Privatizing the Reservation?
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Outline of United States Federal Indian Law and Policy
Outline of United States federal Indian law and policy The following outline is provided as an overview of and topical guide to United States federal Indian law and policy: Federal Indian policy – establishes the relationship between the United States Government and the Indian Tribes within its borders. The Constitution gives the federal government primary responsibility for dealing with tribes. Law and U.S. public policy related to Native Americans have evolved continuously since the founding of the United States. David R. Wrone argues that the failure of the treaty system was because of the inability of an individualistic, democratic society to recognize group rights or the value of an organic, corporatist culture represented by the tribes.[1] U.S. Supreme Court cases List of United States Supreme Court cases involving Indian tribes Citizenship Adoption Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians v. Holyfield, 490 U.S. 30 (1989) Adoptive Couple v. Baby Girl, 530 U.S. _ (2013) Tribal Ex parte Joins, 191 U.S. 93 (1903) Santa Clara Pueblo v. Martinez, 436 U.S. 49 (1978) Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians v. Holyfield, 490 U.S. 30 (1989) South Dakota v. Bourland, 508 U.S. 679 (1993) Civil rights Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe, 435 U.S. 191 (1978) United States v. Wheeler, 435 U.S. 313 (1978) Congressional authority Ex parte Joins, 191 U.S. 93 (1903) White Mountain Apache Tribe v. Bracker, 448 U.S. 136 (1980) California v. Cabazon Band of Mission Indians, 480 U.S. 202 (1987) South Dakota v. Bourland, 508 U.S. 679 (1993) United States v. -
Challenge Bowl 2020
Notice: study guide will be updated after the December general election. Sponsored by the Muscogee (Creek) Nation Challenge Bowl 2020 High School Study Guide Sponsored by the Challenge Bowl 2020 Muscogee (Creek) Nation Table of Contents A Struggle To Survive ................................................................................................................................ 3-4 1. Muscogee History ......................................................................................................... 5-30 2. Muscogee Forced Removal ........................................................................................... 31-50 3. Muscogee Customs & Traditions .................................................................................. 51-62 4. Branches of Government .............................................................................................. 63-76 5. Muscogee Royalty ........................................................................................................ 77-79 6. Muscogee (Creek) Nation Seal ...................................................................................... 80-81 7. Belvin Hill Scholarship .................................................................................................. 82-83 8. Wilbur Chebon Gouge Honors Team ............................................................................. 84-85 9. Chronicles of Oklahoma ............................................................................................... 86-97 10. Legends & Stories ...................................................................................................... -
Our Native Americans Volume 3
OUR NATIVE AMERICANS VOLUME 3 WHERE AND HOW TO FIND THEM by E. KAY KIRKHAM GENEALOGIST All rights reserved Stevenson's Genealogy Center 230 West 1230 North Provo, Utah 84604 1985 Donated in Memory of Frieda McNeil 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Introduction .......................................... ii Chapter 1. Instructions on how to use this book ............ 1 How do I get started? ..................... 2 How to use the pedigree form ............... 3 How to use a library and its records .......... 3 Two ways to get help ...................... 3 How to take notes for your family record ....... 4 Where do we go from here? ................ 5 Techniques in searching .................... 5 Workshop techniques ..................... 5 Chapter 2. The 1910 Federal Census, a listing of tribes, reservations, etc., by states .................. 7 Chapter 3. The 1910 Federal Census, Government list- ing of linguistic stocks, with index ........... 70 Chapter 4. A listing of records by agency ............. 123 Chapter 5. The American Tribal censuses, 1885-1940 ............................ 166 Chapter 6. A Bibliography by tribe .................. 203 Chapter 7. A Bibliography by states ................. 211 Appendix A. Indian language bibliography .............. 216 Appendix B. Government reports, population of tribes, 1825, 1853, 1867, 1890, 1980 .............. 218 Appendix C. Chart for calculating Indian blood .......... 235 Appendix D. Pedigree chart (sample) .................. 236 Appendix E. Family Group Sheet (sample) ............. 237 Appendix F. Religious records among Native Americans ... 238 Appendix G. Allotted tribes, etc. ..................... 242 Index ............................. .... 244 ii INTRODUCTION It is now six years since I started to satisfy my interest in Native American research and record- making for them as a people. While I have written extensively in the white man's way of record- making, my greatest satisfaction has come in the three volumes that have now been written about our Native Americans. -
Curing the Tribal Disenrollment Epidemic: in Search of a Remedy
CURING THE TRIBAL DISENROLLMENT EPIDEMIC: IN SEARCH OF A REMEDY Gabriel S. Galanda and Ryan D. Dreveskracht* This Article provides a comprehensive analysis of tribal membership, and the divestment thereof—commonly known as “disenrollment.” Chiefly caused by the proliferation of Indian gaming revenue distributions to tribal members over the last 25 years, the rate of tribal disenrollment has spiked to epidemic proportions. There is not an adequate remedy to stem the crisis or redress related Indian civil rights violations. This Article attempts to fill that gap. In Part I, we detail the origins of tribal membership, concluding that the present practice of disenrollment is, for the most part, a relic of the federal government’s Indian assimilation and termination policies of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In Part II, we use empirical disenrollment case studies over the last 100 years to show those federal policies at work during that span, and thus how disenrollment operates in ways that are antithetical to tribal sovereignty and self-determination. Those case studies highlight the close correlation between federally prescribed distributions of tribal governmental assets and monies to tribal members on a per-capita basis, and tribal governmental mass disenrollment of tribal members. In Part III, we set forth various proposed solutions to curing the tribal disenrollment epidemic, in hope of spurring discussion and policymaking about potential remedies at the various levels of federal and tribal government. Our goal is to find a cure, before it is too late. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................... 385 A. Overview .................................................................................................... 385 B. Background ................................................................................................ 389 I. ORIGINS OF TRIBAL “MEMBERSHIP” ................................................................ -
Chickasaw Ardmore
United States Department of the Interior Washingron, DC 20240 OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OCT 1 5 2020 The Honorable Bill Anoatubby Governor, Chickasaw Nation Post Office Box 1548 Ada, Oklahoma 74821 Dear Governor Anoatubby: In 2016, the Chickasaw Nation of Oklahoma (Nation) submitted to the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) an application to transfer into trust two parcels of lands, totaling approximately 61.63 acres and collectively known as the Kingston Property, near the City of Kingston, Marshall County, Oklahoma (Site) for gaming and other purposes.1 Nation also requested a determination of eligibility to conduct gaming on the Site. The Nation seeks to develop a casino-resort (Proposed Project). We have completed our review of the Nation's request and the documentation in the record. As discussed below, it is my determination that the Site will be transferred into trust for the benefit of the Nation pursuant to the Indian Reorganization Act, 25 U.S.C. § 5108. Once transferred into trust, the Nation may conduct gaming on the Site pursuant to the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act, 25 U.S.C. § 2719. Background The Nation historically occupied its homelands in what are today Mississippi, Alabama, Tennessee, and Kentucky. In 1832, following a series of land cessions, the Nation ultimately ceded the remainder of its lands in exchange for land west of the Mississippi River.2 The United States established the boundaries of the Nation's reservation in Oklahoma in the Treaty of 1855.3 In 1897, under the authority of the General Allotment Act, the Nation joined the Choctaw Nation in negotiations with the Dawes Commission. -
HUNGRY GHOSTS: PONCA GIRLS in TWO WORLDS by ANN
HUNGRY GHOSTS: PONCA GIRLS IN TWO WORLDS By ANN MARIE WASILEWSKI Bachelor of Arts Augusta College Augusta, Georgia 1969 Master of Education University of Georgia Athens, Georgia 1976 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF EDUCATION July, 2004 COPYRIGHT By Ann Marie Wasilewski July, 2004 ii HUNGRY GHOSTS: PONCA GIRLS IN TWO WORLDS Thesis Approved: Pamela U. Brown Thesis Advisor Pamela Fry Gary J. Conti Katye M. Perry Dr. Al Carlozzi Dean of the Graduate College ii Dedicated to my mother and father. Catherine Howard Wasilewski Walter John Wasilewski iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First, I want to express my deep gratitude to my dissertation advisor, Dr. Pam Brown, for her extreme patience, constructive guidance, and gentle encouragement. Your kind words were a balm to my soul as I struggled through this process. Second, I want to thank my committee members, Dr. Gary Conti, Dr. Pamela Fry, and Dr. Katye Perry. I am so appreciative of the time you spent reading my dissertation and for the suggestions you made to improve it. Third, I want to acknowledge two former members of my committee, Dr. Natalie Adams and Dr. Pamela Bettis, who moved on to different universities. Without your interest, guidance, and assistance I would not have made it this far. Fourth, I thank the Ponca girls and the members of the Ponca community who shared their thoughts and culture with me. It was a tremendous education. I also want to thank my Bahá’i friends, Nancy and Jim Schear, for their encouragement and the hours they spent with me at their dining room table going over my drafts. -
The Homestead Act and the General Allotment Act David Edlefsen
How the West was Claimed: The Homestead Act and the General Allotment Act David Edlefsen Claremont Graduate University [email protected] Prepared for Western Political Science Association Conference San Francisco, CA, March 31, 2018 How the West was Claimed 2 Whenever someone looks at a globe or map of the world one thing should clearly stand out, the United States is big. At a whopping 2.3 billion acres, it is nearly the size of the entire continent of Europe (2.52 billion acres), and either the 3rd or 4th largest nation.1 Yet, when this nation obtained independence in 1783 it only had claim to the land east of the Mississippi River and north of Spanish controlled Florida. The rest of what would become the United States was owned/claimed by the United Kingdom via Canada, France, Spain, Russia, and later Mexico.2 While the United States had a relative humble beginning, the land it owned was rich with fir, timbers, farmland, and other resources. All this land blessed with an abundance of resources, only fueled its desire to claim more land. “That claim is by the right of our manifest destiny to overspread and to possess the whole of the continent which Providence has given us for the development of the great experiment of liberty and federated self-government entrusted to us.”3 This line, written by John O’Sullivan in 1845 not only popularized the term manifest destiny, it summed up the belief of many Americans since the early 19th century that we had a divine right to the rest of the land despite the fact that much of it was owned/claimed by other nations, which the Louisiana Purchase and the cession of Florida helped fuel. -
Medium of Blood Verifiable Ancestry As a Conduit of Cherokee National
Medienimpulse ISSN 2307-3187 Jg. 50, Nr. 2, 2012 Lizenz: CC-BY-NC-ND-3.0-AT Medium of Blood Verifiable Ancestry as a Conduit of Cherokee National Identity Eddie Glenn Blood quantum, the measurement of American Indian ancestry possessed by members of America’s Indigenous nations, is most often considered a rubric utilized by the federal government in an oppressive form, or by tribal nations themselves as standards of tribal citizenship requirements. In this essay, the authors recontextualize blood as a medium of national identity within the context of the Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma. Such decentering, as presented here, illuminates Cherokee nationhood in ways that have significant political import. In his November, 2011 inaugural address, Bill John Baker, Principal Chief of the Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma, stated that the tribe’s status as a nation on equal terms with the United States government had been medienimpulse, Jg. 50, Nr. 2, 2012 1 Glenn Medium of BloodVerifiable Ancestry as a Conduit of Cherokee National ... earned with “our resolve, our blood, and our tears”(Baker 2011). While the statement may seem, to many Westerners, to be a political platitude referencing sacrifice and fortitude, the comment – specifically the reference to “blood” – had especially pertinent meaning for Baker’s audience of Cherokee tribal members. As anthropologist Circe Sturm (2002) has argued, the concepts of “blood” and “blood quantum” – the percentage of verifiable Indian ancestry a member of an American Indian tribe possesses – are key concepts to Cherokee identity (203). Cherokee author and scholar Robert Conley (2008), however, contends that blood quantum, and the Certificates of Degree of Indian Blood (CDIBs) issued by the U.S. -
Oklahoma Indian Country Guide in This Edition of Newspapers in Education
he American Indian Cultural Center and Museum (AICCM) is honored Halito! Oklahoma has a unique history that differentiates it from any other Tto present, in partnership with Newspapers In Education at The Oklahoman, state in the nation. Nowhere else in the United States can a visitor hear first the Native American Heritage educational workbook. Workbooks focus on hand-accounts from 39 different American Indian Tribal Nations regarding the cultures, histories and governments of the American Indian tribes of their journey from ancestral homelands, or discover how Native peoples have Oklahoma. The workbooks are published twice a year, around November contributed and woven their identities into the fabric of contemporary Oklahoma. and April. Each workbook is organized into four core thematic areas: Origins, Oklahoma is deeply rooted in American Indian history and heritage. We hope Native Knowledge, Community and Governance. Because it is impossible you will use this guide to explore our great state and to learn about Okla- to cover every aspect of the topics featured in each edition, we hope the Humma. (“Red People” in the Choctaw language.)–Gena Timberman, Esq., workbooks will comprehensively introduce students to a variety of new subjects and ideas. We hope you will be inspired to research and find out more information with the help of your teachers and parents as well as through your own independent research. The American Indian Cultural Center and Museum would like to give special thanks to the Oklahoma Tourism & Recreation Department for generously permitting us to share information featured in the Oklahoma Indian Country Guide in this edition of Newspapers in Education. -
PASTORAL CARE for Nebraskass NATIVE AMERICANS: the SANTEE and PONCA PEOPLES
PASTORAL CARE FOR NEBRASKA’S NATIVE AMERICANS: THE SANTEE AND PONCA PEOPLES The establishment of Indian reservations in eastern Nebraska, together with their substantial populations and inherent economic issues, taxed the energy of Nebraska Bishop Robert Harper Clarkson. He cared deeply about their humanity, but his lack of language skills and the reservations’ distance from transportation routes complicated his capability to properly minister to their needs. While the bishop had placed good missionaries among the native peoples and trusted in the latter’s expertise, he sought to establish a new missionary district, apart from the Diocese of Nebraska, with its own missionary bishop to properly pastorally care for the natives. The previously discussed Missionary District of Niobrara placed several Nebraska and Dakota tribes under the administration of Bishop William Hobart Hare, but not until 1873. For the first seven years of his missionary work in Nebraska, Bishop Clarkson visited and cared for the Santee and the Ponca Indians, as well was those discussed in the previous chapter. The stories of the Santee Sioux and the Ponca tribes follow. The historical record of the Santee Sioux before they arrived in Nebraska is a tragic one. The Santee are the fifth tribe of Nebraska Indians pastorally cared for by the Episcopal Church. In 1851, the Wahpeton and Sisseton Dakota peoples had relinquished their lands in southern and western Minnesota Territory, each taking a reservation along one of the region’s major rivers, the Upper Sioux along the Yellow Medicine River and the Lower Sioux along the Minnesota River. The Lower Sioux were not happy with their reservation lands, and after whites began encroaching on their reservation, Sioux leaders signed away another strip of land along the north side of the Minnesota River. -
The Council Fire's Advacacy of Native American Civil Rights, 1878-1889
University of Nebraska at Omaha DigitalCommons@UNO Student Work 8-1-1992 In defense of "Poor Lo": The Council Fire's advacacy of Native American civil rights, 1878-1889 Jo Lea Wetherilt Behrens University of Nebraska at Omaha Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/studentwork Recommended Citation Behrens, Jo Lea Wetherilt, "In defense of "Poor Lo": The Council Fire's advacacy of Native American civil rights, 1878-1889" (1992). Student Work. 495. https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/studentwork/495 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UNO. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student Work by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. IN DEFENSE OF "POOR LO"s THE COUNCIL FIRE'S ADVOCACY OF NATIVE AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS. 1878-1889 A Thesis Presented to the Department of History and the Faculty of the Graduate College University of Nebraska In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts University of Nebraska at Omaha by Jo Lea Wetherilt Behrens August 1992 UMI Number: EP73133 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMT PlsserisfiM Pi.bl.slt.tg UMI EP73133 Published by ProQuest LLC (2015). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. -
A Report on Policies of Self-Determination in Native America1
Temporary Assistance with Lasting Effects: A Report on Policies of Self-Determination in Native America1 By Ryan A. Mather2 Abstract Native American reservations are marked by poverty rates that remain persistently above national averages through generations, but a recent shift in policy toward greater tribal control over previously federal and state-operated programs shows great promise in improving the situation. This report seeks to better understand the economic impact of such self-governance policy, first by examining the marginal effect of having a tribe administer its own Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program, and second by examining results from 75 household surveys that I conducted on the Rosebud Sioux Reservation. I find that the implementation of a TANF program by a reservation government produced a five-percentage- point drop in the poverty rate above and beyond any reduction in poverty that occurred in state- run programs on Native reservations. Further, within tribal TANF programs, there seem to be community gains associated with both geographical proximity and administrative proximity, that is, having decisions made by a single local reservation government as opposed to a consortium of reservation governments. The survey shows similarly positive effects associated with proximity and gives some reason to suggest that local programs would be preferred to federal programs. Finally, I end the report with a brief look at the Rosebud Reservation’s preferences for future economic development programs as revealed in the survey. 1 I would like to thank Dr. Paul Glewwe of the University of Minnesota’s Applied Economics department for his advice and mentorship over the course of this project, as well as Dr.