II. Definition of Key Terms
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German Arms in the Yemen War
\ POLICY BRIEF 2 \ 2019 German arms in the Yemen war For a comprehensive arms embargo against the war coalition Marius Bales \ BICC Max M. Mutschler \ BICC Policy recommendations \ A comprehensive arms embargo \ "Coalition of the willing" for an arms In view of the flagrant violation of international humani- embargo at EU level tarian law by the countries involved in the Yemen war, The German government must adopt the European export moratoria of limited duration, such as the current Parliament's demand that no more military equipment German ban on arms exports to Saudi Arabia until 30 be supplied to Saudi Arabia, expand it to include the March, are not sufficient. Because of the active participa- United Arab Emirates and actively support it within the tion of other countries in the air raids, the naval blockade European Union. in the Red Sea and the transfer of arms toYemeni militias, the German government must decide on a comprehen- \ Stop munitions deliveries by defence sive arms embargo that is not limited in time against all companies with German participation countries of the Saudi-led coalition. The German government must exert pressure on Rheinmetall to stop further deliveries of ammunition \ Revoke existing licenses by its foreign subsidiaries and joint ventures to the Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Bahrain, countries of the war coalition. Kuwait, Jordan, Sudan and Senegal are militarily directly involved in the Yemen war either through their partici- \ Increase international pressure on pation in the air raids, the naval blockade or through Gulf Monarchies the deployment of land forces. All of them therefore The federal government must use diplomatic channels must not receive any military equipment from Germany to demand information from Saudi Arabia and the UAE until further notice. -
Yemen in Crisis
A Conflict Overlooked: Yemen in Crisis Jamison Boley Kent Evans Sean Grassie Sara Romeih Conflict Risk Diagnostic 2017 Conflict Background Yemen has a weak, highly decentralized central government that has struggled to rule the northern Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) and the southern People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY).1 Since the unification of these entities in 1990, Yemen has experienced three civil conflicts. As the poorest country in the Arab world, Yemen faces serious food and water shortages for a population dispersed over mountainous terrain.2 The country’s weaknesses have been exploited by Saudi Arabia which shares a porous border with Yemen. Further, the instability of Yemen’s central government has created a power vacuum filled by foreign states and terrorist groups.3 The central government has never had effective control of all Yemeni territory. Ali Abdullah Saleh, who was president of Yemen for 34 years, secured his power through playing factions within the population off one another. The Yemeni conflict is not solely a result of a Sunni-Shia conflict, although sectarianism plays a role.4 The 2011 Arab Spring re-energized the Houthi movement, a Zaydi Shia movement, which led to the overthrow of the Saleh government. Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi took office as interim president in a transition led by a coalition of Arab Gulf states and backed by the United States. Hadi has struggled to deal with a variety of problems, including insurgency, the continuing loyalty of many military officers to former president Saleh, as well as corruption, unemployment and food insecurity.5 Conflict Risk Diagnostic Indicators Key: (+) Stabilizing factor; (-) Destabilizing factor; (±) Mixed factor Severe Risk - Government military expenditures have been generally stable between 2002-2015, at an average of 4.8% of GDP. -
Remote Warfare Interdisciplinary Perspectives
Remote Warfare Interdisciplinary Perspectives ALASDAIR MCKAY, ABIGAIL WATSON & MEGAN KARLSHØJ-PEDERSEN This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Remote Warfare Interdisciplinary Perspectives EDITED BY ALASDAIR MCKAY, ABIGAIL WATSON AND MEGAN KARLSHØJ-PEDERSEN ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2021 ISBN 978-1-910814-56-7 This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share — copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt — remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials/scholarly use. Production: Michael Tang Cover Image: Ruslan Shugushev/Shutterstock A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. -
Operation Decisive Storm
ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻴﻂ .ﻣﻨﺼﺔ إﻟﺘﺮوﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ اﻟﻤﻠﻔﺎت اﻟﺮﻗﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﻤﻘﺎﻻت اﻟﻤﻮﺳﻮﻋﻴﺔ، ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻦ OPERATION DECISIVE STORM أﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ Posted on 2017 ,21 Category: English ALMOHEET: ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ Saudi Arabia deployed 150,000 soldiers, 100 fighter jets and navy units in Yemen after Hadi pleaded with its Gulf ally for help against the Houthi rebels, who were advancing toward the southern city of Aden, where Hadi is based, to remove him from power in an .attempted coup Who took part in the operation With the exception of Oman, members of the Gulf States joined Saudi Arabia with its aerial bombardment of the Houthis. The UAE contributed with 30 fighter jets, Bahrain 15, Kuwait 15, Qatar 10. Non-Gulf states have also showed their support to “Operation Decisive ”.Storm Operation Decisive Storm Page: 1 https://almoheet.net/operation-decisive-storm/ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻴﻂ .ﻣﻨﺼﺔ إﻟﺘﺮوﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ اﻟﻤﻠﻔﺎت اﻟﺮﻗﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﻤﻘﺎﻻت اﻟﻤﻮﺳﻮﻋﻴﺔ، ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻦ Jordan deployed six fighter jets, Morocco, who expressed “complete solidarity” to Saudi Arabia provided six fighter jets while Sudan supplied three. An army media site confirmed that Sudan took part in the Saudi-led military operation Also, Egypt confirmed it will join .the Saudi-led coalition The Western-backed Syrian National Coalition opposition group also said it backed the Saudi operation and voiced its support to Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi as Yemen’s .“legitimate” leader In addition to the Arab states support, U.S. President authorized the provision of logistical ”.and intelligence support to “Decisive Storm When? .The operation was declared over on 26 Mar 2015 Air campaign The coalition declared Yemeni airspace to be a restricted area, with King Salman declaring the RSAF to be in full control of the zone. -
A New Model for Defeating Al Qaeda in Yemen
A New Model for Defeating al Qaeda in Yemen Katherine Zimmerman September 2015 A New Model for Defeating al Qaeda in Yemen KATHERINE ZIMMERMAN SEPTEMBER 2015 A REPORT BY AEI’S CRITICAL THREATS PROJECT TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ....................................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................. 3 Part I: Al Qaeda and the Situation in Yemen ................................................................................................. 5 A Broken Model in Yemen ...................................................................................................................... 5 The Collapse of America’s Counterterrorism Partnership ........................................................................ 6 The Military Situation in Yemen ........................................................................................................... 10 Yemen, Iran, and Regional Dynamics ................................................................................................... 15 The Expansion of AQAP and the Emergence of ISIS in Yemen ............................................................ 18 Part II: A New Strategy for Yemen ............................................................................................................. 29 Defeating the Enemy in Yemen ............................................................................................................ -
Assessing Sentiment in Conflict Zones Through Social Media
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis and Dissertation Collection 2016-12 Assessing sentiment in conflict zones through social media Bourret, Andrew K. Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/51650 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS ASSESSING SENTIMENT IN CONFLICT ZONES THROUGH SOCIAL MEDIA by Andrew K. Bourret Joshua D. Wines Jason M. Mendes December 2016 Thesis Advisor: T. Camber Warren Second Reader: Robert Burks Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited. THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704–0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington, DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED (Leave blank) December 2016 Master’s thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS ASSESSING SENTIMENT IN CONFLICT ZONES THROUGH SOCIAL MEDIA 6. AUTHOR(S) Andrew K. Bourret, Joshua D. Wines and Jason M. -
United Nations Security Council Yemen – Peace in a Forgotten War
Study Guide United Nations Security Council Yemen – Peace in a forgotten war UNSC Website: www.KaMUN.org Instagram: @munika_ev 1 Welcome Letter Dear delegates, We warmly welcome you all to the United Nations Security Council of KaMUN – The Black Forest Summit 2019! We are happy and honored to be in charge of this Committee, especially because we two have the joy of chairing together for the second time, the first time being at HamMUN 2018 last November. My name is Daria. I am currently pursuing a master’s in International Development with a focus on Middle Eastern Studies in Paris, the city where I had the pleasure to discover Model UN three years ago. My MUN journey has since then been eventful and marked by amazing experiences and wonderful encounters, which justifies my enthusiasm for all the conferences I am lucky enough to attend. It is a true pleasure for me to chair the Security Council alongside Niklas, and I sincerely hope that the delegates will enjoy debating within this committee as much as I do. I have never been to Karlsruhe before, but judging by the hospitality I received during my previous trips to Germany I look forward to the start of the conference and to meeting everyone! My name is Niklas. I am 21 years old and I study law in Heidelberg, soon in my seventh semester. KaMUN – The Black Forest Summit 2019 will be my third time chairing a Security Council. In my law studies I have an emphasis on public international law which is linked to my interest in the UN and the topic of peace which the Security Council deals with. -
Kata'ib Sayyid Al Shuhada
Kata’ib Sayyid al Shuhada Name: Kata’ib Sayyid al Shuhada Type of Organization: Militia political party religious social services provider terrorist transnational violent Ideologies and Affiliations: Iranian-sponsored Shiite Jihadist Khomeinist Place of Origin: Iraq Year of Origin: 2013 Founder(s): Abu Mustafa al Sheibani Places of Operation: Iraq, Syria Overview Also Known As Kata’ib Abu Fadl al-Abbas1 Kata’ib Karbala2 Battalion of the Sayyid’s Martyrs3 Executive Summary Kata’ib Sayyid al Shuhada (KSS) is an Iraqi militia that has fought in both Iraq and Syria and is closely connected to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the Houthis.4 Its leader is Abu Mustafa al Sheibani, a U.S.-designated terrorist who also assisted in forming the IRGC-backed Asaib Ahl al-Haq (AAH) and Kata’ib Hezbollah (KH) militias.5 The group was founded in 2013. Its first public announcements were three martyrdom notices for members killed fighting in southern Damascus alongside Syrian regime forces.6 In Syria, KSS operates within the fold of the mixed Syrian and Iraqi Liwa Abu Fadl al-Abbas, another Iranian- backed militia.7 KSS follows the same Shiite jihadist ideology as fellow pro-Iranian Iraqi militias, framing its fight in Syria as a defense of Shiites and the Shiite shrine of Sayyida Zaynab.8 In a 2013 interview, KSS’s information office stated that the group sent 500 militants to Syria.9 Other media Kata’ib Sayyid al Shuhada statements have affirmed the presence of KSS fighters in rural Damascus along the frontlines in eastern Ghouta.10 The Associated Press has reported that KSS fighters enter Syria via Iran.11 In 2015, KSS declared Saudi Arabia “a legitimate and permissible target” after that country executed a prominent Shiite cleric.12 A 2018 KSS statement indicated the group was ready to send fighters to Yemen. -
An Analysis of Iranian Actions in Yemen
OPPORTUNITY KNOCKS: AN ANALYSIS OF IRANIAN ACTIONS IN YEMEN Maj J.M. Brooks JCSP 44 PCEMI 44 Exercise Solo Flight Exercice Solo Flight Disclaimer Avertissement Opinions expressed remain those of the author and Les opinons exprimées n’engagent que leurs auteurs do not represent Department of National Defence or et ne reflètent aucunement des politiques du Canadian Forces policy. This paper may not be used Ministère de la Défense nationale ou des Forces without written permission. canadiennes. Ce papier ne peut être reproduit sans autorisation écrite. © Her Majesty the Queen in Right of Canada, as © Sa Majesté la Reine du Chef du Canada, représentée par represented by the Minister of National Defence, 2018. le ministre de la Défense nationale, 2018. CANADIAN FORCES COLLEGE – COLLÈGE DES FORCES CANADIENNES JCSP 44 – PCEMI 44 2017 – 2018 EXERCISE SOLO FLIGHT – EXERCICE SOLO FLIGHT OPPORTUNITY KNOCKS: AN ANALYSIS OF IRANIAN ACTIONS IN YEMEN Maj J.M. Brooks “This paper was written by a student “La présente étude a été rédigée par un attending the Canadian Forces College stagiaire du Collège des Forces in fulfilment of one of the requirements canadiennes pour satisfaire à l'une des of the Course of Studies. The paper is a exigences du cours. L'étude est un scholastic document, and thus contains document qui se rapporte au cours et facts and opinions, which the author contient donc des faits et des opinions alone considered appropriate and que seul l'auteur considère appropriés et correct for the subject. It does not convenables au sujet. Elle ne reflète pas necessarily reflect the policy or the nécessairement la politique ou l'opinion opinion of any agency, including the d'un organisme quelconque, y compris le Government of Canada and the gouvernement du Canada et le ministère Canadian Department of National de la Défense nationale du Canada. -
YEMEN Outlook for April-September 2020 Risk Overview – 2 April 2020
YEMEN Outlook for April-September 2020 Risk Overview – 2 April 2020 COVID-19 epidemic in Yemen Risk 1: Renewed Houthi offensive in Marib Risk 5: causes displacement east/southwards and severely reduced access to essential services Risk 4: Rapid depreciation of the Yemeni riyal sparks inflation reducing households’ ability to purchase basic goods and services Risk 3: De -facto partition results in reduced provision of basic services and reduced operating space for humanitarian actors Risk 2: Conflict escalates across the southwest causing significant loss of life, mass displacement, and severely reduced access to essential services. Questions? Feedback? Contact [email protected] ACAPS Yemen Analysis Hub: Risk Report March 2020 Risk 1: Renewed Houthi offensive in Marib causes displacement Risk 3: De-facto partition results in reduced provision of basic services east/southwards and severely reduced access to essential services and reduced operating space for humanitarian actors Given that the Houthis have established a commanding hold over much of the north, The Houthis currently see themselves in a position of strength compared to the and that there is little prospect of the GoY regaining outright control of Yemen, both Government of Yemen (GoY). Control of Marib would nearly complete the Houthis sides may choose to focus their efforts on peace negotiations. Saudi Arabia could help control over northern Yemen. An intense conflict in Marib would cause casualties and to negotiate peace and recognise the Houthis’ mandate to administer much of displace over 500,000 people into the eastern and southern corners of Marib northern Yemen. This could result in a shifting focus towards post conflict governance (immediately to Harib), potentially spilling into Bayhan and Shabwah. -
Regional Programme Gulf States the Yemen
Regional Programme Gulf States Policy Report – October 2019 The Yemen War Actors, Interests and the Prospects of Negotiations Introduction Fabian Blumberg Recently, there have been important developments in the war in Yemen; a war which has, according to the UN reports, created the worst humanitarian disaster of the 21st century. On the one hand, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) withdrew significant part of its military forces from Yemen declaring the time has arrived for a peace settlement to the conflict. On the other hand, militants of the South took control over Aden from the internationally-backed government amid a fierce armed confrontation between the forces of the two sides leading to a crack in the Arab Coalition that is fighting the Houthis since March 2015. News also has erupted as the Houthis claimed that they managed to attack Saudi Arabia’s largest oil facilities at the 19th of September. Back in March 2019, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) had organized a workshop in Cadenabbia, Italy, to discuss the prospects of peace in Yemen after the Stockholm agreement between the international recognised government and the Houthis. Entitled “Yemen’s War: Actors, Interests and the Prospects of Negotiations”, the workshop was attended by experts on Yemen from Europe, Germany, US, and Yemen who provided informed opinions about the conflict in Yemen and on the best way to advance peace among the warring parties. Building on that, KAS has asked experts to write down their analyses on the situation and their recommendations on how to bring about peace in Yemen. They also provide ideas for the contribution German foreign policy could provide. -
The Grand Strategy of Militant Clients: Iran's Way Of
Security Studies ISSN: 0963-6412 (Print) 1556-1852 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fsst20 The Grand Strategy of Militant Clients: Iran’s Way of War Afshon Ostovar To cite this article: Afshon Ostovar (2018): The Grand Strategy of Militant Clients: Iran’s Way of War, Security Studies To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2018.1508862 Published online: 17 Oct 2018. Submit your article to this journal View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fsst20 SECURITY STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2018.1508862 The Grand Strategy of Militant Clients: Iran’s Way of War Afshon Ostovar ABSTRACT This article argues that militant clients should be understood as a pillar of Iran’s grand strategy and an extension of its military power. The article examines why Iran has relied on militant clients since the 1979 revolution and the benefits and costs of its client approach. In evaluating these issues, it iden- tifies five main areas where Iran has gained from its client strategy: 1) maintaining independence from the West; 2) suc- cessfully exporting its religio-political worldview; 3) extending its military reach and power; 4) reducing political costs of its foreign activities; and 5) establishing needed regional allies. It further identifies five main dangers that Iran faces by continu- ing its strategic behavior: 1) increased pressure from the United States and a broader US military regional footprint; 2) more unified regional adversaries; 3) the risk of unintended escalation with the United States and regional adversarial states; and 4) enduring regional instability and insecurity Introduction In the 21st century, no state has had more success in utilizing militant clients outside its borders toward strategic ends than the Islamic Republic of Iran.