the previous year. 1 Funding Overview and Partnerships UNICEF’s 2020 Humanitarian Action for Children (HAC) appeal for Sudan requires US$147.11 million to address the new and protracted needs of the afflicted population. -
Sudan: the Crisis in Darfur and Status of the North-South Peace Agreement
Sudan: The Crisis in Darfur and Status of the North-South Peace Agreement Ted Dagne Specialist in African Affairs June 1, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33574 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Sudan: The Crisis in Darfur and Status of the North-South Peace Agreement Summary Sudan, geographically the largest country in Africa, has been ravaged by civil war intermittently for four decades. More than 2 million people have died in Southern Sudan over the past two decades due to war-related causes and famine, and millions have been displaced from their homes. In July 2002, the Sudan government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) signed a peace framework agreement in Kenya. On May 26, 2004, the government of Sudan and the SPLM signed three protocols on Power Sharing, on the Nuba Mountains and Southern Blue Nile, and on the long disputed Abyei area. The signing of these protocols resolved all outstanding issues between the parties. On June 5, 2004, the parties signed “the Nairobi Declaration on the Final Phase of Peace in the Sudan.” On January 9, 2005, the government of Sudan and the SPLM signed the final peace agreement at a ceremony held in Nairobi, Kenya. In April 2010, Sudan held national and regional elections. In January 2011, South Sudan held a referendum to decide on unity or independence. Abyei was also expected to hold a referendum in January 2011 to decide whether to retain the current special administrative status or to be part of South Sudan. -
Sudan's Spreading Conflict (II): War in Blue Nile
Sudan’s Spreading Conflict (II): War in Blue Nile Africa Report N°204 | 18 June 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. A Sudan in Miniature ....................................................................................................... 3 A. Old-Timers Versus Newcomers ................................................................................. 3 B. A History of Land Grabbing and Exploitation .......................................................... 5 C. Twenty Years of War in Blue Nile (1985-2005) ........................................................ 7 III. Failure of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement ............................................................. 9 A. The Only State with an Opposition Governor (2007-2011) ...................................... 9 B. The 2010 Disputed Elections ..................................................................................... 9 C. Failed Popular Consultations ................................................................................... -
How to Implement Sudan's New Peace Agreement
The Rebels Come to Khartoum: How to Implement Sudan’s New Peace Agreement Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°168 Khartoum/Nairobi/Brussels, 23 February 2021 What’s new? A peace agreement signed on 3 October 2020 paves the way for armed and unarmed opposition groups in Sudan to join the transitional government, dra- matically expanding representation of the country’s peripheries during the interim period before elections. The two most powerful rebel movements remain outside the accord, however. Why does it matter? Clinching the agreement was necessary for the country’s transition but implementation poses challenges. The agreement risks bloating the military and sets up a prospective political alliance between the rebels and Sudanese security forces, which could further sideline the government’s civilian cabinet and threaten to bury its reform agenda. What should be done? The interim government should negotiate with holdout rebels to bring them into the transition. Sudan’s international partners should press for security sector reform that decreases the size and political dominance of a newly expanded military while funding and supporting the authorities’ spending commit- ments in the peripheries. I. Overview Sudan’s October 2020 peace agreement, involving the interim government and rebel movements in Darfur and the Two Areas, among others, is an important step in the country’s transition after the ouster of former President Omar al-Bashir. The deal allows for representatives from armed groups in the country’s peripheries to take government posts and for significant public money to go to these areas. It is a way to rebalance the Nile Valley elites’ decades-long domination of Sudan’s political system. -
Sherkole/Kurmuk, Ethiopia
Field Dispatch: Refugees from Blue Nile Recount Atrocities, Government’s Targeting of Civilians November 1, 2011 By Amanda Hsiao and Omer Ismail The names of some of the refugees interviewed have been changed to protect their identities. SHERKOLE REFUGEE CAMP, Ethiopia – Sudanese government forces and militias are killing and raping civilians in Blue Nile state, according to refugees who recently fled the fighting. These alarming new details about how the war in Blue Nile is being conducted emerged from an Enough Project trip to the Ethiopian border—where nearly 29,000 Sudanese refugees have sought safety—and underscore the need for further investigation and international access into the area. ------------------------------------------ At 2 p.m. in the Ethiopian border town of Kurmuk the explosion of a bomb rang out as it was dropped from a plane in nearby Sudan. Kurmuk, Ethiopia sits a mere 500 meters across the border from Kurmuk, Sudan—a stronghold for the rebel SPLM-North. Aerial bombardments had been ongoing since the early morning, followed by shellings in the afternoon, according to a group of refugees. The refugees were the latest influx of Blue Nile residents that had crossed the border, some waiting to be transported to one of two refugee camps deeper into Ethiopia. Within the next hour while Enough visited the area, two more bombs exploded. In early September the Sudanese government initiated its third conflict along the South Sudan- Sudan border in the state of Blue Nile. Even more so than in neighboring South Kordofan, few independent observers have been allowed access into the war zone. -
Hydrocarbons Potential and Resources in Sudan
UNCTAD 17th Africa OILGASMINE, Khartoum, 23-26 November 2015 Extractive Industries and Sustainable Job Creation Hydrocarbons potential and resources in Sudan By Mr. Ahmed Gibreel Ahmed El-Amain Section Head G&G Studies, Ministry of Petroleum and Gas, Sudan The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of UNCTAD. Republic of Sudan Ministry of Petroleum & Gas Oil Exploration and Production Authority (OEPA) By Ahmed Gibreel 1 of 20 Outlines Objectives. Introduction. Summary. Hydrocarbon Potentiality. Sudanese Basins Subdivisions. Key Basins overview. Resources. Conclusions. Forward Plan. 2 of 20 Objectives To highlight : Sudan Hydrocarbon potentiality. Sudan Resources. 3 of 20 Introduction First Oil Export1999 Red Sea Salima Basin Basin Misaha Basin Um Agaga Basin Mourdi Basin Khartoum & Atbara basins Wadi Hawar Basin Gadarif Basin Muglad Rawat Blue Nile Basin Basin Basin 4 of 20 Summary Sudan is considered one of the top most African hydrocarbon potential countries. Nearly twenty hydrocarbon basins do exist: o Late Proterozoic-Paleozoic continental sag basins (Misaha, Murdi, Wadi Hawar and Salima). o Mesozoic-Cenozoic rift basins (Muglad, Rawat, Khartoum, Blue Nile and Red sea ). Most of the Sudanese basins is by far highly under explored due to data scarcity and others logistical constrains. Proven petroleum system in the Paleozoic, Mesozoic and Cenozoic. 5 of 20 Summary Sudanese basins could be classified into: o Producing (1 basin ). o Early exploration stage basins: Have proven petroleum systems with some discoveries ( 5 basins: Rawat, Red Sea, Blue Nile, Um Agaga and Khartoum basins). Have proven petroleum systems but no notable discoveries yet been made e.g. -
Q&A: Sudan's Pardon of Militia Leader Musa Hilal – and Future
Q&A: Sudan’s Pardon of Militia Leader Musa Hilal – and Future Accountability? This Q&A was prepared by Rifaat Makkawi, director of the People’s Legal Aid Clinic (PLACE) and REDRESS. On 11 March 2021, in accordance with a pardon by Sudan’s Sovereign Council, Musa Hilal was released from military detention, in a move that was described by those within political circles as supporting transitional justice processes. In dropping all charges against Hilal, the military court cited the fact that the “blood guardians” reached a comprehensive settlement regarding Hilal’s case, including a decision regarding the payment of blood money (“dia”), and the criminal proceedings against Hilal were closed. This questions-and-answers document addresses key issues surrounding the pardon of Musa Hilal, including challenges to seeking accountability for past serious crimes Hilal and others are alleged to have committed in Sudan. • Who is Musa Hilal? • Why was Musa Hilal under military detention? • On what basis was a pardon for Musa Hilal issued? • Were victims consulted or included in proceedings before a pardon was issued? • Can Musa Hilal still be prosecuted for crimes committed in Darfur? • Does the Nov. 2020 amnesty issued by Sudan’s Sovereign Council apply to Musa Hilal? • Is Musa Hila immune from prosecution under Sudan’s Criminal Act 1991? 1. Who is Musa Hilal? Musa Hilal has been described by Human Rights Watch as “internationally synonymous with the Janjaweed,” the government-backed militias who conducted serious international crimes in Darfur. Human Rights Watch has also described Hilal and his men as playing an “integral role in the two-year campaign of ethnic cleansing by the Sudanese army and Janjaweed militias,” and noted that countless victims, witnesses to attacks, and members of the Sudanese armed forces have named Hilal as the top commander of the Janjaweed. -
South Kordofan and Blue Nile the Key to Peace Between the Two Sudans?
Field Dispatch: South Kordofan and Blue Nile The Key to Peace Between the Two Sudans? Jenn Christian June 2012 The Negotiation Process Two Years On Nearly two years have passed since the governments of Sudan and South Sudan started negotiations on post-secession issues. Today, the two sides remain much as they were in July 2010, when the full negotiation teams first met for an initial exposure session and signed the guiding principles for the process. While no one expected the talks to be easy, the general expectation was that, at the very least, provisional agreements on the major outstanding post-secession issues could be reached before the Southern Sudan referen- dum in January 2011, or, at the latest, by South Sudan’s independence day in July 2011. The parties then could have concluded further modalities elaborating on the provisional agreements in the future and as necessary. Two years on, the stalled negotiation process threatens the peace and stability of the two Sudans and the region at large. Therefore, its successful conclusion should be a priority for the two parties and the greater international community. In retrospect, the fact that the process has dragged on for nearly two years is not surpris- ing, given the manner in which dynamics have unfolded around the negotiation table and events have developed within Sudan and between the two Sudans. In particular, the outbreak of violence in South Kordofan in June 2011, and in Blue Nile in September 2011, has undermined the already tenuous security environment and blocked progress on critical outstanding negotiation issues. -
Le Mode Diplomatique 01 05 2020
H DANS LES MARGES CRÉATIVES DE LA BD – pages 14 et 15 POPULISME, RÉPONSE ÀPIERRE ROSANVALLON PARCHANTAL MOUFFE Page 3. 5,40 €-Mensuel -28pages N° 794 -67e année. Mai 2020 DOSSIER : C OVID -19, APRÈS LA CRISE … LES CRISES Un avant-goût Qui du choc va payer? NDRES LO climatique Y, Les crisesseressemblent. Lorsquelatempête fait ALLER rage, le capitaineen appelle àlasolidarité.Lamenace TG passée, l’union s’évanouit :certains écopent en fond L’abîme dans lequel un coronavirus aprécipité de nombreux de cale, d’autres se trémoussent sur les ponts pays illustrelecoût humain de la négligence face àun danger supérieurs. En sera-t-il de nouveau ainsi ou la AMES FINE AR pourtant parfaitement identifié. Évoquer la fataliténepeut dissi- -E pandémie provoquera-t-elle un changement de cap? muler l’évidence:mieux vaut prévenir que guérir.Les atermoie- ments actuels dans la lutte contre le réchauffement climatique P AR L AURENT C ORDONNIER * pourraient conduireàdes phénomènes bien plus dramatiques. OHN CROSSLEY ©J Astrid54–«TheLookout »(Le Guetteur), 2015 LACRISE quisurvient n’est pas de nature sanitaire, mais économique. PAR PHILIPPE DESCAMPS ET THIERRY LEBEL * Le battement d’ailes de papillon qui s’est sans doute produit au marché de Wuhan acheminé suivant les lignes de fragilité du capitalisme mon- dialisé et libéralisé, lequel aredéployé depuis quarante ans ses «chaînes ENMARS 2020, la crise sanitaire arelégué l’actualitéclimatique Signe avant-coureur de possibles effondrements plus graves, le de valeur»augré des eldorados de pacotille qui lui promettaient de pares- loin des titres. Pourtant,cemois fera date comme le dixième de suite naufrage sanitaire actuel peut se voir àlafois comme un modèle réduit seux profits:lacaptationfinancière, la concurrence «libre et non faussée» avec une température moyenne au-dessus des normales. -
June 2020 Query Code Q10-2020 Contributing EU+ COI -- Units (If Applicable)
COI QUERY Country of Origin Sudan Main subject Rapid Support Forces Question(s) 1. Are there any reports on the cooperation between the Rapid Support Forces/Janjaweed and the Sudanese intelligence services (NISS) in the period of April 2019 – March 2020? - Introductory note on the Rapid Support Forces 2. Is there any information on members of particular ethnic groups, religions or professions being targeted by the Rapid Support Forces/Janjaweed in Darfur and the Two Areas (South Kordofan and Blue Nile) in the period of April 2019 – March 2020? If yes, is there any information on the means of monitoring of such people? - Targeting by the RSF - Examples of incidents attributed to the RSF in the reference period - Monitoring by the RSF Date of completion 2 June 2020 Query Code Q10-2020 Contributing EU+ COI -- units (if applicable) Disclaimer This response to a COI query has been elaborated according to the EASO COI Report Methodology and EASO Writing and Referencing Guide. The information provided in this response has been researched, evaluated and processed with utmost care within a limited time frame. All sources used are referenced. A quality review has been performed in line with the above mentioned methodology. This document does not claim to be exhaustive neither conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to international protection. If a certain event, person or organisation is not mentioned in the report, this does not mean that the event has not taken place or that the person or organisation does not exist. Terminology used should not be regarded as indicative of a particular legal position.