The Communist Issue and Due Process on the Campus

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Communist Issue and Due Process on the Campus This dissertation has been 64—6982 microfilmed exactly as received PYLE, Gordon Bruce, 1922— THE COMMUNIST ISSUE AND DUE PROCESS ON THE CAMPUS. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1958 Education, general University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor-, Michigan THE COMMUNIST ISSUE AND DUE PROCESS ON THE CAMPUS DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By GORDON BRUCE PYLE, B.A.E., M.A.E ****** The Ohio State University 1958 Approved by Adviser Department of Education ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The writer is indebted to many people for their assistance during the writing of this dissertation. To my adviser, Professor H. Gordon Hullfish, particular thanks is due for assistance, council and friendship during the development of the work. The kindness and encouragement of Professors Everett Kircher and Robert Jewett was also greatly appreciated. Finally thanks is due my wife, Janice, whose vaca­ tion at the beach (with the children) made the completion of the dissertation possible. ii CONTENTS Chapter Page I. ACADEMIC FREEDOM— TRADITION AND CONCEPT .... 1 Western Pluralism .......................... 2 The Rise of Science...........................10 The Classical Position .................... 20 The Professional Competence Position .... 24 The Complications.............................31 II. THE COMMUNISTS AND EDUCATIONAL FREEDOM .... 35 Cosmology and Epistemology ................ 36 The Role of the Intellectual................ 49 Role of the Vanguard S t a t e .................. 63 Education in the Soviet U n i o n ................ 76 III. BEARING OF THE COMMUNIST MOVEMENT ON THE PROFESSIONAL COMPETENCE POLICY OF EXCLUDING COMMUNIST TEACHERS ........................ 93 History of the Communist Party in the United States ............................ 99 Professional Competence--an Answer to Educational Conspiracy .................. 113 IV. THE CLASSICAL P O S I T I O N ........................ 136 Proposals of the C l a s s i c i s t s............... 168 V. CONCLUSION .................................... 175 Possible Next S t e p s ..........................191 BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................ 210 iil CHAPTER I ACADEMIC FREEDOM— TRADITION AND CONCEPT Scholars have always considered free inquiry to be essential to the effective search for truth and, hence, have always held academic freedom in high esteem. This tradition, often questioned by non-scholars, has recently come under an extensive re-examination in the United States. The vagaries of the international Communist movement have led to various forms of reaction, including a tendency to repress thought. Indeed, a confluence of forces (namely, the democratic com­ mitment to a changing society and the Communist commitment to the use of dubious methods in the creation of a changed society) has led to a situation which has threatened the tradition of academic freedom from the left, the right, and the center. There are some in the profession who claim that the test of our faith in the tradition depends upon a willingness to maintain some Communists in the classrooms of America. Others, equally dedicated to the tradition, insist that the only way to preserve it is to exclude all Communist Party members from teaching positions. As if this conflict within the profession were not enough, some legislative investiga­ tions into matters concerning education have been conducted, 1 allegedly, in defense of academic freedom. A tradition which arouses such ambivalent emotions in diverse groups needs careful examination. Like many other noble concepts, "academic freedom" fails to convey specific meaning— in fact, it has many mean­ ings. To the man in the street the tradition probably implies a kind of scholarly consideration of all points of view. The pluralistic nature of Western culture is perhaps one reason for the vagueness of this view; yet this same pluralism has contributed mightily to the more specific definitions which in time came to form a part of the tradi­ tion's rich folklore. The rise of the scientific method is another important factor, also, that aided the evolution of the liberal tradition of intellectual freedom in Western society. Each factor must be examined if we are to discover the part it has played in underscoring a need for free inquiry. Western Pluralism In the ancient Greek states numerous philosophies competed for the minds of men. Some saw reality as eternal, immutable, immovable, and indivisible; others declared that nothing was fixed save the law of change itself. Some of the Sophists insisted that "justice was the interest of the stronger"— Socrates, on the other hand, associated virtue with knowledge. The Epicureans developed (to varying degrees) 3 a hedonistic point of view, while the Stoics introduced a more austere and puritanical strain into Greek thought. Numerous ways for settling the conflicts between dif­ fering views could have been suggested— and were. Pericles, to his credit, is alleged to have said that "... instead of looking upon discussion as a stumbling-block in the way of action, we think it an indispensible preliminary to any wise action at all." William G. Carleton believes that the balance of forces within a pluralistic culture conspire to foster such libertarian concepts. He has said that Greek thinking, then, resulted in a wide diver­ sity of ideas. And this multiplicity of philoso­ phies and values has come down to Western civili­ zation to make that civilization widely diverse and pluralistic in its thinking— and therefore an essentially libertarian civilization. The peoples of Western Europe have had many philosophies from which to choose; and these various philosophies and value-systems have checked one another and resulted in a relatively large measure of toler­ ance and freedom. Since the time of the Greeks, Western civilization has been pluralistic— in some periods more pluralistic than others— and hence uncongenial to monolithic systems and congenial to liberty.1 One period less pluralistic than others was the Middle Ages. The monolithic prescriptions of the Roman Church were then influential throughout Europe. It is easy to exagger­ ate this influence, however, because evolving Christian "^C-l Staff, Syllabus. Comprehensive Course C-l. Ameri­ can Institutions. Part II, C-12 (Gainesville: University of Florida, 1956), p. 335. 4 doctrine was not unaffected, during its earlier development, by existing ideologies. Reisner states: Into the simple religious teaching of Jesus had infiltrated, during the three centuries following his death, a technical metaphysical system which was the heritage, not from Sinai nor from Calvary, but from Athens and Alexandria, . .2 The monolithic influence of the medieval church was vitiated by the developing cultures of later periods, also. The powers of the fedual lord and those of the king often provided powerful alternatives to Papal thought. The reverse is also true, as Richard O ’Sullivan has pointed out. The existence of the Catholic Church and the distinction it makes between the spiritual and the temporal powers sets a barrier to the total­ itarian aspirations of the State. The natural tendency of civil rulers is to exaggerate their power, and to remove or to ignore all limitations on it. The effort of civil rulers, even of Christian rulers, has constantly been to reduce the Church to obedience to their will. Christian history is full of the conflict between Papacy and Empire, between Church and State.3 The gradual evolution of modern states out of feudal Europe aided, and was in turn aided by, the Protestant Reformation. The religious changes which occurred during the Reformation involved a break with internationally centralized theology in favor of a more national, local, or individualized 2E. H. Reisner, Historical Foundations of Modern Edu­ cation (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1928), p. 180. 3The Western Tradition (B.B.C. European Programme) (London: Vox Mundi Limited, 19^9), P. 42. form. Protestants, believing in "the priesthood of the individual soul," became the champions of education and a vernacular Bible. It was their purpose to make it possible for individuals to learn to read and thus be able to under­ stand God's plan for themselves. The Reformation created a great schism in Christian­ ity and eventually, especially as the United States of America developed, hundreds of competing denominations evolved. This institutional development, coupled as it was with an emphasis on individual responsibility, represented a considerable gain in the possibility of free choice. When we turn to the American scene we find an unusual diversity in all aspects of life— climate, topography, occu­ pation, race, national origin, political opinion, and religious beliefs, ©lis wide pluralism did not always exist, and while many may see in it a reasonable ground for the tradition of free inquiry, it has not always been a sure ground. To understand the role diversity has played in creating the grounds for, and the problems confronting, free inquiry in the United States we may fruitfully examine certain aspects of American history and government. The Puritans came to America to secure religious free­ dom but they seemed no more inclined to tolerate error, upon securing their opportunity, than did the Orthodox Church from which they had fled. The experiences of Thomas Hooker, Anne Hutchinson, and Roger Williams testify to the authoritarian character of early New England leaders. The influence of
Recommended publications
  • 15/18/22 Liberal Arts and Sciences Political Science Clarence A
    The materials listed in this document are available for research at the University of Record Series Number Illinois Archives. For more information, email [email protected] or search http://www.library.illinois.edu/archives/archon for the record series number. 15/18/22 Liberal Arts and Sciences Political Science Clarence A. Berdahl Papers, 1920-88 Box 1: Addresses, lectures, reports, talks, 1941-46 American Association of University Professors, 1945-58 AAUP, Illinois Chapter, 1949-58 Allerton Conference, 1949 Academic freedom articles, reports, 1950-53 American Political Science Association, 1928-38 Box 2: American Political Science Association, 1938-58 American Political Science Review, 1940-53 American Scandinavian Foundation, 1955-58 American Society of International Law, 1940-58 American Society for Public Administration, 1944-59 Autobiographical, Recollections, and Biographical, 1951, 1958, 1977-79, 1989 Box 3: Beard (Charles A.) reply, 1939-41 Blaisdell, D. C., 1948-56 Book Reviews, 1942-58 Brookings Institution, 1947-55 Chicago broadcast, 1952 College policy Commission to study the organization of peace, 1939-58 Committee on admissions from higher institutions, 1941-44 Committee of the Conference of Teachers of International Law, 1928-41 Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies, 1940-42 Committee on School of Journalism, 1938-47 Box 4: Conference of Teachers of International Law, 1946, 1952 Correspondence, general, 1925-58 Council on Foreign Relations, 1946-57 Cosmos Club, 1942-58 Department of Political Science, 1933-39 Box 5: Department of Political Science, 1935-50 DeVoto, Bernard, 1955 Dial Club, 1929-58 Dictionary of American History, 1937-39 Dilliard, Irving, 1941-58 Document and Readings in American Government, 1938-54 Douglas, Sen.
    [Show full text]
  • FO,R a LABORPARTY Recent Revolutionary Changes in American Politics
    FO,R A LABORPARTY Recent Revolutionary Changes in American Politics A STATEMENT BY THE WORKERS PARTY TEN CENTS PUBLISHED BY WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA 799 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY THE WORKER A MILITANT, NEWSY, SIX-PAGE WORKERS’ WEEKLY PAPER Published in the interest of the workers. Edited by experienced newspaper men. CONTAINS: The Best Editoriah The Best Cartoons The Best News of the CZass- struigle in AZZ Parts of the WorZd. $2.00 A YEAR ’ THE WORKER 799 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY FOR A LABOR PARTY xecent Revohtionary Changes in American PoZitics A STATEMENT by the WORKERS PARTY OCTOBER 1 gh, 1922 PvaLlsHrB BI WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA 799 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY FORALABORPARTY Recent Revolutionary Changes in American Politics The Problem The American Labor Movement is at a turning point. In spite of peaceful tendencies of their leaders, in spite of all unconsciousness on the part of the working masses, the Labor Movement is forced into ever larger struggles. These struggles place the work- ers in increasing measure not only in opposition to the capitalists, but also in opposition to that Executive Committee of the Capitalist class which is the Govern- ment. Each great struggle in its turn from the Steel Strike in 1919 to the Coal, Railroad .and Textile Strikes in 1922, dictates to the American workers the same two lessons with ever sharper insistence; The first of these lessons is: If the workers wish to win the struggle against capital which is being more and more concentrated, and against the organizations of the employers which are becoming more and more powerful, they must start the big work of amalgamation of the trade unions.
    [Show full text]
  • Snoring As a Fine Art and Twelve Other Essays
    SNORING AS A FINE ART AND TWELVE OTHER ESSAYS By Albert Jay Nock RICHARD R. SMITH PUBLISHER, INC. Rindge, New Hampshire 1958 Copyright, © 1958 By- Francis Jay Nock Published By Richard R. Smith Publisher, Inc. Topside, West Rindge, N. H. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 57-10363 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be repro- duced in any form without permission of the publisher. Printed in U. S. A. by The Colonial Press Inc. These Essays were selected in memory of Albert Jay Nock by his friends of many years Ruth Robinson Ellen Winsor Rebecca Winsor Evans ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Permission to reprint the essays herein has been graciously granted by the original copyright owners specified below. Since publication, however, the ownership of the several copyrights has been trans- ferred to the author's son, Dr. Francis Jay Nock. The American Mercury: What the American Votes For. February 1933 The Atlantic Monthly: If Only— August 1937 Sunday in Brussels. September 1938 Snoring As a Fine Art. November 1938 The Purpose of Biography. March 1940 Epstean's Law. October 1940 Utopia in Pennsylvania: The Amish. April 1941 The Bookman: Bret Harte as a Parodist. May 1929 Harper's Magazine: Alas! Poor Yorick! June 1929 The King's Jester: Modern Style. March 1928 Scribner's Magazine: Henry George: Unorthodox American. November 1933 Life, Liberty, And— March 1935 The Seivanee Review: Advertising and Liberal Literature. Winter 1918 iii CONTENTS Page Introduction By Suzanne La Follette Snoring As A Fine Art And the Claims of General M. I. Kutusov As an Artist i Life, Liberty, And ..
    [Show full text]
  • Supreme Soviet Investigation of the 1991 Coup the Suppressed Transcripts
    Supreme Soviet Investigation of the 1991 Coup The Suppressed Transcripts: Part 3 Hearings "About the Illegal Financia) Activity of the CPSU" Editor 's Introduction At the birth of the independent Russian Federation, the country's most pro-Western reformers looked to the West to help fund economic reforms and social safety nets for those most vulnerable to the change. However, unlike the nomenklatura and party bureaucrats who remained positioned to administer huge aid infusions, these reformers were skeptical about multibillion-dollar Western loans and credits. Instead, they wanted the West to help them with a different source of money: the gold, platinum, diamonds, and billions of dollars in hard currency the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and KGB intelligence service laundered abroad in the last years of perestroika. Paradoxically, Western governments generously supplied the loans and credits, but did next to nothing to support the small band of reformers who sought the return of fortunes-estimated in the tens of billions of dollars- stolen by the Soviet leadership. Meanwhile, as some in the West have chronicled, the nomenklatura and other functionaries who remained in positions of power used the massive infusion of Western aid to enrich themselves-and impoverish the nation-further. In late 1995, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development concluded that Russian officials had stolen $45 billion in Western aid and deposited the money abroad. Radical reformers in the Russian Federation Supreme Soviet, the parliament that served until its building was destroyed on President Boris Yeltsin's orders in October 1993, were aware of this mass theft from the beginning and conducted their own investigation as part of the only public probe into the causes and circumstances of the 1991 coup attempt against Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev.
    [Show full text]
  • Rethinking the Historiography of United States Communism: Questioning American Radicalism*
    chapter 7 Rethinking the Historiography of United States Communism: Questioning American Radicalism* We ask questions of radicalism in the United States. Many on the left and amongst historians researching and writing about its past are driven by high expectations and preconceived notions of what such radicalism should look like. Our queries reflect this: Why is there no socialism in America? Why are workers in the world’s most advanced capitalist nation not ‘class con- scious’? Why has no ‘third party’ of labouring people emerged to challenge the established political formations of money, privilege and business power? Such interrogation is by no means altogether wrong-headed, although some would prefer to jettison it entirely. Yet these and other related questions continue to exercise considerable interest, and periodically spark debate and efforts to reformulate and redefine analytic agendas for the study of American labour radicals, their diversity, ideas and practical activities.1 Socialism, syndicalism, anarchism and communism have been minority traditions in us life, just as they often are in other national cultures and political economies. The revolu- tionary left is, and always has been, a vanguard of minorities. But minorit- ies often make history, if seldom in ways that prove to be exactly as they pleased. Life in a minority is not, however, an isolated, or inevitably isolating, exper- ience. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries the us gave rise to a signific- ant left, rooted in what many felt was a transition from the
    [Show full text]
  • Socialism and Current Crisis of Capitalism
    providing benefits for the workers EDITORIAL who are paying into this plan." According to that law Mr. This is the last question to be Obama, it states, very, very asked of Mr. Obama: '7s the directly that: "The primary forced bankruptcy of General responsibility of the pension fund Motors and the elimination of "fiduciaries" is to run this plan tens of thousands of jobs, just solely in the interests of an arranged collection grab for participants and beneficiaries and the favored U.S. financiers that for the exclusive purpose of are calling the shots? PRESIDENT OBAMA AND THE BAIL OUT OF US AUTOMKERS This financial robbery of US and Canadian taxpayers hard- earned money is nothing more than the Greatest Auto Theft in history! Besides this unheard of Billions Robbery, it is also dumping 40,000 of the last 60,000 auto trade union jobs into the mass grave dug by Obama's appointee, James Dimon. Mr. Dimon is the CEO of J.P. Morgan and Citibank. While GM trade union workers are losing their jobs and retirement benefits, their life savings, but the GM shareholders are getting rich and most expect to get back a stunning $6 BILLION! Even under the present US Laws this is illegal! Helping Mr. Dimon is also the official Obama's appointee — This cartoon is from the Toronto Daily Star newspaper' showing Steven Rattner, Obama's "Auto the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) leadership that did not stand Czar" - the man who ordered up strongly enough during this financial robbery. Looking on is General Motors to go bankrupt.
    [Show full text]
  • Socialist Planning
    Socialist Planning Socialist planning played an enormous role in the economic and political history of the twentieth century. Beginning in the USSR it spread round the world. It influenced economic institutions and economic policy in countries as varied as Bulgaria, USA, China, Japan, India, Poland and France. How did it work? What were its weaknesses and strengths? What is its legacy for the twenty-first century? Now in its third edition, this textbook is fully updated to cover the findings of the period since the collapse of the USSR. It provides an overview of socialist planning, explains the underlying theory and its limitations, looks at its implementation in various sectors of the economy, and places developments in their historical context. A new chap- ter analyses how planning worked in the defence–industry complex. This book is an ideal text for undergraduate and graduate students taking courses in comparative economic systems and twentieth-century economic history. michael ellman is Emeritus Professor in the Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands. He is the author, co- author and editor of numerous books and articles on the Soviet and Russian economies, on transition economics, and on Soviet economic and political history. In 1998, he was awarded the Kondratieff prize for his ‘contributions to the development of the social sciences’. Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 128.122.253.212 on Sat Jan 10 18:08:28 GMT 2015. http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ebook.jsf?bid=CBO9781139871341 Cambridge Books Online © Cambridge University Press, 2015 Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 128.122.253.212 on Sat Jan 10 18:08:28 GMT 2015.
    [Show full text]
  • DSA's Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism
    DSA’s Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism Committee April 2017 At the last national convention DSA committed itself to holding an organizational discussion on its relationship to the Socialist International leading up to the 2017 convention. The structure of this mandatory discussion was left to DSA’s internationalism committee. The following sheet contains information on the Socialist International, DSA’s involvement with it, the options facing DSA, and arguments in favor of downgrading to observer status and withdrawing completely. A. History of the Socialist International and DSA The Socialist International (SI) has its political and intellectual origins in the nineteenth century socialist movement. Its predecessors were the First International (1864-1876), of ​ ​ which Karl Marx was a leader, and the Second International (1889-1916). In the period of ​ the Second International, the great socialist parties of Europe (particularly the British Labour Party, German Social Democratic Party, and the French Section of the Workers International) formed and became major electoral forces in their countries, advancing ideologies heavily influenced by Marx and political programs calling for the abolition of capitalism and the creation of new systems of worker democracy. The Second International collapsed when nearly all of its member parties, breaking their promise not to go to war against other working people, rallied to their respective governments in the First World War. The Socialist Party of America (SPA)—DSA’s predecessor—was one of the very few member parties to oppose the war. Many of the factions that opposed the war and supported the Bolshevik Revolution came together to form the Communist International in 1919, which over the course of the 1920s became dominated by Moscow and by the 1930s had become a tool of Soviet foreign policy and a purveyor of Stalinist orthodoxy.
    [Show full text]
  • Morris Childs Papers
    http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf896nb2v4 No online items Register of the Morris Childs papers Finding aid prepared by Lora Soroka and David Jacobs Hoover Institution Archives 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA, 94305-6010 (650) 723-3563 [email protected] © 1999 Register of the Morris Childs 98069 1 papers Title: Morris Childs papers Date (inclusive): 1924-1995 Collection Number: 98069 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Archives Language of Material: English and Russian Physical Description: 2 manuscript boxes, 35 microfilm reels(4.3 linear feet) Abstract: Correspondence, reports, notes, speeches and writings, and interview transcripts relating to Federal Bureau of Investigation surveillance of the Communist Party, and the relationship between the Communist Party of the United States and the Soviet communist party and government. Includes some papers of John Barron used as research material for his book Operation Solo: The FBI's Man in the Kremlin (Washington, D.C., 1996). Hard-copy material also available on microfilm (2 reels). Physical Location: Hoover Institution Archives Creator: Childs, Morris, 1902-1991. Contributor: Barron, John, 1930-2005. Location of Original Materials J. Edgar Hoover Foundation (in part). Access Collection is open for research. The Hoover Institution Archives only allows access to copies of audiovisual items, computer media, and digital files. To listen to sound recordings or to view videos, films, or digital files during your visit, please contact the Archives at least two working days before your arrival. We will then advise you of the accessibility of the material you wish to see or hear. Please note that not all material is immediately accessible.
    [Show full text]
  • United We Stand, Divided We Fall: the Kremlin’S Leverage in the Visegrad Countries
    UNITED WE STAND, DIVIDED WE FALL: THE KREMLIN’S LEVERAGE IN THE VISEGRAD COUNTRIES Edited by: Ivana Smoleňová and Barbora Chrzová (Prague Security Studies Institute) Authors: Ivana Smoleňová and Barbora Chrzová (Prague Security Studies Institute, Czech Republic) Iveta Várenyiová and Dušan Fischer (on behalf of the Slovak Foreign Policy Association, Slovakia) Dániel Bartha, András Deák and András Rácz (Centre for Euro-Atlantic Integration and Democracy, Hungary) Andrzej Turkowski (Centre for International Relations, Poland) Published by Prague Security Studies Institute, November 2017. PROJECT PARTNERS: SUPPORTED BY: CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 2 CZECH REPUBLIC 7 Introduction 7 The Role of the Russian Embassy 7 The Cultural Sphere and Non-Governmental Organizations 8 The Political Sphere 9 The Extremist Sphere and Paramilitary Groups 10 The Media and Information Space 11 The Economic and Financial Domain 12 Conclusion 13 Bibliography 14 HUNGARY 15 Introduction 15 The Role of the Russian Embassy 15 The Cultural Sphere 16 NGOs, GONGOs, Policy Community and Academia 16 The Political Sphere and Extremism 17 The Media and Information Space 18 The Economic and Financial Domain 19 Conclusion 20 Bibliography 21 POLAND 22 Introduction 22 The Role of the Russian Embassy 22 Research Institutes and Academia 22 The Political Sphere 23 The Media and Information Space 24 The Cultural Sphere 24 The Economic and Financial Domain 25 Conclusion 26 Bibliography 26 SLOVAKIA 27 Introduction 27 The Role of the Russian Embassy 27 The Cultural Sphere 27 The Political Sphere 28 Paramilitary organisations 28 The Media and Information Space 29 The Economic and Financial Domain 30 Conclusion 31 Bibliography 31 CONCLUSION 33 UNITED WE STAND, DIVIDED WE FALL: THE KREMLIN’S LEVERAGE IN THE VISEGRAD COUNTRIES IN THE VISEGRAD THE KREMLIN’S LEVERAGE DIVIDED WE FALL: UNITED WE STAND, INTRODUCTION In the last couple of months, Russian interference in the internal affairs if the Kremlin’s involvement is overstated and inflated by the media.
    [Show full text]
  • The Nationalist Message in Socialist Code: on the Court Historiography in People's Poland and North Korea
    The Nationalist Message in Socialist Code: On the Court Historiography in People’s Poland and North Korea* Jie-Hyun Lim (Seoul, Republic of Korea) I. Introduction The fall of the really existing socialist system shed fresh light on the ideological topology in the twentieth century. It is generally argued that after the Fall, nationalism, an ideology of the right, took over from the bankrupt socialist utopias of the left. It is assumed that the Fall triggered the eruption of many different kinds of old-fashioned patriotism, revivalist messianism, conservative nationalism, xenophobia and so on. The dichotomy of the right‟s nationalism and left‟s socialism made this argument plausible. In purely theoretical terrain this dichotomy seems to be correct. A further reflection on the historical reality, however, would deny that dichotomy. Communist regimes had leant on the nationalist pillar in their search for legitimacy in various ways. In fact the official nationalism prevailed under the propaganda banner of socialist patriotism and proletarian internationalism. To cite Adam Michnik, “nationalism was the last word of Communism. A final attempt to find a social basis for dictatorship…”1 The official nationalism in the socialist regimes has another name: „apparatchik nationalism,‟ coined by Peter Sugar. Apparatchik nationalism was not the only form of nationalism that existed in the socialist regimes. Nationalism was also an articulation of the political opposition to Communism. In fact the popular nationalism was the offspring of the official nationalism. The socialist regime tried the „nationalization‟ of history and kept the state monopoly on history. It reprogrammed the popular memory on the basis of official nationalism.
    [Show full text]
  • EXTENSIONS of REMARKS November 2'6, 19 79 Frederick A
    33534 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS November 2'6, 19 79 Frederick A. Rody, Jr., of Florida, to be ORDER FOR RECESS UNTIL 10:15 DEPARTMENT OF STATE Deputy Administrator of Drug Enforcement. A.M. TOMORROW Richard Cavins Matheron, of California, DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE Mr. ROBERT C. BYRD. Mr. Presi­ a Foreign Service officer of class 1, to be Sidney A. Diamond, of Arizona, to be Com­ Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoten­ missioner of Patents and Trademarks. dent, I ask unanimous consent that tiary of the United States of America to the when the Senate completes its business DEPARTMENT OF STATE Kingdom of Swaziland. today, it stand in recess until the hour Patricia M. Byrne, of Ohio, a Foreign Serv­ Richard Cavins Matheron, of California, to of 10:15 a.m. tomorrow. ice officer of class 1, to be Ambassador Ex­ be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipo­ traordinary and Plenipotentiary of the tentiary of the United States of America to The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. United States of America to the Socialist Re­ the Kingdom of Swaziland. public of the Union of Burma. Patricia M. Byrne, of Ohio, to be Ambassa­ Angler Biddle Duke, of New York, to be dor Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoten­ United States of America to the Socialist tiary of the United States of America to the Republic of the Union of Burma. ORDER FOR RECOGNITION OF MR. LUGAR AND MR. TSONGAS ON TO­ Kingdom of Morocco. Angler Biddle Duke, of New York, to be MORROW Donald R. Toussaint, of Virginia, a For­ Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoten­ eign Service officer of class 1, to be Am­ tiary of the United States of America to the Mr.
    [Show full text]