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Copyrighted Material JWST891-c01 JWST891-Dillon February 5, 2018 11:28 Printer Name: Trim: 229mm × 152mm PART ONE WAR, GENOCIDE, AND EVIL COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL JWST891-c01 JWST891-Dillon February 5, 2018 11:28 Printer Name: Trim: 229mm × 152mm JWST891-c01 JWST891-Dillon February 5, 2018 11:28 Printer Name: Trim: 229mm × 152mm CHAPTER 1 RAPE AS A WEAPON OF WAR CLAUDIA CARD Rape in war—martial rape—has even arrived in the movies. Within the past year, films I have seen featuring or portraying rape in war or in warlike situ- ations include Death and the Maiden (featuring a woman who survived rape by a physician who was hired to oversee her political torture), Rob Roy (por- traying a strategic rape—intended to provoke a husband—by an English “nobleman”charged with putting down a Scottish rebellion), and Immortal Beloved (briefly showing the apparently gratuitous rape of a civilian stage- coach passenger by one of Napoleon’s soldiers). Closely related is Brave- heart, which presents imperial rape in the “rite of the first night,” which licensed English “nobles” to rape Scottish “commoner” brides on their wedding nights.1 Although this imperial rape was not officially an act of war, it had some of the same goals as martial rape: genetic imperialism and a realignment of loyalties in future generations (which are made explicit in Braveheart). Each of these films displays a different aspect of martial rape. No one (to my knowledge) has yet portrayed mass rape in war. Mass martial rape in the real world, however, is receiving media atten- tion, and public consciousness is being raised about it. What is new is not the practice of mass rape but the extent of its relatively recent publicity and some of rape’s consequences for public health in an era of HIV. Mar- tial rape is an ancient practice. Patterns of intelligibility to be found in it have important continuities with patterns to be found also in civilian rape. 1 This feudal custom, also known as marquette, was discussed from a radical feminist point of view in 1893 by Gage (1980). Criticism and Compassion: The Ethics and Politics of Claudia Card. Edited by Robin S. Dillon and Armen T. Marsoobian. Chapters and book compilation © 2018 Metaphilosophy LLC and John Wiley & Sons Ltd. JWST891-c01 JWST891-Dillon February 5, 2018 11:28 Printer Name: Trim: 229mm × 152mm 14 CLAUDIA CARD Despite differences in the structures of the relevant causes, Judith Herman argues that the “shell shock” in World War 1 combat survivors has impor- tant similarities to posttraumatic stress disorders as experienced by female survivors of domestic violence and rape. She finds that “the most common post-traumatic disorders are those not of men in war but of women in civil- ian life” and that women and children subject to civilian rape and domestic violence are in a war: The subordinate condition of women is maintained and enforced by the hidden violence of men. There is war between the sexes. Rape victims, battered women, and sexually abused children are its casualties. Hysteria is the combat neurosis of the sex war. (Herman 1992, 28–32) Although my focus here is on martial rape as a weapon wielded by male soldiers of one country (or national, political, or cultural group) against typically unarmed female civilians of another, much of what I say can be applied also with certain modifications in (so-called) civilian contexts. A little more than ten years ago I began writing about rapes that are often “domestic” in two senses: they are (generally) rapes of citizens (or residents) by other citizens (or residents) of the same state, and they were often committed by members of a household against other members of the same household (Card 1991). I now find that an important aspect of both civilian and martial rape is that it is an instrument of domestication: breaking for house service. It breaks the spirit, humiliates, tames, produces a docile, deferential, obedient soul. Its immediate message to women and girls is that we will have in our own bodies only the control that we are granted by men and thereby in general only that control in our environ- ments that we are granted by men. Instruments of taming include terrorism and torture, which rely on the energy-consuming and debilitating effects of fear and, as Nietzsche noted (1967, 61–62), our ability to remember what hurts.2 Taming is often for service—utilitarian, recreational, or both—which sets limits to terrorism and torture in that “taming” carried too far may leave an animal who is neither useful for much nor even entertaining. In the case of civilian rape, purposes commonly served include both utilitarian and recreational exploitation. Women and girls raped are often primary instruments of the exploitation of other women and girls. As with other kinds of terrorism, rape as a practice often has two targets (O’Neill 1991). One target may be a throwaway or sacrificial victim who is used to send a message to others. The role of women who are raped and then murdered is like that of people 2 Such reliance on terrorism, however, needs to be balanced by an appreciation of our ability, also, to dissociate under stress. JWST891-c01 JWST891-Dillon February 5, 2018 11:28 Printer Name: Trim: 229mm × 152mm RAPE AS A WEAPON OF WAR 15 who are murdered in a bombing. They are used to send a message to the second targets, whose compliance with various demands and expectations is sought by the terrorist. The ubiquitous threat of rape in war, like that of civilian rape, is a form of terrorism. The aim in war, however, may not be service (the aim generally served by civilian rape) but expulsion or dispersion. Expulsion and disper- sion do not set limits to the extent and degree of terrorism and torture as the hope of future exploitation would do, because it does not matter to the terrorists whether those to be expelled or dispersed survive. Again, there are often two targets, sacrificial victims and others to whom their sacrifice is used to send a message. Martial rape domesticates not only the women survivors who were its immediate victims but also the men socially con- nected to them, and men who were socially connected to those who did not survive. If there is one set of fundamental functions of rape, civilian or mar- tial, it is to display, communicate, and produce or maintain dominance, which is both enjoyed for its own sake and used for such ulterior ends as exploitation, expulsion, dispersion, murder. Acts of forcible rape, like other instances of torture, communicate dominance by removing our con- trol over what enters or impinges on our bodies. Rape is a cross-cultural language of male domination (that is, domination by males; it can also be domination of males). This is its symbolic social meaning. Civilian dom- ination characteristically issues in exploitation for service, although some forms of even civilian rape—such as college fraternity party gang rapes— may be best understood as a kind of training for war.3 An aim of civil- ian rape is female heterosexual dependency and service. The rapes of some women send a message to others that they need “protection” (Griffin 1979; Card 1991). The ever-present threat of rape from childhood through old age produces a society of females who are generally oriented toward male service—females animated by the hope of securing male protection as a reward for such service—females who often feel bound to those they serve through misplaced gratitude for a “protection” that is mostly only a with- holding of abuse (Card 1991). By contrast, martial rape aims to splinter families and alliances and to bind not women to men but warrior rapists to one another. The activity of martial rape, often relatively public, can serve as a bonding agent among perpetrators and at the same time work in a vari- ety of ways to alienate family members, friends, and former neighbors from each other, as in cases where the perpetrators had been friends or neighbors of those they later raped. 3 For an expose´ of fraternity gang rape, including testimony by former fraternity members who defected, see anthropologist Sanday (1990). JWST891-c01 JWST891-Dillon February 5, 2018 11:28 Printer Name: Trim: 229mm × 152mm 16 CLAUDIA CARD Accounts from recently surviving rape victims and perpetrators indicate that purposes currently served in Bosnia-Herzegovina include genocide, expulsion, revenge, and obedience (although in many cases, not service) and that its ultimate targets are entire peoples (Stiglmayer 1993). The same pat- terns are discernible historically in the rapes of Vietnamese women by U.S. GI’s (Brownmillet 1975, 86–113) and of Native American women by British soldiers (Storm 1972).4 As forcible impregnation, martial rape can also be a tool of genetic imperialism. Where the so-conceived child’s social iden- tity is determined by that of the biological father, impregnation by martial rape can undermine family solidarity. Even if no pregnancy results, knowl- edge of the rape has been sufficient for many men in patriarchal societies to reject wives, mothers, and daughters, as was reported to have happened to many Bengali women raped by Pakistani soldiers in 1971 (Brownmiller 1975, 76–86). Ultimately, martial rape can undermine national, political, and cultural solidarity, changing the next generation’s identity, confusing the loyalties of all victimized survivors. There is more than one way to commit genocide. One way is mass mur- der, killing individual members of a national, political, or cultural group. Another is to destroy a group’s identity by decimating cultural and social bonds.
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