Pinal Apaches, Miners, and Genocide in Central Arizona, 1859-1874

SGOXXX10.1177/2158244017747016SAGE OpenWelch research-article74701620172017

Article

SAGE Open October-December 2017: 1­–19 Earth, Wind, and Fire: Pinal Apaches, © The Author(s) 2017 https://doi.org/10.1177/2158244017747016DOI: 10.1177/2158244017747016 Miners, and Genocide in Central Arizona, journals.sagepub.com/home/sgo 1859-1874

John R. Welch1

Abstract The San Carlos Apache Tribe is a leading defender of Oak Flat, a large public campground on the western flanks of the Pinal Mountains east of Phoenix. Oak Flat is sacred to many Apaches and other Native Americans and is listed in the U.S. National Register of Historic Places. The Tribe is among the parties gravely concerned about the Resolution Copper Mine, a joint venture of Rio Tinto Group and BHP Billiton Ltd. to privatize and industrialize Oak Flat’s public lands and minerals. Archaeological sites, place names, stories, and ceremonial uses affirm the pre-1875 Apache occupation and ongoing significance of Oak Flat. Historical records reveal how mining proponents combined industrial and annihilationist propaganda to portray Apaches in the Pinal Mountains as subhuman impediments to civilization and profit. This inflammatory rhetoric ignited vigilante and military campaigns between 1859 and 1874 that killed over 380 Pinal Apaches—including many women and children—then confined survivors onto the San Carlos Reservation. Mining across Pinal Apache territory followed promptly, claiming additional Apache lands inside and outside reservation borders. The stark historical injustice of the Pinal Apache Genocide requires recognition and redress via the responsible governments and industries, including their successors today. The obvious first step is simple avoidance of further harm to Apaches and Oak Flat. Truth must be a hallmark for comprehensive cost–benefit assessments of proposed alterations of Indigenous homelands. Reconciliation must be a planning goal for any mining or other consumptive uses of Indigenous sacred sites.

Keywords American Indian trust responsibility, Apache archaeology, genocide, Indigenous environmentalism, mining impacts on health and culture, truth and reconciliation

Whither the Roots of Resistance? because so many Indigenous territories and communities remain vulnerable and exploited relative to their non- Indigenous people in North America and around the world Indigenous neighbors (Harvard Project on American are leading efforts to protect ecosystems and create sustain- Indian Economic Development, 2007; United Nations able societies (Grossman & Parker, 2012; Hindery, 2013; Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2009). Willow, 2016). Such quests engage issues ranging from cli- Numerous Indigenous peoples, including San Carlos mate change, water security, and environmental justice to job Apaches, seem to have reached tipping points and now creation and corporate influence in governmental decisions treat proposed harms to their homelands, communities, or (Millet, 2015; U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 2016). sovereignties as opportunities to expose and rectify politi- Lightening flash media reports on these controversies sel- cal and economic oppression. dom seek ultimate sources for Indigenous resistance. Even San Carlos Apache opposition to the proposed Resolution when the roots of legitimate opposition are exposed, corpo- Copper Mine (RCM) on predominantly Tonto National rations and governments generally value industrialization Forest (TNF) public land east of Phoenix (Figure 1) invites over conservation and typically discount national and inter- in-depth inquiry into Indigenous resistance and whether the national policies that empower Indigenous peoples to deter- mine their destinies and safeguard their geographical and 1Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada cultural heritage (United Nations General Assembly, 2007; Welch, Riley, & Nixon, 2009). Corresponding Author: John R. Welch, Simon Fraser University, Archaeology Department and That many Indigenous peoples show more interest in School of Resource Management, Burnaby, British Columbia, recounting historical injustices and protecting land and Canada V5A 1S6. water than in shiny prospects for future prosperity may be Email: [email protected]

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Figure 1. Resolution Copper Mine (RCM) impact area, nearby American Indian reservations, and Apache reservation severances enacted to accommodate industriali mining and farming.

U.S. Federal Government and RCM operators are acting in miner–Apache relations is contingent, minimally, on truthful accord with established laws and policies to avoid and mini- recognition of past harms, avoidance of further injuries, and mize adverse environmental and social effects from mining. steps toward reconciliation. Federal actions to assess and The case study begins with Earth—the Indigenous home- minimize RCM impacts, in particular, must be complete, lands threatened by RCM and the archaeological and cultural independently verifiable, and transparent enough to demon- evidence for Apache links to the RCM impact area, espe- strate that RCM’s social, economic, and environmental ben- cially Oak Flat, the area known to Western Apaches as efits unequivocally outweigh its massive and, as of late 2017, Chí’chil Biłdagoteel. Despite a decade of effective opposi- incompletely disclosed social and environmental costs. tion by Apaches and environmentalists to the proposal to swap Oak Flat for RCM properties elsewhere, members of Earth: American Indian Ties to the Arizona’s congressional delegation inserted provisions to RCM Impact Area privatize Oak Flat into the 2014 National Defense Authorization Act (Millet, 2015). The study continues with San Carlos Apaches are the most vocal Oak Flat defenders Wind—the pernicious propaganda propagated by govern- among the 10 federally recognized tribes of people whose ments and mining proponents, beginning circa 1859, to ancestors lived in and used the Pinal Mountains and the dehumanize Apaches and rationalize their extirpation from RCM impact area prior to 1875 and into time immemorial. the Pinal Mountains. The study’s deadliest element, Fire, San Carlos is one of four tribes that represent the Western chronicles scorched earth campaigns that killed and removed Apache (Ndee) cultural tradition. The other three are the Apache and Yavapai aboriginal landowners. Based on this Payson Tonto Apache Tribe, the White Mountain Apache explanation of what happened to the Pinal Apache stewards Tribe, and the Yavapai-Apache Nation (Welch & Ferguson, of the Pinal Mountains, the study argues that improving 2007). The six non-Apache tribes with clear cultural and Welch 3 historical ties to the RCM impact area represent the O’odham (Surrounded by Rocks People; U.S. Department of tradition (Gila River Indian Community and Salt River Pima Agriculture Tonto National Forest [USDA TNF], 2015). Maricopa Indian Community), the Yavapai tradition (Fort These two bands are collectively referred to as Pinal Apaches McDowell Yavapai Nation and the Yavapai-Prescott Indian (Goodwin, 1942, p. 3). Tribe), the Hopi tradition (Hopi Tribe), and the Zuni tradition Western Apache oral histories link specific matrilineal (Pueblo of Zuni; Colwell-Chanthaphonh & Ferguson, 2006). clans to specific clan origin places. Te’gotsugé (east of Oak Historical and archaeological records seldom enable clear Flat; Figure 2) is the origin place for the five Apache rock distinction between Apache and Yavapai identities, and clans; three other clans trace their origins to Oak Flat or Yavapai-specific evidence deserves follow-up study on par nearby (Goodwin, 1942, pp. 606-607, 611, 615-617; USDA with this investigation of Pinal Apaches. TNF, 2015, section 7, p. 4). Prohibitions against marriages The U.S. National Environmental Policy Act, National between clanspersons serve to broaden clan networks and, Historic Preservation Act, and other federal and state policies prior to the 1880s, facilitated Apache access to other group’s require studies of RCM and comparable land alteration pro- lands. Agave, cactus fruits, pinyon nuts, acorns, and other posals to assess social and environmental impacts (Butzier & foods are typically available somewhere in Western Apache Stevenson, 2014; Mortimer et al., 2011). Resolution Copper territory, except late in winter, but kinship and clanship (2016) lists dozens of these investigations, including many ensured access whenever local foods were depleted (Basso, archaeological studies, but omits important archaeological 1983; Goodwin, 1942, pp. 244-245). Farming complemented reports (e.g., Buckles, 2008; Lindeman & Whitney, 2003). gathering and hunting but is only productive in restricted As a complement to studies of RCM’s archaeological locations with favorable elevation, soil, and hydrologic con- impacts, TNF officials supervised an analysis of places and ditions. T’iis Tsebán maintained farms along Pinal Creek and values important to tribes. The project included site visits to on the Salt River above Tonto Creek; Tsé Binesti’é farmed the RCM impact area and interviews with 94 representatives along Aravaipa Creek and the San Pedro River (Goodwin, from the 10 affected American Indian tribes. Western 1942, pp. 24-25, 28). Members of the T’iis Tsebán and Tsé Apache, Yavapai, Zuni, O’odham, and Hopi elders helped Binesti’é bands frequently intermarried, shared food, and document 404 sites and 46 springs threatened by RCM and traveled without fear across one another’s territories (Record, culturally significant to at least one tribe. The sites include 2008, pp. 50-52). ancestral living, gathering, and hunting areas, trails, petro- Western Apaches also obtained food by raiding neigh- glyphs, landforms, water sources, and places of religious and bors. Apaches distinguished raiding, armed sorties for live- spiritual importance and observance (Hopkins, Colwell, stock and produce, from warfare, mortal vendettas. Raiding Ferguson, & Hedquist, 2015). was more common during years and seasons of food scarcity, especially January to March (Basso, 1971). Western Apaches Western Apache Territorial Culture avoided interpersonal violence to conceal raiding tactics and routes and to allow for the continued survival of farms and One indicator of the importance of the RCM impact area in ranches within range of possible future strikes. Apaches and Apache culture is that 65 of the 94 tribal representatives who Yavapais shared the Pinal Mountains and other parts of the contributed to the TNF study are Western Apache elders and RCM impact area, occasionally intermarrying and cooperat- younger cultural practitioners. Western Apaches are distinct ing in foraging and raiding (Gifford, 1932; Goodwin, 1942, from the more sensationalized Chiricahua Apaches, who p. 25; U.S. Indian Claims Commission, 1965, 1969). maintained territories south and east of Western Apache homelands (Basso, 1983; Goodwin, 1942; Opler, 1941). Oak Flat Academics generally agree that Western Apaches moved westward to establish themselves in the Salt and Gila River The stunningly beautiful, approximately 40-acre grove of basin uplands by the later 1600s (Bolton, 1919, pp. 162, 165, majestic Emory oak trees known as Oak Flat is the most sig- 169, 172, 180; Hämäläinen, 2008; Schroeder, 1952, pp. 143- nificant American Indian site within the proposed RCM 145; Welch, Herr, & Laluk, 2017). Prior to sustained contacts impact area. Ancestors of all 10 RCM-affected tribes left with Americans, Western Apaches controlled over 11,000,000 behind material traces of their occupation and carried for- acres of rugged mountains, deep canyons, desert basins, and ward memories and stories (Hopkins et al., 2015). The Oak stream valleys (Figure 1) (Basso, 1983; Goodwin, 1942; Flat vicinity is crossroads for cultures, histories, archaeolo- U.S. Indian Claims Commission, 1969). gies, and spiritualities. That the English place name is a Apache cultures and worldviews are inextricable from translation of the Apache name, Chí’chil Biłdagoteel (a their lands. Western Apache social structure featured territo- broad flat of Emory oak trees), signals the place’s paramount rial bands comprised of local groups made up of extended- significance to Western Apaches. family households. RCM would impact lands once used by Western Apache cultural and archaeological sites occur the Pinal Band, the T’iis Tsebán (Cottonwoods Gray in the across the RCM impact area, but the Chí’chil Biłdagoteel Rocks People) and the Aravaipa Band, the Tsé Binesti’é vicinity stands out as the regional hub (Buckles, 2008; 4 SAGE Open

Figure 2. Western Apache Aboriginal Territory and band lands located therein. Note. Also depicted are portions of neighboring groups’ Aboriginal Territories (Yavapai, Navajo, Chiricahua Apache, O’odham), as judicially determined by the U.S. Indian Claims Commission.

Lindeman & Whitney, 2003). Apache archaeological evi- RCM threats to Oak Flat have overcome some Apaches’ dence in and near Oak Flat includes pottery sherds, petro- reluctance to discuss Apache culture with outsiders. Upon glyphs, rock piles, roasting areas, and remnants of boulder learning of new plans for mining, a San Carlos Apache Tribe rings used as foundations for brush shelters by Apaches in representative wrote of Oak Flat: the mid-1800s and probably earlier (Table 1). These materi- als represent campsites, food procurement and preparation [The] area is of traditional importance to Apaches. . . . The most localities, and spiritual sites (USDA TNF, 2015). Chí’chil effective way to respect and preserve these cultural resources is Biłdagoteel is extraordinary because Apache sites elsewhere to not disturb archeological sites in any way, to keep the area are difficult to identify and seldom occur in related clusters natural, and to engage in activities that restore disturbed areas to (Herr, 2013; Welch, 1997; Welch et al., 2017). J. Scott natural conditions. We do not want you to promote activities that Wood, the TNF archaeologist for four decades, said, “there’s will serve to disturb this area through mining. (Cassa, 2002) a good strong Apache archaeological presence up there” (Heinsius, 2015). Wood also noted the area contains “the San Carlos Apache Tribe Chairman Terry Rambler (2014), single largest Apache archaeological site currently known” a T’iis Tsebán descendant, wrote: (Davidson, 2016). Oak Flat offers an unprecedented opportunity for collabo- Oak Flat is one of our religious places where our Gaan—spiritual deities and Holy People—reside. Apache people have lived, rations among archaeologists and Western Apache scholars prayed, and died in the Oak Flat Area since time immemorial. to fill voids in regional history and understandings of ancient We are saddened that Congress, through an 11th hour rider, has Apache lifeways. Apache place names, stories, songs, and ignored the will of the people. We are concerned for our children spiritual traditions relating to Chí’chil Biłdagoteel and the who may never see or practice their religion in their rightful RCM impact area further demonstrate the region’s ancient place of worship. . . . Apache people will not remain silent. We and continuing significance, especially to Pinal Apaches are committed to shining light on the Land Exchange and the (Nosie, 2016; Nosie & Rambler, 2016; Rambler, 2015). proposed mine until we have no breath. Welch 5

Table 1. Archaeological Sites with Apache Affinities in the Oak Flat National Register Historic District.

Site number Summary and inferred site function or importance AR-03-12-02-125 Possible Apache plain ware potsherds, fire cracked rock, roasting pit and chipped stone artifacts that may represent Apache food roasting; circa 1930s boulder alignments AR-03-12-02-171 4 non-Apache rooms, 1 curvilinear rock alignment (base for an Apache brush structure), O’odham plain and painted potsherds, projectile point, 4 manos/metates, and chipped and ground stone artifacts that may represent Apache reuse of an ancestral O’odham camp AR-03-12-02-1259 Rock shelter with 3 masonry structures, a petroglyph, a bedrock metate, boulder alignments, Apache plain ware, historical trash, and chipped and ground stone artifacts that may represent Apache reuse of an earlier shelter and camp area AR-03-12-02-1498 2 masonry rooms (probably O’odham), a rock pile, Apache and O’odham potsherds, and chipped and ground stone artifacts that may represent Apache reuse AR-03-12-02-1503 1 masonry structure with plain ware sherds and chipped stone artifacts; a possible Apache camp AR-03-12-02-1505 Remains of a masonry and wooden corral with obsidian fragments, historical trash, ancestral O’odham plain and buff ware potsherds, and chipped and ground stone artifacts AR-03-12-02-1506 4 ancestral O’odham rooms, 2 curvilinear rock alignments (bases for Apache brush structures), possible Apache plain ware sherds, historical trash, and chipped and ground stone artifacts that may represent pre- or re-occupation by Apaches of a non-Apache camp AR-03-12-02-1513 Possible Apache plain ware (and non-Apache plain ware) potsherds, and chipped stone artifacts that may represent an Apache camp AR-03-12-02-1515 About 30 acres with dozens of boulder alignments among bedrock outcrops (bases for Apache brush “Apache Leap Camp” structures), 17 grinding features, Apache potsherds, ground and chipped stone tool fragments, and historical period artifacts, including glass shards, metal fragments and modified tools, and U.S. Army uniform buttons and epaulet scales. An Apache stronghold AR-03-12-02-1516 A curvilinear boulder alignment, Apache and non-Apache plain potsherds, obsidian fragments, and chipped and ground stone artifacts that may represent an Apache camp AR-03-12-02-1518 5 curvilinear boulder alignments, 2 rock piles, cleared areas, plain and buff ware sherds (non-Apache), and chipped and ground stone artifacts that may represent an Apache household cluster AR-03-12-02-1519 A curvilinear rock alignment, rock piles, plain ware potsherds (some likely Apache), and chipped stone artifacts that may represent Apache reuse of a camp AR-03-12-02-1520 4 masonry structures (probably not Apache), boulder alignment, bedrock grinding feature, rock pile, plain and painted (ancestral O’odham) potsherds, and chipped and ground stone artifacts that may represent Apache reuse of a camp AR-03-12-02-1521 Bedrock grinding features associated with petroglyphs consisting of 30-50 figures AR-03-12-02-1528 Alcove defined by a boulder overhang AR-03-12-02-1720 3 masonry structures, Apache potsherds, and chipped and ground stone artifacts that may represent a pre-reservation Apache household cluster AR-03-12-02-1721 4 masonry structures, a bedrock grinding feature, 4 rock clusters, potsherds, fire cracked rock and chipped and ground stone artifacts that may represent a pre-reservation Apache household cluster

Source. U.S. Department of Agriculture Tonto National Forest (2015).

Wendsler Nosie, a former San Carlos chairman, said of Oak young woman’s coming of age, to gather medicines. . . . Apache Flat: “It always has been told for generations—and it is elders teach their youth from the earliest of ages the meaning embedded in our way—that this place has been holy and and significance of their sacred places, including Oak Flat. sacred” (Brave NoiseCat, 2015). The Inter Tribal Association of Arizona (2014), represent- The convergence of oral traditions, archaeological evi- ing the 10 tribes directly affected by RCM as well as 11 less dence, and persistent memories and feelings linked to Oak affected tribes, also formally affirmed the significance of Flat soundly refutes Dale Miles’ (2015) dubious claim that Chí’chil Biłdagoteel: Chí’chil Biłdagoteel was not and is not significant in Apache culture and history. The evidence obliged TNF to Oak Flat has played an essential role in Apache, Yavapai and nominate, and the Keeper of the National Register to list, other tribes’ religion, traditions, and culture for centuries and is Oak Flat in the U.S. National Register of Historic Places. a holy site and traditional cultural property with deep tribal The area’s grassy basins, oak groves, boulder-studded religious, cultural, archaeological, historical and environmental woodlands, canyons, springs, cliffs, and cultural sites col- significance. . . . Oak Flat area is a place filled with power—a lectively embody and define a cultural landscape of historic place where Apaches go today for prayer, to conduct ceremonies and current uses, predominantly by Apaches, of 4,309 acres such as Holy Ground and the Sunrise Dance that celebrates a of TNF (USDA TNF, 2015). 6 SAGE Open

Figure 3. Royce’s (1899, pp. 922-923) Arizona and New Mexico map No. 1, depicting Arizona portions of Western and Chiricahua Apache homelands (overlaps with Yavapai and O’odham lands not delineated) recognized in the treaty of Santa Fe; in the public domain.

Wind: Government Policy and Miner that added lands between the Gila River and today’s Mexican Propaganda Regarding Pinal Apaches border (Welch, 2016). Figure 3 illustrates the original Arizona domain of Western and Chiricahua Apaches. Proof of Apache occupation of the Oak Flat vicinity prior to Royce’s (1899, pp. 922-923) Polygon 689 extends eastward 1875 prompts an obvious inquiry: What happened to the to the Rio Grande, depicting nonexclusive Apache territory Pinal Apaches who had for generations used Oak Flat and referenced in the Treaty of Santa Fe. That treaty obliges other parts of the RCM impact area? Apaches to live exclusively under U.S. laws and jurisdiction Historical facts answer this question. Apache homelands and the United States to “designate, settle, and adjust their were claimed by Mexico until the 1848 treaty that ended the territorial boundaries, and . . . legislate and act as to secure Mexican–American War and the 1853 Gadsden Purchase the permanent prosperity and happiness of said Indians” Welch 7

Table 2. Annihilationist Government Policy and Miner Bombast Targeting Pinal Apaches.

Date and source Statement(s) October 26, 1864 (“Apache “a bill . . . adopted by the Legislature, authorizing the raising of not more than six companies of rangers” 1864, p. 1, col. 2) rangers to fight Apaches. . . . [I]f we do not conquer the savages they will . . . drive us from the country. . . . Extermination is our only hope, and the sooner it is accomplished the better . . . Let the necessary work go on.” October 31,1865 (Farish, 1916, Gen. John S. Mason, issues General Order No. 11: “All Apache Indians in this Territory are Vol. 4, p. 126) hostile and all men old enough to bear arms who are encountered will be slain. . . . All rancherias, provisions and whatever of value belonging to the Indians . . . will be destroyed.” September 22, 1868 (Major “The Apaches . . . are the natural and hereditary enemies of the whites. . . . They have General H. W. Halleck, 1869, successfully expelled from that Territory the Aztecs, the Spaniards and the Mexicans; and p. 49) they will yield to our people only when compelled to do so by the rifle. . . . Murder and robbery constitute almost the sole occupation of the Apaches . . . plundering and destroying unprotected agricultural and mining settlements. . . . They will observe no treaties, agreements, or truces. With them there is no alternative but active and vigorous war, till they are completely destroyed.” September 27, 1869 (General “On taking command of the department I was satisfied that the few settlers and scattered Ord, 1870, pp. 121-122) miners of Arizona were the sheep upon which these wolves habitually preyed . . . I encouraged the troops to capture and root out the Apache by every means, and to hunt them as they would wild animals. . . . over two hundred have been killed, generally by parties who have trailed them for days and weeks . . . lying in wait for them by day and following them by night. Many villages have been burned, large quantities of arms and supplies of ammunition, clothing and provisions have been destroyed. . . . Some of the bands, having the fear of extermination before them, have sued for peace.” January 23, 1871 (“The Pacific “Gov. Safford . . . recommends a war of extermination against Apache Indians, and favors Coast,” 1871, p. 1) the employment of volunteers composed of settlers . . . as more effective and cheaper than regular troops.” August 26, 1871 (“Indian War “Crook is bent on exerting the fullest strength of his command to punish hostile Indians. . in Arizona,” 1871, p. 1) . . The Territory will be scoured as it never has been, and the Apaches warred upon in a manner that will strike them with awe, and we believe produce an early peace.” September 26, 1871 (“The “Capt. Henry’s . . . have destroyed many rancheros and killed a number of Apaches . . . Gov. Indians: The Campaign,” Sofford [sic] and a company of 200 miners and Indian hunters had found rich gold placers in 1871, p. 1) the Pinal country, and were still scouting after gold and Apaches.” March 30, 1872 (“Arizona,” “not only mining, but all classes of industry are seriously hindered by the atrocities of the 1872, p. 1) murderous Apaches. . . . Peaceable miners in the pursuit of their vocation are shot down, pick and shovel in hand. . . . The inhabitants saw a glimmer of hope in the arrival of General Crook, whose policy is to exterminate the Indians entirely as the most efficient means of making peace with them.”

(Kappler, 1904). Despite early cooperation among Western The Apache is as near the lobo, or wolf of the country, as any Apaches and newcomers (Welch, 2016), government poli- human being can be to a beast. . . . They neither cultivate nor cies abetted American encroachments into Apache lands hunt to any extent, but exist mainly . . . by plunder. . . . This is (Table 2; Ogle, 1970). the greatest obstacle to the operations of the mining companies. As had been the case in California and Nevada, miners led . . . [W]hipping these wild tribes . . . into submission, and driving them into reservations . . . with the penalty of death sternly American incursions into Arizona. The “miners’ invasion of enforced if they pass their limits, is the only prompt, economical, the West that began in 1849 led to the exploration of every and humane process. . . . My greatest hopes for Arizona, mountain stream and valley. Miners looked for gold and however, rest on the army. . . . Officers of various grades are found silver in quantity as well. Congress responded with a becoming interested in mines throughout that region. They . . . new mining act of 1872 allowing miners to take up land have connections of influence and capital. (Dunbar, 1859, p. 2) claims” (Anderson, 2014, p. 310). By 1856, the United States had established Fort Buchanan, south of Tucson, and the post In 1862, the U.S. Army’s departmental commander, at the mouth of Aravaipa Creek later known as Camp Grant, General James Carleton, ordered Apache men to be killed to thwart Apache raids, enable strikes against Apaches, and wherever found (Spicer, 1962, p. 247). In 1863, miners found protect miners (Thrapp, 1967). An 1859 article in the New gold and silver near Prescott, northwest of Pinal Apache York Times incites the incipient convergence of popular opin- lands. The initial U.S. government commitment to maintain ions, mining schemes, and government policies: the travel corridor along the Mexican border through 8 SAGE Open

Chiricahua Apache territory soon expanded. The Pinal effect, the location criteria for inclusion in Table 4 were Apaches, Aravaipa Apaches, Tonto Apaches, and Yavapais relaxed until a like number of incidents could be presented took the brunt of American miners’ encroachments. In April for comparison. The estimated locations of the lethal inci- 1864, the United States authorized Arizona Territorial dents were then mapped to illustrate the concerted intensity Governor John N. Goodwin to muster the First Arizona of the military–industrial extermination campaigns. The map Volunteer Infantry regiment. Over 350 men signed up to hunt and tables highlight contrasts between the deliberate, state- Apaches (Farish, 1918; Underhill, 1983). The Miner newspa- sponsored violence against Apache families and the occa- per (also The Arizona Weekly Miner) exalted mining and sional, generally opportunistic killings of non-Apache men exhorted military and civilian campaigns against Apaches by Pinal and Aravaipa Apaches. (Table 2). One example of the exhortation: Government complicity with miners’ anti-Apache agenda has seldom shown restraint. The Legislature of the Territory Pinal Apaches . . . succeeded in stealing from the ranches a large (1864) soon authorized mining claims by U.S. Army service- amount of valuable stock. . . . Mr. Woolsey . . . will organize a men. Bigando (1985, pp. 4-5) describes a joint, Army- company to hunt and punish the thieves, and if it is as successful prospector foray led by Captain H. Moulton and miner Calvin as the party . . . which slaughtered twenty or more of them, he Jackson into the Pinal Mountains. North of the future town of will have a good revenge. He . . . believes fully, as he has good Globe, the 1870 expedition staked numerous tracts, including reason to, in the extermination policy. (“Indian troubles,” 1864) claims for Moulton and regional commander, Lt. Col. George General Carleton’s May 1864 order, also reported in The B. Sanborn. In another step toward convergence of military Miner, required Apache “removal to a Reservation or by the and industrial interests, General George Stoneman, the newly utter extermination of their men, to insure a lasting peace and appointed Department Commander, ordered troops to “pros- a security of life to all those who go to the country in search ecute a relentless Winter campaign against the Pinal and of precious metals” (Carleton, 1864, p. 1). Federal Tonto branches” and “provide arms for civilians who desire Government relationships with American Indians were man- to accompany them” (“The Indians in Arizona,” 1871, p. 1). aged by “superintendents” charged to facilitate U.S.-Native Arizonans, especially miners, wanted still more Federal co-occupation. On March 2, 1865, Arizona’s Superintendent Government aid. Farish (1918, Vol. 8, pp. 96-97) explains of Indian Affairs, Charles D. Poston (1865), appealed to the that Arizonans in the early 1870s U.S. House of Representatives for additional military sup- port for a distinctive approach to coexistence: were aroused to frenzy and demanded the immediate annihilation or capture of the Apaches. . . . Stoneman went about his work carefully. . . . Fully one-third of the Territory was, and always had The Spanish explorers found . . . a people . . . practicing many of been in the hands of the Apaches. . . . Stoneman was accused of the arts of civilization. . . . In antagonism to these interesting spending too much time in the details of establishing new posts, people we have the barbarous Apaches. . . . [From] Time and the improvement of old ones, the building of roads, etc. immemorial their hand has been against every man. . . . For three centuries they have stayed the progress of civilization. . . . Their subjugation would open to our hardy miners an unexplored gold Arizonans greeted Stoneman’s tactics with withering criti- field north of the Gila. . . . A sickly sympathy for a few beastly cism in newspapers, relentless lobbying in Washington, and savages should not stand in the way of the development of our bloody vigilanteism. rich gold fields, or the protection of our enterprising frontiersmen. One citizen expedition against Apaches proved pivotal. Before first light on April 30, 1871, about 150 Tucsonans and Fire! Native allies slaughtered at least 85 Pinal and Aravaipa Apaches, including about 77 women and children camped Annihilationist rhetoric is not always backed up by deeds, under Army protection (Colwell-Chanthaphonh, 2007; but it was in Pinal Territory in the 1800s. Table 3 lists the 35 Jacoby, 2008; Kühn, 2014, p. 176; Record, 2008). The hor- engagements with Apache fatalities; Table 4 lists the non- rific event pierced Washington officials’ hazy grasp of what Apache fatalities. Both rosters rely on Berndt Kühn’s had been going on in Arizona. Congress swiftly ducked, ced- Chronicles of War (2014) to reduce bias in incident selection ing most authority over Indian affairs to the Executive Branch. and fatality tabulation. As a further means to reduce vagaries The Army replaced Stoneman with Colonel George Crook, a in historical records and highlight contrasts between the two seasoned Indian subjugator, and suspended operations against inventories, the roster of Apache fatalities (Table 3) only lists Apaches to allow visits by President Grant’s Peace Policy engagements in and adjacent to Pinal Apache territory, about envoys. Deliberations between Apache leaders and Vincent 5,340 square kilometers well removed from Tonto, Cibecue, Colyer resulted in Grant’s Executive Order of November 9, and White Mountain Apache lands (see Figure 4). Table 4 1871, to establish the White Mountain Reservation boundar- lists incidents from an area more than twice as large (about ies; talks with Oliver O. Howard precipitated the December 11,500 square kilometers), and includes all Americans, 14, 1872, Order to expand the reservation boundaries through Mexicans, and O’odham recorded as killed either near Pinal the addition of a San Carlos Division (Figure 5 and Table 5; territory or by Pinal or Aravaipa Apaches, anywhere. In Welch, 2016; Figures 1, 4). Welch 9

Table 3. Thirty-Five Lethal Attacks on Apaches in and Near Pinal Apache Territory, 1859-1874.

Date Personnel, location, description & casualties Kühn page November 19, 1859 8th Infantry command kills 3 Apaches and captures 15 cattle in attack on Pinal Apaches near 71 San Pedro River December 25, 1859 U.S. Army command kills 6 Apaches in skirmish, Pinal Mountains (Capt. Elliott wounded) 72 May 7, 1863 Command of California Volunteers and civilians kills about 50 Apaches (1 soldier killed) and 99 captures 16 Apache children in attack on camp in Aravaipa Canyon November 5, 1863 Command of California Volunteers kills 1 Apache in ambush of 7 Apaches at Gila River near 103 Pinal Mountains June 8, 1864 Command of 58 California Volunteers kills 8 Apaches, captures 9 Apache women and 108 children, in attack in Aravaipa Canyon July 31, 1864 Command of California and New Mexico Volunteers kills 2 Apaches (1 woman, 1 boy) 110 shooting at 2 Apache prisoners attempting to escape, near Pinal Creek August 1, 1864 Command of California and New Mexico Volunteers kills 1 Apache woman and captures 1 110 Apache woman in attack on Apaches east of Pinal Creek August 3, 1864 Command of California and New Mexico Volunteers executes 2 Apache prisoners (men) at 110 Pinal Creek August 5, 1864 Command of California and New Mexico Volunteers kills 5 Apaches in ambush on 15 Pinal 110 Apaches at Pinal Creek March 31, 1866 Command of 1st Infantry and 200 Pimas kills 25 Pinal Apaches and captures 16 in attack on 122 camp about 25 miles north of the Gila River April 21, 1868 8th Cavalry command kills 2 Apaches near Camp Grant 138 May 1, 1868 8th Cavalry command kills 6 and mortally wounds 2 Apaches in an attack on a small camp at 138 the Gila River, near Camp Grant April 29, 1869 Command of 1st Cavalry and 14th Infantry kills 25 Pinal Apaches and captures 8 in attack on 150 camp in Santa Teresa Mountains May 24, 1869 Command of 1st Cavalry and 32nd Infantry kills 4 Pinal Apaches and captures 2 in attack on 152 42 dwellings near Mineral Creek June 3, 1869 Command of 1st Cavalry kills 2 Pinal Apaches in attack on camp near Mineral Creek 152 June 4, 1869 Command of 8th Cavalry, 1st Cavalry, and 14th Infantry kills 20 Pinal Apaches and captures 4 152 children in attack near Pinto Creek August 11, 1869 Command of 1st Cavalry under Maj. John Green kills 3 Apaches and captures 2 children in 155 attack on camp near Aravaipa Creek December 16, 1869 Command of 8th Cavalry and 1st Cavalry kills some Apaches and captures Apache women 161 and children at Pinto Creek January 7, 1870 Command of 1st Cavalry kills 3 Apaches after pursuit to the Gila River near Camp Grant 162 April 30, 1870 Command of 1st and 3rd Cavalry and 21st Infantry kills 11 Apaches in attack on camp in Pinal 165 Mountains June 5, 1870 Command of 1st and 3rd Cavalry kills at least 30 Apaches (9 men and 21 women and 167 children) in attack in Apache Mountains October 29, 1870 Command of 1st Cavalry kills 4 Apache men in Pinal Mountains 170 January 1, 1871 Command of 1st and 3rd Cavalry kills 9 Apaches and destroys a camp, Pinal Mountains, near 171 the Gila River February 1871 Cavalry command kills 1 Apache in attack on a Pinal Apache camp, Pinal Mountains 173 April 11 & 12, 1871 Command of 3rd Cavalry kills 29 Apaches in two attacks on camps, Apache Mountains 175 March 8, 1874 Command of 5th Cavalry kills 13 Apache men and captures 34 women and children at 198 Eskiminzin’s camp, Pinal Mountains March 25-26, 1874 Command of 5th Cavalry kills 12 Western Apaches in attack on camp, Superstition Mountains 198 April 2, 1874 Command of 5th Cavalry kills 47 Apaches and captures 50 women and children in attack on 198 camp, Pinal Mountains April 3-14, 1874 Command of 5th Cavalry kills 14 Apache men and captures 30 women and children in attacks 198 on camps, Pinal, Mescal, and Santa Teresa Mountains April 28, 1874 Command of 5th Cavalry kills 23 Western Apaches in attack on a camp in Aravaipa Mountains 199 April 28-30, 1874 Two 5th Cavalry attacks kill 3 Apaches and capture 11 199 May 23, 1874 Apache scouts kill 4 Pinal Apaches, Santa Catalina Mountains 200 June 6, 1874 Command of 5th Cavalry kills 4 Aravaipa Apaches, Santa Teresa Mountains 200 ca. June 7, 1874 Apache scouts kill 1 Pinal Apache 200 July 1874 Apache scouts kill 7 Pinal Apaches 201

Source. Kühn (2014). 10 SAGE Open

Table 4. 34 Lethal Attacks on Non-Apaches by Pinal Apaches or in Pinal Apache Territory, 1859-1874.

Date Personnel, location, description & casualties Kühn page August 3, 1860 Pinal Apache attack on engineering party in San Pedro River Valley mortally wounds 1 civilian 77 April 25, 1861 Attacks by Pinal Apaches in Santa Rita Mountains kill 3 civilians 83 January 8, 1865 Pinal Apache attack west of Fort Grant kills 1 civilian 120 March 22, 1866 Ambush of 7 soldiers by at least 75 Apaches west of Cottonwood Springs, kills 4 soldiers, 121 mortally wounds 1 soldier May 20, 1867 Attack by Pinal Apaches at Cañada del Oro kills 1 Mexican and 2 ‘tame’ Apaches 129 June 4, 1867 Attacks by Apaches on ranches near Camp Grant kill 1 Mexican and 1 civilian and wound 2 130 Mexicans and 1 Indian Mar 25, 1868 14th Infantry command led by Capt. Guido Ilges on 50 Apaches near Cottonwood Springs 137 results in death of 1 soldier: July 9, 1868 Fight near Camp Grant kills 1 Mexican 140 July 15, 1868 Apache attack near Camp Grant kills 1 Mexican 140 February 26, 1869 Attack by 50 Western Apaches, probably Pinals, on 2 wagons near Camp Grant kills 2 148 civilians and wounds 1 soldier March 21, 1869 Attack by 30 Apaches on 2 wagons 10 miles from Camp Grant kills 1 civilian and wounds 2 149 infantrymen May 11, 1869 Attack by ~200 Apaches on wagons at Cañada del Oro claims 3 Mexican lives 151 October 5, 1869 Ambush of mail coach by Pinal and Chokenen Apaches at Dragoon Pass kills 4 soldiers and 2 157 civilians November 25, 1869 Apaches mortally wound 1 civilian 6 miles from Florence 160 November 30, 1869 Apaches kill 1 prospector 9 miles from Florence 160 February 1, 1870 Attack by ~50 Pinal Apaches on wagon train north of Tucson kills 1 soldier and 2 civilians 163 April 13, 1870 Apache ambush kills 1 civilian near San Pedro settlements 165 May 28, 1870 Attack by Pinal, Aravaipa, and Cibecue Apaches on wagon train south of Camp Grant kills 1 166 civilian and 2 Mexicans January 31, 1871 Apache attack on wagon near Florence kills 1 Pima 172 February 14, 1871 Pinal Apache attack 12 miles west of Camp Pinal kills 1 Mexican 173 March 9, 1871 Pinal Apache attack on a wagons between Camp Grant and Camp Pinal kills 1 soldier and 1 174 Mexican March 14, 1871 Apache attack on herd at Camp Pinal kills 2 civilians 174 May 28, 1871 Attack by Eskiminzin on ranch near Camp Grant kills 1 civilian 177 July 13, 1871 Attack led by Eskiminzin on wagon train east of Cienega Station kills 1 soldier; soldiers kill 13 178 Apaches August 4, 1872 1 Mexican killed in vigilante attack on Apaches 186 November 22, 1872 Apache attack on Ward’s camp near Camp Grant kills 1 Mexican 188 May 27, 1873 Apache attack on ration day at San Carlos kills 1 soldier 193 September 12, 1873 Apache attack on 4 prospectors on Pinal Creek kills 1 civilian 195 January 31, 1874 Apache attack led by Chunz and Cocinay on wagons at San Carlos Agency kills 1 civilian and 197 mortally wounds 1 civilian February 3, 1874 Apache attack on ranch near Camp Grant kills 6 Mexicans 197 February 8, 1874 Apache attack on wagon southeast of Florence kills 1 civilian 197 March 1874 Attack by Eskiminzin on wagon train near Florence kills 1 civilian 198 March 9, 1874 Pinal Apache attack northwest of Tucson kills 1 Mexican 198 May 6, 1874 Western Apaches kill 1 Mexican, Santa Catalina Mountains 199

Source. Kühn (2014).

Some Arizonans retreated from extermination policies, The Territory is covered with the ruins of cities and towns that but the massacre emboldened rather than deterred both addi- were once undoubtedly inhabited by a people of industry. . . . tional propaganda and miner incursions into Pinal Apache The cause of their destruction was undoubtedly the ravages of lands (Blankenburg, 1968). The Arizona Government the implacable Apache, and our people now begin to realize, that unless assistance is given them, that they only await a similar promptly published a pamphlet to justify the Camp Grant fate. (Legislature of the Territory, 1871, pp. 3-4) Massacre and spur further Army killings and mining expansions: By August, the New York Times reported, Welch 11

Figure 4. Pinal Mountains and surrounding areas, with the estimated locations of the 35 encounters resulting in over 380 Apache deaths (see Table 3) and the 34 encounters resulting in about 69 non-Apache deaths (small circles; see Table 4).

Gov. Spafford [sic], with 300 well-armed men and two months’ them in upon their proper reservations. . . . [S]traggling bands provisions, has entered the Pinal and Magallan Mountains ...... will be forced to surrender or be destroyed” (Bourke, determined to prospect fully the regions from which so many 1873). “May 1, 1873 marks the date on which the United parties of whites have been driven back by Apaches. (“The States took from the Western Apache Indians their Indian title Indians: A Prospecting Party,” 1871, p. 1) to all of their aboriginal lands located outside of the boundar- ies of the reservation established by the Executive Orders” Crook’s General Order No. 10 (November 21, 1871) (U.S. Indian Claims Commission, 1969). By late in 1874, the required all Apaches to remain within the boundaries of the sounds of Apache kids playing in their mountains and can- recently established reservation or be killed. In the Tonto yons were largely replaced by miners’ picks, shovels, drills, Basin Campaign authorized by that same order, Crook orches- and dynamite blasts. trated a multipronged scouring of Tonto Apache homelands (and northern reaches of Pinal Apache land). The campaign built on previous U.S. Army operations’ effective tactics: Aftermath relentless pursuits by cavalry units guided by Apache scouts, Seldom do historical documents pick up so clearly and so dawn ambushes, and destruction of homes, food stores, and vividly where archaeological records end, but this is the case agricultural fields (Thrapp, 1967, p. 119; Welch, 2016, pp. for the Oak Flat vicinity. Territorial newspaper articles, 94-98). The 15-month campaign killed or captured almost all Indian policies, and military correspondence converge on the Western Apaches reliant on lands beyond the newly desig- truth that mining was the main motivation behind the Pinal nated reservation borders. General Orders No. 12, April 7, Apache extermination campaigns. Tallies from military and 1873, states that “announcement is made of the surrender of civilian hunts (Table 3) yield grim statistics: American cam- large numbers of Indians lately hostile” and directs officers paigns killed over 380 Pinal Apaches, a reckoning that “to enable the friend of any renegades still at large to bring excludes the Camp Grant Massacre. Table 4 reveals that, 12 SAGE Open

luridly elsewhere as “The Apache Wars” (see Hutton, 2016), the reality is that Americans, like the prior Spanish and Mexican incursions, invaded and annexed Western Apache territory using all available means. Western Apaches were deeply apprehensive and their responses were almost exclusively defensive. Major John C. Cremony (1868, pp. 286-287) wrote,

The Apaches entertain the greatest possible dread of our discoveries of mineral wealth in their country. . . . They know and feel that wherever mineral wealth exists to such an extent as to render it available, the white man fastens upon it with ineradicable tenacity. . . . The occupation of mines involves the possession of water facilities and sufficient fuel. To occupy a water privilege in Arizona and New Mexico is tantamount to driving the Indians from their most cherished possessions, and infuriates them to the utmost extent.

The U.S. Indian Claims Commission (1965) adjudication of Western Apache and Yavapai claims to their aboriginal territories affirmed

hostilities commenced simultaneously with the arrival of miners . . . and continued almost without interruption until Genera1 Figure 5. Western Apache lands initially reserved for their Crook rounded up the surviving Indians. . . . [M]ilitary exclusive benefit (all polygons north of the line labeled “2nd commanders . . . with varying degrees of success, sent their Standard South”) and subsequent severances from those lands troops out to track down, attack, kill and capture Indians. . . . (polygons 541, 546, 573, 592, 602, 720) (Royce, 1899: AZ-2) (see Finally, following a series of meetings held by Vincent Colyer . also Figure 1); in the public domain. . . a reservation was set apart. . . . Indians were directed to remove to this reservation and stay within its borders. This directive failing to be effective, General Crook, in the fall and during the same 15 years, Pinal Apaches were responsible winter of 1872-1873, waged a vigorous campaign throughout for fewer than 70 deaths. There are gray areas in the records, the area until virtually all the Indians had either surrendered to but no mentions of women and children dying at the hands of troops in the field or else had come into a military post. (U.S. Pinal Apaches have surfaced. Accounts of American aggres- Indian Claims Commission, 1965, pp. 79-80) sion, however, boast about the methods of subjugation: Without judicial process or specific provocation, profes- In effect, Western Apache leaders agreed to remain within sional soldiers and gangs of militarized hunters stalked and their reserved lands—roughly half of the territory their peo- murdered Apache men, women, and children, often as they ple had exclusively occupied a generation prior, about slept, seldom taking prisoners. In contrast, 15 of the 34 inci- 5,500,000 acres—in exchange for the balance of their land dents that precipitated non-Apache fatalities occurred during (about 5,900,000 acres; see Table 5) and solemn Federal the season of hunger in the region’s uplands (January to Government guarantees of assistance (Welch, 2016, March). These and many other incidents listed in Table 4 are pp. 82-88). Grant’s envoys and generals laid out the initial likely attributable to intercepted Apache raiding expeditions. reservation boundaries to avoid further conflicts with miners Stoneman (1871) quipped the Pinal Apaches “must either and to allow Western Apaches to sustain their families starve, steal, or be fed.” In another candid admission about through hunting, gathering, and expanded farming and the lopsided slaughter, General John Pope (1871) wrote, ranching operations. These facts expose all claims that “depredations of the Apaches have been continuous for Apaches were the aggressors and got what they deserved, twenty-five years past, but they are insignificant in extent especially such claims leveled at T’iis Tsebán and Tsé and generally confined to the plunder of a few sheep and Binesti’é families, as vacuous and callous justifications of mules and the occasional murder of a lonely sheepherder.” astonishingly irresponsible journalism, governance, and law The 1860s and early 1870s were, for Western Apaches, enforcement, all to facilitate mining and other commodifying a cataclysmic period of loss—of life, of land, of liberty, appropriations of Apache land. and of sovereignties over people and territory (Lahti, But logics of justice, aboriginal rights, and sustainability 2012). The pertinent chapter (three) of Ogle’s (1970) were no match for the rapacious, race-based mind-sets that Federal Control of the Western Apaches, 1848-1886 is ruled Arizona for its first century. Federal and Territorial titled “Extermination—A frontier panacea.” Referenced Government allegiances to the agreements made by Grant’s Welch 13

Table 5. Important Federal Government Acts Affecting Western Apache Lands.

Action and date Affected land (mostly severed acres) Assumption of U.S. jurisdiction over Western Apaches and their Western Apache Aboriginal Territory: ~9,400,000 acres territory, per Finding of Fact No. 11, (21 Ind. Cl. Comm. 189, (Figure 3, Royce polygon 689) 218), May 1, 1873 Executive order to establish White Mountain Reservation, Original White Mountain Indian Reservation Add November 9, 1871 ~4,000,000 acres Executive order to increase size of White Mountain Reservation Add ~1,250,000 acres and create “San Carlos division,” December 14, 1872 Executive order to open White Mountain Reservation land in Gila Subtract ~1,300,000 acres (Figure 5, Royce polygon 546) River Valley to non-Indian use, August 5, 1873 Executive order to open Reservation land east of 109° 30’ west Subtract ~950,000 acres (Figure 5, Royce polygon 573) longitude (east-most 26 miles, approximately) for non-Indian use, July 21, 1874 Executive order to open Reservation land east of Globe to non- Subtract ~100,000 acres (Figure 5, Royce polygon 592) Indian use, April 27, 1876 Executive order to open Reservation land along western boundary Subtract ~55,000 acres (Figure 5, Royce polygon 602) for non-Indian use, March 31, 1877 Congressional act to open Reservation land south of Salt River and Subtract ~115,000 acres (Figure 5, Royce polygon 720) north of Chromo Butte to non-Indian use, February 20, 1893 Agreement to exclude from Reservation the “Mineral Strip” south Subtract ~230,000 acres (Royce, not depicted) of Gila River, February 25, 1896 (ratified by Congressional act June 10, 1896, 29 Stat. 358) Congressional act to partition White Mountain Reservation into San Carlos Indian Reservation since 1990, ~1,800,000 Fort Apache and San Carlos reservations, June 7, 1897 (30 Stat. acres; Fort Apache Reservation ~1,700,000 acres 64, 86) Congressional act to open a “small tract” to mining and give Subtract ~231 acres (location indeterminate) (Royce, not proceeds to tribe, March 2, 1901 (31 Stat. 952) depicted) Executive order to open San Carlos Reservation land in southwest Subtract ~39,000 acres (Royce, not depicted) corner to non-Indian use, December 22, 1902 San Carlos Mineral Strip Act to return land to Reservation for Add 10,650 acres (104 Stat 1047) benefit of the San Carlos Apache Tribe, 1990 (104 Stat. 1047) Approximate difference between Western Apache Aboriginal ~5,900,000 acres title lands (~9,400,000 acres) and remaining Reservation land (~3,500,000 acres) = peace envoys to provide land sufficient to sustain Western (Briggs, 2015; Cox, 1882). Production data for the Magma Apache needs were short-lived. In 1875, the Federal Mine, the Superior District’s largest and longest-lived, Government closed the Camp Grant, Camp Verde, Chiricahua, enumerate a small fraction of the billions in wealth and Fort Tularosa Reservations; opened these erstwhile ref- extracted from Pinal Apache lands: “1,299,718 short tons uges, too, to non-Indians; and set about resettling all Western of copper, 36,550 short tons of zinc, approximately and Chiricahua Apaches at San Carlos. Figure 6 shows, and 686,000 ounces of gold and 34.3 million ounces of silver” Table 5 lists, the more than 2,000,000 acres taken from the (Biggs, 2015, p. 8). White Mountain and San Carlos reservations and opened to Miners and their political pawns were unapologetic about non-Apache miners, farmers, and ranchers from 1873 to killing Apaches, destroying their possessions, or taking their 1902. lands. In a further exposition of voracious frontier mentality, The traces of silver and gold found during Governor the Territorial Legislature (Legislature of the Territory of Safford’s 1871 expedition (Table 2) touched off waves of Arizona, 1885) petitioned the U.S. Congress for all lands prospecting and resulted in the staking of the Silver King, remaining in Apache hands, asserting, Hub, and Irene claims on the Pinal Mountains’ western flanks (Figure 6) (Tenney, 1927; Walker & Chilton, 1991). that the Indians now occupying these vast reservations, By 1880, stock certificates were being issued for nearby comprising the richest mineral, agricultural and timber lands of mines (Figure 7). By 1882, more than 100 additional the Territory, have made no use of said lands, but simply claims had been staked and hundreds of miners occupied withhold the same from public use and occupation, and are a the Pinal and Hastings settlements, the predecessors of the perpetual menace to the peaceful settler, retarding progress, Town of Superior, Resolution Copper’s headquarters paralyzing prosperity . . . 14 SAGE Open

c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

Scholars and lawyers agree that genocide should be refer- enced sparingly to conserve the term’s legal, symbolic, and political potency (Bartrop, 2008). Anderson (2014, p. 12) goes further, arguing that genocide is not a generally applicable descriptor for U.S. Indian Policy because a “legitimate gov- ernment must plan, organize, and implement . . . a concerted effort to kill large numbers of people or indeed to annihilate a given people.” More recently, Madley (2015) has welded the mandate to conserve the term’s potency to a framework for focused investigations using the 1948 criteria. Madley (2016) follows his own advice in an authoritative California study. This research also adopts Madley’s framework, revealing that Federal and Territorial officials colluded with industrial boosters to remove T’iis Tsebán and Tsé Binesti’é from their rightful homelands, dead or alive. After 1874, once the Western Apaches’ self-appointed Federal trustee had the upper hand, it distributed to non-Apaches the wealth from Apache’s aborigi- nal and reservation lands (Welch, 2016). Beginning in the later 1870s, the U.S. government saw fit to distribute Apache chil- dren—first dozens, then hundreds—to boarding schools and non-Indian families (Adams, 1995; Jacobs, 2009). State- Figure 6. Portion of Cox’s 1882 map of the Pioneer (Superior) sponsored Apache scalp bounties may have continued in Mining District. Arizona into the 1880s (“Money for Indian Scalps,” 1885). Note. Each of the rectilinear polygons along the pediment depicts a mining Madley (2015, p. 132) further recommends research into claim. The dark rectangles are the Pinal and Hastings townsites. Map in those who prospered by and through genocide. The beneficia- the public domain. Photo by author. ries from the Pinal Apache Genocide, from the 1870s to the 2010s, are mining corporations. Early mining proponents That the San Carlos and White Mountain Reservations . . . planned and implemented genocide using predominantly pub- covering the fountain heads of all our most important streams, lic resources (i.e., the U.S. Army). These proponents then now . . . serving as the abode and lurking places of a discontented, rushed in to claim and privatize the spoils. Their 21st-century idle and vicious horde of savages, a curse and a plague to civilization and a danger and disgrace to the Territory. successors now appear poised to prosper through reinvestment That the present apparent quietness of the Apache Indians, of profits and political influence ostensibly traceable to geno- neither reassures or deceives . . . cide. RCM and its parent company, Rio Tinto, remain commit- That your Memorialists believe that these Indians ought and ted to influencing U.S. Government decisions about the use of should be removed from our midst to some part of the Indian public lands and minerals, regardless of additional harms to Territory, where they may learn the rudiments of education and those lands, to Native Americans, or to National Register his- become in time peaceable. (p. 374) toric sites and sacred places (see, for example, Barrios, 2017). Since the mid-1800s, miners have enlisted and rewarded gov- Genocide? ernment officials for complicity in relentless quests to elevate mining above other interests, including common laws, human Since codification in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention rights, Christian values, and other moral codes. In October and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (United Nations 2017, the U.S. filed fraud charges against Rio Tinto for mis- General Assembly, 1948), genocide has meant leading investors (Lynch & Hume, 2017). any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: Reflections and Recommendations

a) Killing members of the group; History, it is often said, repeats itself. Archaeologists and his- b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the torians have chronicled where and how cultural groups have group; distributed themselves over the West’s plateaus, deserts, and Welch 15

Figure 7. Stock certificate, mineral creek mining company, Pinal County, Arizona, 1880. Source. http://media.liveauctiongroup.net/i/9372/10324600_1.jpg?v=8CDA5BD0950CC00 mountains. Displacement, reduction, and removal have What nothing can or must ever be allowed to erase, how- received less attention (cf. Spicer, 1962, with Welch, 2017). ever, is truth. Robust bodies of archaeological and historical The Pinal Mountains reverberate with successive govern- evidence unequivocally confirm the presence of Pinal mental interventions over many decades to eliminate Apaches in the Oak Flat vicinity and across the RCM impact Apaches from consideration in relation to mining proposals. area. Arizona and U.S. Governments deliberately prosecuted In 2014, instead of respecting their oaths of office and the the Pinal Apache Genocide to enable industrial mining and Apaches, a few Arizona politicians advanced the comatose the distribution of resultant profits from Apache lands to RCM proposal by crafting provisions for a land exchange industrial allies. The Pinal Apache Genocide requires recog- and impact assessment tailored to authorize further destruc- nition as both history and as a factor affecting contemporary tion and privatization of Apache sacred places and American relations among those who live and work in its dark shadow, public lands and resources (Mikkelson, 2016; Millet, 2015). including RCM personnel, Federal and Arizona State In the past and in 2017, arguments that mining creates wealth, Government officials, and the residents of Pinal and neigh- provides good jobs, and supports vital communities gener- boring counties. Suspicions about industrialization voiced by ally neglect the downsides. In the area surrounding Oak Flat Apaches and other tribes’ representatives derive not only and other world regions that have hosted numerous large from ancient senses of sacredness but also from persistent mines, the local benefits of mining pale in comparison to bio- duties to homelands and long-muted histories of severance physical and sociocultural costs and consequences (see therefrom (Deloria, 1994; Spicer, 1971). After maintaining Bernhardt & Palmer, 2011; Bridge, 2003). their traditions across centuries of oppression both overt and It is also said that history belongs to the victors. This is insidious, Apache memories, stories, and claims to their true in the narrow sense that most published accounts of lands may well emerge stronger and more resilient from the Pinal Apache history have been authored by non-Apaches. It RCM controversy. Apaches take history seriously and per- is also true in the institutional and practical senses that sonally and so, too, should others affected by it (Basso, Apaches and their allies must use non-Apache rules in quests 1996). That means everybody. to unsilence their histories, save ancestral and public lands What history has yet to record are commitments by the pro- from imminent destruction, and secure their futures ponents of the Pinal Apache Genocide and their successors to (Dongoske, Pasqual, & King, 2015; Greenberg & Greenberg, acknowledge and atone for these still-reverberating injustices. 2013; Willow, 2016). The Pinal Apache Genocide helps Studies of historical trauma show how past harms and oppres- explain Apaches’ persistent emotional and spiritual connec- sions travel across generations to cause major effects on tions to Oak Flat and the depth and persistence of their oppo- Indigenous peoples’ health and wellness (Fast & Collin- sition to RCM. Insidious forces that Jacoby (2008) calls the Vézina, 2010; Schaepe, Angelbeck, Snook, & Welch, 2017). Violence of History have suppressed evidence that bolsters The Pinal Apache Genocide constitutes a moral and legal Apache claims and appeals while also marginalizing rea- mandate for action. Using Federal and international laws soned calls, like the one issued here, for overdue justice. (United Nations General Assembly, 2007; Welch et al., 2009), 16 SAGE Open applicable RCM policies (Rio Tinto, 2010), and principles of Declaration of Conflicting Interests transparency, accountability, and independent verifiability The author(s) declared the following potential conflicts of interest (Scott, 2014), the next U.S. Government intervention in Pinal with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this Apache territory should be a comprehensive review of the article: The research and writing for this article were supported in RCM proposal. Truth and reconciliation protocols developed part by the Social Science and Humanities Council of Canada and to address individual and collective trauma and to enable the San Carlos Apache Tribe. restorative justice (Scott, 2014) recommend prompt action on the part of the U.S. to engage San Carlos Apaches and other Funding representatives of other affected tribes in respectful determina- The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support tions of whether and how RCM and other mining might pro- for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: ceed in their homelands. In any case, the Federal Government Arizona Archaeological and Historical Society, Tucson; San Carlos must abandon, in Arizona and elsewhere, land management Apache Tribe; Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of policies and practices that institutionalize conceptions of Canada. Simon Fraser University’s Open Access Fund provided the aboriginal landowners as denizens of the past and impedi- open access publication fees. ments to progress, caricatures that confine tribal concerns to and within physical protections for specific archaeological References sites (Dongoske et al., 2015). There will never be a better, Adams, D. W. (1995). Education for extinction: American Indians easier, or less expensive time than now for the United States of and the boarding school experience, 1875–1928. Lawrence: America to escape military–industrial capture, embrace its University Press of Kansas. public and Indian fiduciary duties, and fulfill its higher mani- Anderson, G. C. (2014). Ethnic cleansing and the American Indian. fest destiny as a guarantor of truth and justice for all. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. This historical case study is as much about the future as Apache rangers. (1864, October 26). The Arizona Miner, p. 1, col. 2. Arizona. (1872, March 30). The Weekly Arizona Miner, p. 1, col. 5. the past. Asking what happened to the Pinal Apaches who Barrios, A. (2017). Testimony of Alf Barrios, chief executive, created an abundant archaeological record around Oak Flat Rio Tinto aluminum, before the United States senate com- has revealed a genocide hidden in plain sight. Beyond chron- mittee on energy and natural resources (March 28, 2017). icling another chapter of injustice, the study indicates clear Retrieved from https://www.energy.senate.gov/public/index. directions for addressing the legacies of recurrent and occa- cfm/files/serve?File_id=F8321B3D-3B85-481C-BCB1- sionally lethal colonial encounters between industrialists and D4D5628C850A American Indians (“Dakota Access Pipeline,” 2016). The Bartrop, P. R. (2008). Ethnic cleansing and genocide: Similarities Federal Government must decide, history will record, and and differences. VCU Menorah Review, 68. Retrieved from voters shall judge whether the foreign-owned RCM shall http://www.menorahreview.org/article.aspx?id=63 inflict additional harms on Apaches, other American Indians, Basso, K. H. (Ed.). (1971). Western Apache raiding and warfare. and their homelands. The Oak Flat sacred place contains far Tucson: University of Arizona Press. Basso, K. H. (1983). Western Apache. In A. Ortiz (Ed.), Handbook more than copper ore. The area harbors the material and of North American Indians, Vol. 10: Southwest (pp. 462-488, memorial proof for Pinal Apache occupation of the Pinal W. C. Sturtevant, general Ed.). Washington, DC: Smithsonian Mountains and for government-sponsored mass killings and Institution. race-based persecutions that haunt all American lands, lives, Basso, K. H. (1996). Wisdom sits in places: Landscape and lan- and institutions. The reverberant consequences of the Pinal guage among the Western Apache. Albuquerque: University of Apache Genocide and comparable inhumanities will con- New Mexico Press. tinue to debilitate our democracy so long as silence reigns. Bernhardt, E. S., & Palmer, M. A. (2011). The environmental costs All who cherish justice and simple kindness should question of mountaintop mining valley fill operations for aquatic eco- how much and how long to accept genocide as a basis for systems of the Central Appalachians. ANNALS of the New York how we treat our lands and neighbors across the American Academy of Sciences, 1223, 39-57. West, and beyond. Bigando, R. (1985). Globe, Arizona, the life and times of a west- ern mining town, 1864-1917. Globe, AZ: American Globe Publishing Co. Acknowledgments Briggs, D. F. (2015). Superior, Arizona—An old mining camp with I gratefully acknowledge information and assistance provided by many lives (Contributed Report CR-15-D). Tucson, Arizona: Mark Altaha, Kelly Bannister, Dinah Bear, Hugo Cardoso, Vern Arizona Geological Survey. Retrieved from http://repository. Grant, Saul Hedquist, Sarah Herr, Erin Hogg, Karl Hoerig, Joe Kalt, azgs.az.gov/uri_gin/azgs/dlio/1661 Berndt Kühn, Jami Macarty, George Nicholas, Seth Pilsk, Terry Blankenburg, W. B. (1968). The Role of the press in an Indian mas- Rambler, Ramon Riley, Dave Schaepe, Ken Travous, Maria Vejar, sacre, 1871. Journalism Quarterly, 45, 61-70. Scott Wood, and many librarians at the University of Arizona, Bolton, H. E. (1919). Kino’s historical memoir of Pimería Alta. Arizona State Museum, Rogers School of Law, and Special Cleveland, OH: Arthur H. Clark Company. Retrieved from Collections Library and the Arizona Historical Society. Clayton https://ia800203.us.archive.org/31/items/kinoshistoricalm- Crawford and Raul Campos expertly prepared Figures 1, 2, and 4. 00kino/kinoshistoricalm00kino_bw.pdf Welch 17

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The Pacific Coast. (1871, January 23). The New York Times, p. 1. Walker, G., & Chilton, T. G. (1991). The history of mining at supe- Thrapp, D. L. (1967). The conquest of Apacheria. Norman: rior. In J. M. Canty & M. N. Greeley (Eds.), The history of University of Oklahoma Press. mining in Arizona (Vol. II, pp. 231-260). Tucson, AZ: Mining Underhill, L. E. (1983). The first Arizona volunteer infantry. Club of the Southwest Foundation and American Institute of Tucson, AZ: Roan Horse Press. Mining Engineers, Tucson Section. United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs. Welch, J. R. (1997). White eyes’ lies and the battle for Dzil Nchaa (2009). State of the world’s Indigenous peoples. New York, Si An. American Indian Quarterly, 27, 75-109. NY: United Nations. Retrieved from http://www.un.org/esa/ Welch, J. R. (Ed.). (2016). Dispatches from the Fort Apache scout socdev/unpfii/documents/SOWIP/en/SOWIP_web.pdf (By Lori Davisson, with Edgar Perry and the original staff of United Nations General Assembly. (1948). Convention on the the White Mountain Apache Tribe Cultural Center). Tucson: prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide, adopted University of Arizona Press. December 9, 1948 (Treaty Series, Vol. 78: No. 1021, 280). Welch, J. R. (2017). Cycles of resistance. SAA Archaeological Retrieved from https://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/unts/ Record, 17, 17-21. volume%2078/volume-78-i-1021-english.pdf Welch, J. R., & Ferguson, T. J. (2007). Putting patria into repa- United Nations General Assembly. (2007). United Nations dec- triation: Cultural affiliations of White Mountain Apache tribe laration on the rights of Indigenous peoples. United Nations lands. Journal of Social Archaeology, 7, 171-198. permanent forum on Indigenous issues. Retrieved from http:// Welch, J. R., Herr, S. A., & Laluk, N. C. (2017). Ndee (Apache) www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/DRIPS_en.pdf archaeology. In B. J. Mills & S. Fowles (Eds.), Oxford hand- U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. (2016). The U.S. commission book of Southwest archaeology (pp. 495-512). New York, NY: on civil rights concerned with Dakota Access Pipeline. News Oxford University Press. release, November 22, 2016. Retrieved from http://www.usccr. Welch, J. R., Riley, R., & Nixon, M. V. (2009). Discretionary gov/press/2016/PR-11-22-16-Dakota-Pipeline.pdf desecration: American Indian sacred sites, Dzil Nchaa Si U.S. Department of Agriculture Tonto National Forest. (2015). An (Mount Graham, Arizona), and federal agency decision National register nomination for the Chi’chil Biłdagoteel making. American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 33, national register historic district, Pinal County, Arizona 29-68. (U.S. National Park Service, National Register of Historic Willow, A. J. (2016). Boreal forest prospects and politics: Places, approved March 4, 2016). Retrieved from http://blox- Paradoxes of first nations participation in multi-sector conser- images.chicago2.vip.townnews.com/tucson.com/content/ vation. Conservation and Society, 14, 86-99. tncms/assets/v3/editorial/8/b1/8b10c3b0-77ed-560b-bd5f- bc0552df7e7c/56e363c6b87ba.pdf.pdf U.S. Indian Claims Commission. (1965, March 3). Findings of fact Author Biography in Docket 22-E (15 Ind. Cl. Comm., records group 279, entry John R. Welch is a professor at Simon Fraser University, jointly 11UD). National Archives, Washington, DC. appointed in the Department of Archaeology and the School of U.S. Indian Claims Commission. (1969, June 27). Findings of fact Resource and Environmental Management. Prior to joining the in Docket 22-D (21 Ind. Cl. Comm., records group 279, entry SFU faculty in 2005, Welch served as the White Mountain Apache 11UD). National Archives, Washington, DC. Tribe archaeologist and historic preservation officer, 1996-2005.