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Archived Content Information Archivée Dans Le
Archived Content Information identified as archived on the Web is for reference, research or record-keeping purposes. It has not been altered or updated after the date of archiving. Web pages that are archived on the Web are not subject to the Government of Canada Web Standards. As per the Communications Policy of the Government of Canada, you can request alternate formats on the "Contact Us" page. Information archivée dans le Web Information archivée dans le Web à des fins de consultation, de recherche ou de tenue de documents. Cette dernière n’a aucunement été modifiée ni mise à jour depuis sa date de mise en archive. Les pages archivées dans le Web ne sont pas assujetties aux normes qui s’appliquent aux sites Web du gouvernement du Canada. Conformément à la Politique de communication du gouvernement du Canada, vous pouvez demander de recevoir cette information dans tout autre format de rechange à la page « Contactez-nous ». CANADIAN FORCES COLLEGE / COLLÉGE DES FORCES CANADIENNES NSSC 6 / CESN 6 THE STATE OF KUWAIT’S SECURITY POLICY - FACING FUTURE CHALLENGES HEAD-ON - By Colonel Abdullah A. Al-Samdan This paper was written by a student attending the Canadian Forces College in fulfillment of one of the requirements of the Course of Studies. The paper is a scholastic document, and thus contains facts and opinions, which the author alone considered appropriate and correct for the subject. It does not necessarily reflect the policy or the opinion of any agency, including the Government of Kuwait and Canada and the Kuwaiti Ministry of Defence. This paper may not be released, quoted or copied except with the express permission of the Kuwaiti Ministry of Defence. -
German Arms in the Yemen War
\ POLICY BRIEF 2 \ 2019 German arms in the Yemen war For a comprehensive arms embargo against the war coalition Marius Bales \ BICC Max M. Mutschler \ BICC Policy recommendations \ A comprehensive arms embargo \ "Coalition of the willing" for an arms In view of the flagrant violation of international humani- embargo at EU level tarian law by the countries involved in the Yemen war, The German government must adopt the European export moratoria of limited duration, such as the current Parliament's demand that no more military equipment German ban on arms exports to Saudi Arabia until 30 be supplied to Saudi Arabia, expand it to include the March, are not sufficient. Because of the active participa- United Arab Emirates and actively support it within the tion of other countries in the air raids, the naval blockade European Union. in the Red Sea and the transfer of arms toYemeni militias, the German government must decide on a comprehen- \ Stop munitions deliveries by defence sive arms embargo that is not limited in time against all companies with German participation countries of the Saudi-led coalition. The German government must exert pressure on Rheinmetall to stop further deliveries of ammunition \ Revoke existing licenses by its foreign subsidiaries and joint ventures to the Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Bahrain, countries of the war coalition. Kuwait, Jordan, Sudan and Senegal are militarily directly involved in the Yemen war either through their partici- \ Increase international pressure on pation in the air raids, the naval blockade or through Gulf Monarchies the deployment of land forces. All of them therefore The federal government must use diplomatic channels must not receive any military equipment from Germany to demand information from Saudi Arabia and the UAE until further notice. -
GCC's DEFENSE COOPERATION
OCTOBER 2014 GCC’s DEFENSE COOPERATION: MOVING TOWARDS UNITY By Brahim Saidy Dr. Brahim Saidy is an Assistant Professor of International Affairs at Qatar University. Before he joined Qatar University, he served as an Adjunct Assistant Professor in International Relations at University of Ottawa and Laval University in Canada. He has also taught at the University of Québec in Montréal (UQAM), and the University of Sherbrooke. During the summer of 2014, Dr. Saidy was a visiting scholar at FPRI, during which time he wrote the E-Book GCC’s Unified Military Command: Severe Challenges Ahead. This E-Note is the Executive Summary. For more than 30 years, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) has attempted to establish a collective defense regime to protect its six members: Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. This ambition was expressed through a number of initiatives, beginning with the foundation of the Peninsula Shield force in 1982 and culminating in the establishment of a Unified Military Command in 2013. This latter decision represents an important reform and could be considered a crucial step in the evolution of the GCC towards deep regional integration, especially on the military side. A Unified Military Command can benefit from the various weapons systems in the Gulf, and create a new generation of Gulf officers, who take advantage of the broad similarities of the military systems and experiences of the GCC countries. In the light of the historical background of the GCC’s defense cooperation, this article aims to analyze the strategic opportunities that could be generated by the foundation of the unified military command and to explain the political challenges that could hamper the GCC countries’ attempt to evolve towards a real military alliance. -
Rising to Iran's Challenge
RISING TO IRAN’S CHALLENGE GCC Military Capability and U.S. Security Cooperation Michael Knights Policy Focus 127 | June 2013 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY RISING TO IRAN’S CHALLENGE GCC Military Capability and U.S. Security Cooperation Michael Knights Policy Focus 127 | June 2013 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2013 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 2013 in the United States of America by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036. Cover photo: UAE, Italian, Bahraini, and U.S. armed forces sight in on a mock target while performing a Visit, Board, Search, and Seizure demonstration at the Port of Zayed area in Abu Dhabi, UAE, as part of Exercise Leading Edge 13, January 2013. Leading Edge 13 military-to-military engagements are intended to sharpen capabilities among nations in an effort to foster relationships and build regional security. (USMC photo/MSgt. Salvatore Cardella) CONTENTS The Author v Acknowledgments vii Executive Summary ix 1 | Introduction 1 2 | SWOT Analysis of the Gulf Militaries 7 3 | Key Missions for GCC Allies 23 4 | Implications for U.S. Security Cooperation 37 THE AUTHOR MICHAEL KNIGHTS is a Lafer fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, specializing in the military and security affairs of Iraq, Iran, Libya, Yemen, and the Gulf states. -
The Outlook for Arab Gulf Cooperation
The Outlook for Arab Gulf Cooperation Jeffrey Martini, Becca Wasser, Dalia Dassa Kaye, Daniel Egel, Cordaye Ogletree C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1429 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-0-8330-9307-3 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2016 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover image: Mideast Saudi Arabia GCC summit, 2015 (photo by Saudi Arabian Press Agency via AP). Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions.html. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report explores the factors that bind and divide the six Gulf Coop- eration Council (GCC) states and considers the implications of GCC cohesion for the region over the next ten years. -
Operation Decisive Storm
ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻴﻂ .ﻣﻨﺼﺔ إﻟﺘﺮوﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ اﻟﻤﻠﻔﺎت اﻟﺮﻗﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﻤﻘﺎﻻت اﻟﻤﻮﺳﻮﻋﻴﺔ، ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻦ OPERATION DECISIVE STORM أﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ Posted on 2017 ,21 Category: English ALMOHEET: ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ Saudi Arabia deployed 150,000 soldiers, 100 fighter jets and navy units in Yemen after Hadi pleaded with its Gulf ally for help against the Houthi rebels, who were advancing toward the southern city of Aden, where Hadi is based, to remove him from power in an .attempted coup Who took part in the operation With the exception of Oman, members of the Gulf States joined Saudi Arabia with its aerial bombardment of the Houthis. The UAE contributed with 30 fighter jets, Bahrain 15, Kuwait 15, Qatar 10. Non-Gulf states have also showed their support to “Operation Decisive ”.Storm Operation Decisive Storm Page: 1 https://almoheet.net/operation-decisive-storm/ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻴﻂ .ﻣﻨﺼﺔ إﻟﺘﺮوﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ اﻟﻤﻠﻔﺎت اﻟﺮﻗﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﻤﻘﺎﻻت اﻟﻤﻮﺳﻮﻋﻴﺔ، ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻦ Jordan deployed six fighter jets, Morocco, who expressed “complete solidarity” to Saudi Arabia provided six fighter jets while Sudan supplied three. An army media site confirmed that Sudan took part in the Saudi-led military operation Also, Egypt confirmed it will join .the Saudi-led coalition The Western-backed Syrian National Coalition opposition group also said it backed the Saudi operation and voiced its support to Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi as Yemen’s .“legitimate” leader In addition to the Arab states support, U.S. President authorized the provision of logistical ”.and intelligence support to “Decisive Storm When? .The operation was declared over on 26 Mar 2015 Air campaign The coalition declared Yemeni airspace to be a restricted area, with King Salman declaring the RSAF to be in full control of the zone. -
United Nations Security Council Yemen – Peace in a Forgotten War
Study Guide United Nations Security Council Yemen – Peace in a forgotten war UNSC Website: www.KaMUN.org Instagram: @munika_ev 1 Welcome Letter Dear delegates, We warmly welcome you all to the United Nations Security Council of KaMUN – The Black Forest Summit 2019! We are happy and honored to be in charge of this Committee, especially because we two have the joy of chairing together for the second time, the first time being at HamMUN 2018 last November. My name is Daria. I am currently pursuing a master’s in International Development with a focus on Middle Eastern Studies in Paris, the city where I had the pleasure to discover Model UN three years ago. My MUN journey has since then been eventful and marked by amazing experiences and wonderful encounters, which justifies my enthusiasm for all the conferences I am lucky enough to attend. It is a true pleasure for me to chair the Security Council alongside Niklas, and I sincerely hope that the delegates will enjoy debating within this committee as much as I do. I have never been to Karlsruhe before, but judging by the hospitality I received during my previous trips to Germany I look forward to the start of the conference and to meeting everyone! My name is Niklas. I am 21 years old and I study law in Heidelberg, soon in my seventh semester. KaMUN – The Black Forest Summit 2019 will be my third time chairing a Security Council. In my law studies I have an emphasis on public international law which is linked to my interest in the UN and the topic of peace which the Security Council deals with. -
From Yemen War to Joint Army? WP Egyptian-Saudi Differences Over Arab Military Cooperation
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments From Yemen War to Joint Army? WP Egyptian-Saudi Differences over Arab Military Cooperation Jessica Noll and Stephan Roll S On 25 March 2015 a Saudi-led coalition of Arab states launched air strikes on Yemen to halt the advance of the Houthi movement. A few days later the summit of the Arab League decided to set up a joint Arab army. Nevertheless, the two most important Arab countries support opposing concepts for military cooperation: Egypt proposes institu- tionalised long-term military cooperation to increase its political weight in the region, while Saudi Arabia prefers ad hoc coalitions precisely in order to avoid long-term dependency on other countries, not least Egypt. However, the two events suggest that states in the region are stepping up military cooperation. Germany and the European Union should treat this development with scepticism. Experience shows that such col- laborations tend to exacerbate rather than resolve regional conflicts. At their summit meeting at the Egyptian of the Saudi military operation against the resort of Sharm al-Sheikh on 28 and 29 Houthi movement in Yemen, there is no March 2015, the members of the Arab direct connection between the two events. League agreed to set up joint armed forces. Consequently the Arab League resolution According to the final declaration of the makes no mention of the Yemen conflict. summit, the force should be capable of In fact, the joint army project is an Egyptian rapid intervention to guarantee the national initiative that President Abdel Fatah al-Sisi sovereignty of member states and protect first floated in February 2015 in connection them against territorial threats. -
Intra-Gulf Cooperation Council : Saudi Arabia Effect Nasser Al-Mawali Sultan Qaboos University, Sultanate of Oman, Oman
Vol.30 No.3, September 2015, 532~552 Nasser Al-Mawali jei http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.2015.30.3.532 Journal of Economic Integration jei Vol.30 No.3, September 2015, 532~552 http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.2015.30.3.532 Intra-Gulf Cooperation Council : Saudi Arabia Effect Nasser Al-Mawali Sultan Qaboos University, Sultanate of Oman, Oman Abstract The main thrust of this study is to investigate the extent to which Saudi Arabia’s economic growth acts as an engine of growth for the Gulf Co-operation Council region. The estimation results of Gulf Cooperation Council for the last three decades suggest that the growth of Saudi Arabia, along with the growth of United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, is positive and statistically significant in explaining the overall growth of the Gulf Cooperation Council region. The main policy implication of these findings is that the positive intra-economic growth of these countries should serve as further motivation for the intra-regional integration of the Gulf Cooperation Council. JEL Classification: F02, F13, F42, F53 Keywords: Economic Growth, GCC, Economic Integration * Corresponding Author: Nasser Al-Mawali; College of Economics and Political Science, Sultan Qaboos University, Sultanate of Oman; P.O Box 20, PC 123, Alkhod, Oman; Tel:+968 24141848, Fax: +968 24414043, E-mail: almawali@ squ.edu.om. ⓒ 2015-Center for Economic Integration, Sejong Institution, Sejong University, All Rights Reserved. pISSN: 1225-651X eISSN: 1976-5525 532 Intra-Gulf Cooperation Council: Saudi Arabia Effect jei I. Introduction The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is comprised of six member countries: Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). -
Iran and the Persian Gulf
HH Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series Symbolic Name Strategies: Iran and the Persian Gulf Vedran Obućina Number 14: March 2015 About the Author Vedran Obućina is a Political scientist at the Society for Mediterranean Studies, Rijeka, Croatia. He is a PhD researcher on topic of Political Symbolism of the Islamic Republic. Disclaimer The views expressed in the HH Sheikh Nasser al- Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the School or of Durham University. These wide ranging Research Working Papers are products of the scholarship under the auspices of the al-Sabah Programme and are disseminated in this early form to encourage debate on the important academic and policy issues of our time. Copyright belongs to the Author(s). Bibliographical references to the HH Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series should be as follows: Author(s), Paper Title (Durham, UK: al-Sabah Number, date). 2 | P a g e Symbolic Name Strategies: Iran and the Persian Gulf Vedran Obućina INTRODUCTION National and regional identities have always been and still are connected to territory. The sovereignty is largely perceived biased to a territory, although there are some authors who regard territoriality and state autonomy as irrelevant for the sovereignty. Of course, overwhelming number of countries in the world have territory. However, a country does not stem from nature. Rather, it is imaginative formation, and sovereignty cannot be based exclusively on territory, but primarily on imaginative community. The state sovereignty is by far the end result of particular discourse and imaginary. -
ISIS in Yemen: Redoubt Or Remnant? Challenges and Options for Dealing with a Jihadist Threat in a Conflict Environment
JOURNAL OF SOUTH ASIAN AND MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES ISIS in Yemen: Redoubt or Remnant? Challenges and Options for Dealing with a Jihadist Threat in a Conflict Environment by NORMAN CIGAR Abstract: The emergence of ISIS has represented a significant security risk to U.S. interests and to regional states. In Yemen, the ISIS threat has evolved within Occasional Paper #1 the country’s devastating civil war and, while its lethality has declined, this study Villanova University suggests it remains a factor of concern, Villanova, PA and assesses the challenges and options available for the US and for the November 2020 international community for dealing with this threat. ISIS in Yemen: Redoubt or Remnant? Challenges and Options for Dealing with a Jihadist Threat in a Conflict Environment by Norman Cigar “The fight against terrorism is far from over” Leon E. Panetta, Former Director CIA, 25 August 20191 Introduction and Terms of Reference Even in its short history, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has posed a significant security challenge both to U.S. interests and to regional states. As the ISIS Caliphate disintegrated recently in its heartland of Iraq and Syria under a succession of blows by its international and local adversaries, the focus of the international community often shifted to ISIS’s outlying branches. However, contrary to early optimism, ISIS has proved a stubborn survivor even in its Iraq-Syria core, while its presence in branches or affiliates in areas such as the Sinai, the Sahara, West Africa, Mozambique, Yemen, and Khurasan (Afghanistan/Pakistan) also continues to be a significant security threat to local and international interests.2 Moreover, each theater of operations presents a unique set of characteristics, complicating the fight against such local ISIS branches. -
Contemporary Jihadi Militancy in Yemen
CONTEMPORARY JIHADI MILITANCY IN YEMEN HOW IS THE THREAT EVOLVING? ELISABETH KENDALL JULY 2018 POLICY PAPER 2018-7 CONTENTS * 14 COMMUNICATIONS CHALLENGES * 15 DECENTRALIZATION AND/OR * SUMMARY FRAGMENTATION * KEY POINTS * 18 PART FOUR: ISLAMIC STATE IN YEMEN * 1 INTRODUCTION * 21 CONCLUSION: LOOKING AHEAD * 2 PART ONE: FORMATION & EVOLUTION * 27 ENDNOTES * 4 PART TWO: AQAP GOALS & GOVERNANCE * 32 ABOUT THE AUTHOR * 5 LOCAL INTEGRATION AND BRANDING * 32 ABOUT THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE * 6 TRIBAL RELATIONS * 8 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT * 8 YOUTH ENGAGEMENT * 9 SIGNS OF DECLINE IN AQAP * 11 PART THREE: CURRENT AQAP CHALLENGES & PRESSURES * 11 INCREASING COUNTERTERRORISM STRIKES * 12 DWINDLING SUPPORT * 14 WEAK LEADERSHIP © The Middle East Institute The Middle East Institute 1319 18th Street NW Washington, D.C. 20036 MOHAMMED HUWAIS/AFP/Getty Images SUMMARY KEY POINTS Regional conflict and internal chaos have allowed militant jihadi * The two core goals of AQAP are expelling infidels from Muslim lands and introducing an Islamic regime that would rule groups to rise and flourish in Yemen. This paper analyzes two by Islamic law. While these goals have remained constant, circumstances and experience have refined AQAP’s approaches of the most prominent such groups, al-Qaeda in the Arabian to engaging local populations in the pursuit of these goals. Peninsula (AQAP) and the Islamic State in Yemen (ISY), by * The main challenges and pressures facing AQAP, some of which scrutinizing the factors that led to their respective ascents, and are shared by ISY, include increasingly frequent counterterrorism strikes, dwindling public support, weak leadership, poor examining the challenges and pressures that have caused their communications, and decentralization and/or fragmentation.