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The Anti-Judaism of Quodvultdeus in the Vandal and Catholic Context of the 5Th Century in North Africa

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The Anti-Judaism of Quodvultdeus in the Vandal and Catholic Context of the 5Th Century in North Africa THE ANTI-JUDAISM OF QUODVULTDEUS NOTES ET MÉLANGES Rau l GONZÁLEZ - SALINERO* University of Salamanca THE ANTI-JUDAISM OF QUODVULTDEUS IN THE VANDAL AND CATHOLIC CONTEXT OF THE 5TH CENTURY IN NORTH AFRICA. Quodvultdeus was deacon of the Church of Carthage when toward 428 he wrote to Augustine of Hippo, his master and friend, asking him for a heresies catalogue. After some years, in July of the year 437, he was elected bishop of the same city, while the invading Vandals were seizing the north of Africa. His episcopate was brusquely interrupted when Gaiseric banished Quodvultdeus and all his clergy after the conquest of Carthage in October 19th of 4391. So, firstly, the Carthage bishop constituted a direct connection with the moment immediately prior to the Vandal invasion, when the Afri- can Catholic Church had become strongly consolidated in North Africa, above all after its victory against Donatism. And, secondly, he represented the Catholic attitude and reaction to the religious consequences brought by such invasion. With respect to the topic of the Jews, Quodvultdeus reflects in his writings what we could designate the “official” anti-Jewish attitude of the Catholic Christianity of North Africa, as well as the unfavourable situation in which the Jews were as compared to the Catholic Church, in contrast with what was going to happen in the Vandal period. * Researcher of Junta de Castilla y León in the Dept. of Ancient History (University of Salamanca). 1. U. Moricca, Storia della letteratura latina cristiana. III: La letteratura dei secoli V e VI da Agostino a Gregorio Magno, parte I, Società Editrice Internazionale, Torino, 1932, p. 707; P.D. Franses, Die Werke des hl. Quodvultdeus, Bischof von Karthago gestorben um 453 (Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Lud- wig-Maximilians-Universität zu München), J.J. Lentnerschen, München, 1920, p. 50. Revue des Études Juives, 155 (3-4), juillet-décembre 1996, pp. 447-459 448 THE ANTI-JUDAISM OF QUODVULTDEUS The Jews had been present in the North of Africa from immemorial time. According to Jerome2, a continuous chain of Jewish settlements extended in that time (toward 420), from Mauritania in the West through Magreb, Egypt and Palestine, to India in the East3. Special mention should be made of the Jewish communities situated in port cities, such as, for example, Carthage and Hippo Regius4. Though they are not abundant, there are sufficient archaeologic and epigraphic testimonies exist referring to synagogues to prove this wide extension of Judaism in North Africa: in Carthage, Naro, Utica, Oea, Sifitis, Cesarea, Tipasa, Volubilis, &c5. This Jewish presence in the society of North Africa entailed a religious and social threat for the Christians, since, with their influence, the Jews could also deprive the Church of some of its staunch supporters. To judge by the measures adopted against the Jews of Africa6, it is possible to sup- pose that at the beginning of the 5th century Jewish influence had not been reduced at all7. Even though their peculiarities were maintained, Jewish integration in Roman Society seems to be unquestionable8. To some extent, this would be reflected in the perfect linguistic assimilation of Latin observed in the Jews of Africa9. Only two or three registrations in Hebrew exist, while most of them are written in Latin or in Latin characters and, in some cases, in 2. Epistulae, 129, 4. 3. Vid. H.Z. Hirschberg, A History of the Jews in North Africa. Vol. 1: From Antiquity to the Sixteenth Century, E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1974, p. 55; W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church. A Movement of Protest in Roman North Africa, Oxford University Press-At the Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1952, pp. 250, 267 and 308-309. 4. H.M. Dennis, Hippo Regius from the Earliest Times to the Arab Conquest, Adolf M. Hakkert, Amsterdam, 1970 (=1924), p. 16. 5. S. Krauss, Synagogale Altertümer, Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim, 1966, pp. 266-267; Y. Le Bohec, “Les sources archéologiques du judaïsme africain sous l'Empire romain”, C. Iancu et J.-M. Lassere (Dirs.), Juifs et judaïsme en Afrique du Nord dans l'Antiquité et le haut Moyen-Âge. Actes du Colloque international du centre de recherches et d'études juives et hébraiques et du groupe de recherches sur l'Afrique antique (26-27 Septembre 1983), Université Paul Valéry U.E.R. IV, Montpellier, 1985, pp. 13-31. Outstanding among all the archaeologic remains are those of the synagogue of Naro (3th-4th centuries), near Tunisia, where a mosaic with several symbols and three valuable Latin in- scriptions was discovered in 1881 (vid. H.Z. Hirschberg, op. cit., pp. 50-51). 6. Vid. notes 21 and 22. 7. B. Blumenkranz, “Die christlich-jüdische Missionskonkurrenz (3. bis 6. Jahrhndert)”, Klio. Beiträgezuralten Geschichte, 39, 1961, p. 227; M. Simon, Verus Israel. A Study of the Relations between Christians and Jews in the Roman Empire, trasl. by H. McKeating, The Littman Library-Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1986 (= Paris, 1964), p. 289. 8. F. Millar, “The Jews of the Graeco-Roman Diaspora between Paganism and Christian- ity, AD 312-438”, J. Lieu; J. North; T. Rajak (Ed.), The Jews among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire, Routledge, London-New York, 19942, p. 103. 9. Ibidem, p. 99. THE ANTI-JUDAISM OF QUODVULTDEUS 449 Greek; and it is still more evident in the onomastics10. Thus, this linguistic assimilation constituted a feature which defines the adjustment of the Jews to the African-Latin Society, with Latin as an essential vehicle for their influence. The presence of the Jews introduced, then, certain “Judaizing” influ- ences in the Christian religion itself, since in daily life there was conflu- ence, for example, between the Christian paschal celebration and Jewish Passover11. Some Christians still observed the Sabbath or certain Jewish prescriptions on food, which involved the imminent danger of conversion to Judaism12. The infiltrations of concepts, beliefs and Jewish mores, among the pagan population, as well as among the Christian one, became conven- tional and even the use of talismans, amulets and “magic names” of a Judaic nature was generalized13. For this reason, the preoccupation of the Church with “Judaizing” is constant, considering it, as Augustine does, harmful for the Christian faithful14. Ire was specially unleashed against the “Heaven-Worshippers” (caelicolae), a Judaizing sect of Africa of the 4th and 5th centuries, of which no clear or sure evidence has reached us, ex- cepting the news that Augustine provides15. This also mentions a certain Aptus who belonged to one of those Christian groups affected by certain Judaizing influences16, groups which, though they did not ever manage to constitute a movement of serious proportions, did however have entity enough to disturb the authorities of the Church17. Augustine18 reflects this problem insisting on the mistake entailed in the fact that these groups desig- nated themselves with the term “Jews”, warning, as the rest of the Chris- tian literature does, that even though the Christians are the real Jews19, this appellative should never be used to refer to Christians20. The threat of the Jewish problem became so serious that the Church in- cited the Imperial power to take measures in order to stop Jewish influ- 10. H.Z. Hirschberg, op. cit., pp. 67-69. 11. A.-G. Hamman, La vie quotidienne en Afrique du Nord au temps de Saint Augustine, Hachette, Paris, 1979, p. 196; M. Simon, op. cit., p. 332. 12. H.Z. Hirschberg, op. cit., p. 54. 13. Ibidem, pp. 83 ff. 14. Vid. C. Aziza, “Quelques aspects de la polemique judéo-chretienne dans l'Afrique romaine (IIe-VIe siècles)”, C. Iancu et J.-M. Lassere (Dirs.), op. cit., pp. 51-52; M. Simon, op. cit., p. 332; B. Blumenkranz: “Die christlich-jüdische…”, p. 230. 15. Epistulae, 44, 6, 13. Vid. H.Z. Hirschberg, op. cit., p. 54; A. Chouraqui, La saga des Juifs en Afrique du Nord, Hachette, Paris, 1972, p. 53. 16. Augustine, Epistulae, 196, 16. 17. M. Simon, op. cit., p. 332. 18. Epistulae, 196, passim. 19. Vid., for example, Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos, 75, 1; Epistulae, 82, 18. 20. L.H. Feldman, Jew and Gentile in the Ancient World. Attitudes and Interactions from Alexander to Justinian, Pricenton University Press, Pricenton (New Jersey), 1993, p. 407. 450 THE ANTI-JUDAISM OF QUODVULTDEUS ence21 and introduced anti-Jewish precepts in the canons of the African Councils22. Also, the Fathers of the African Church, among whom we can find Quodvultdeus, tried to face this problem in their public disputes and in their proclamations, from which numerous accusations and sharp anti-Jew- ish insults emerged23. When the Church consolidated its dominant position in Africa at the be- ginning of the 5th century, its relationship with the State came to constitute a perfect symbiosis. The Church used it as an instrument of religious coer- cion exercised against Heretics, Pagans and Jews, all of whom were an ob- stacle to religious unity around the Catholic creed24. To judge by the references that Augustine had made to the Jews, the co- existence of the two religions could not be peaceful and he recommended that the catechists take into account the objections regarding the Jews in order to expound them to the catechumens25. In this way, following Augus- tine, the Christians accused the Jews of being avaricious, despicable and of maintaining bygone customs (such as, for example, that of the Sabbath or the circumcision), in addition to having persecuted the Christians, together with the Pagans26. Augustine endeavoured to explain the Christian rejection of the Sabbath, the circumcision, &c. in order to confute their influence on the Church followers27. In his discussion with the Jews and in his argumen- tation addressed to the Pagans, he used the fulfillment of the biblical quota- tions as authority, though, contrary to other Christian authors, he showed his concern about eliminating all Jewish influence within them, introducing, necessarily, interpretations that made it possible to overcome his aversion for the language and content of the Judaeo-Christian Scriptures28.
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