Lethal Violence Against Women and Girls and Women Against Violence Lethal Chapter of a Post-2015 Development 1

Home , Action on Armed Violence, Domestic violence, Femicide, Forced pregnancy, Gang rape, Gendercide

O comparisons difficult. difficult. comparisons cross-country renders definitions and categories, guidelines, standardized of lack the Moreover, effectively. phenomenon the tackle and stand under to difficult it makes also homicides female surrounding circumstances on details of absence chronic The home. the outside or inside whether women, of killing the on data of lack a persistent is there awareness, increased the Despite large. at society and families, individuals, for quences conse far-reaching with enduring, and spread wide remains violence that girls, and women against violence reduce and tackle to grammes pro targeted forge to attempt Yet countries as 2014). Valasek, and (Bastick (ATT) Treaty Trade Arms 1325 the and Resolution Council Security Nations United of adoption the through specifically control, arms small of that with security and peace, women, on agenda international the of aconvergence seen also against Women (CEDAW). Women against Discrimination of Forms All of Elimination the on Convention Nations 1979 United the as such instruments, international previous on building violence, domestic and women against violence prevent and address to obligation the out spells Convention 2011 Istanbul Europe of Council The agendas. research and policy in ever-present is women against violence ending on focus the framework, and in view of the 20 the of view in and framework, verge the n versary of the Beijing Platform for Action, Action, for Platform Beijing the of versary Lethal Violence against Women and Girls and Women against Violence Lethal Chapter of a post-2015 development 1

The last few years have have years few last The Three

th anni

- -

- - - women. The chapter finds that: finds chapter The women. of killings firearm-related and violence, sexual and deaths conflict-related femicides, partner intimate explores it available, homicide female on data comprehensive and recent most the highlighting In cases. selected in and globally women against violence lethal of patterns and figures the examining by (GBAV) Violence Armed of Burden Global the of 2011 edition the in presented findings the on update an provides chapter This n countries with high rates of firearm-related firearm-related of rates high with n countries vio- non-lethal and lethal the of much hile GBAV, median the the of 2011 edition ince the n average, based on data available from from available data on based n average, with firearms is also higher. higher. is also firearms with killed women of percentage the violence lethal I conflicts. during is compounded women of victimization repeat or multiple of risk the settings, non-conflict in place takes girls and women against lence W increased. women against violence lethal of rates low very and high very with countries of number the as polarized, become have rates homicide female and slightly decreased has killed women of rate S globally. mitted com- homicides intentional all of cent 16 per approximately for account deaths These 2012. to 2007 year, from every violently killed were worldwide girls and women 60,000 that mates esti- GBAV the territories, and 104 countries O

87 2 3 4 5 1 LETHAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 88 While the majority of homicide victims are Meanwhile, a whistleblower provided evidence men, women are the primary victims of inti- that London’s Metropolitan Police had under- mate partner homicide, including homicide– recorded rape and serious sexual offences by suicide events. up to 25 per cent (BBC, 2013a). Reports from 2015 In countries with low levels of female homicide, Australia and the United States suggest that most killings occur inside the home and are recorded crime data for sexual crimes and domes- generally perpetrated by an intimate partner tic violence were not comparable across jurisdic- or member of the nuclear or extended family. tions because of different processing practices in initial stages of investigations (Australia, 2009, p. 59; Francescani, 2012).

In the absence of details on circumstances sur- ARMED VIOLENCE Beyond the numbers: challenges of rounding the killing of women, the accurate to collecting data on homicide and recording of femicide has proven difficult (see violence against women and girls Box 3.1), as has distinguishing between homicide and other crimes. Suicides can be particularly dif- While considerable progress has been made in ficult to categorize. A study of femicide–suicide collecting and disseminating data on violence, in Argentina argues that some cases of female few improvements have been made with respect homicide and intimate partner femicide are mis- to obtaining sex-disaggregated statistics (CCPCJ, GLOBAL BURDEN BURDEN GLOBAL takenly recorded as suicides (Fernandez, 2012). 2014). Limited availability and accessibility of In the case of ‘honour’ crimes, or dowry deaths, sex-disaggregated data stems largely from poor some scholars also speak of ‘forced suicide’ or reporting practices, an absence of standardized murder disguised as suicide (UN Women, n.d.). definitions and coding, underreporting, and insuf- The absence of commonly accepted definitions ficient resources for training and data collection and coding systems for female homicide, femi- in relevant state and non-state agencies. cide, and intimate partner violence complicates With growing media and public attention to statis- cross-border comparisons. tics on crime and violence, police, public health, If data collection on female homicide and vio- and national statistical institutions have come lence against women and girls is difficult in non- under increased pressure to publish and share conflict countries, these efforts are even more relevant data. In some cases, this trend has precarious in conflict zones. The absence of helped to shed light on some problematic prac- adequately trained persons to identify and record tices in crime recording, particularly in relation crime results in patchy record-keeping, if any. to violence against women. One such procedure, Crime data is particularly underreported in con- known as ‘no-criming’, involves the removal of a flict areas, where the focus is, understandably, crime from the record if the victim retracts alle- on conflict-related casualties. gations or police officers conclude that no crime was committed. Indeed, a recent British govern- Fortunately, some national governments and ment report finds that nearly 30 per cent of rape non-governmental organizations in a number of cases that were no-crimed by the Kent Police countries have paid particular attention to improv- should not have been (HMIC, 2013, pp. 4, 16). ing their data collection practices, with an eye to method of gathering and diffusing information information diffusing and gathering of method a as emerged has crowd-sourcing addition, In sources. of avariety from information useful collect violence and crime on observatories national sub- or National homicide. female and girls and women against violence preventing and reducing ing of a woman qualifies as femicide (CCPCJ, 2014). (CCPCJ, femicide as qualifies awoman of ing kill the which under circumstances the stipulating by term the to clarity some bring definitions legal countries some in although femicide, of definition agreed commonly no is there level, international the At 1992). Russell, and Radford 1988; (Kelly, violence sexual of that specifically, or, more women against femicide place scholars Feminist critics. its has victims female with homicide mean to femicide of use the however, 2011); Frate, del (Alvazzi figures of comparability the increasing of advantage the has definition This 2012). (PAHO, g or women of killings ‘any include to term the of tion dilu the is dissemination wide this of effect A side 2006). UNGA, 2011; Spinelli, 2009; (GHRC, spheres political and policy, criminology, legal, the in traction gained since has term the 3), p. 1992, Russell, and (Radford men’ by women of killing misogynous ‘the signifying Initially relations. gender within dimension femicide term the 1990s, the in popularized and 1970s the in movement feminist the by Introduced 2000). Carcedo, and Sagot S Declaration (Geneva person of a women of killing killing the of sion ‘intentional the as defined dimen gendered the person’—obscures another by homicide, female a label: of n search cide homi term the that argued have scholars Feminist femicide intimate and femicide, B ner femicide (Costa Rica, 2007) or as a particularly aparticularly as or 2007) Rica, (Costa femicide ner part intimate as either crime the defining femicide, combating on legislation dedicated enacted have Mexico, and Rica Costa as such countries, Other 3). p. 2013, (ELLA, homicide of form aggravated an as femicide treat Peru and Chile of codes penal The irls’, irrespective of the circumstances of the killing killing the of circumstances the of irrespective irls’, ecretariat, 2008, p. 68; Radford and Russell, 1992; 1992; Russell, and Radford 68; p. 2008, ecretariat, ox 3.1 ox —

I was to expose the hidden power power hidden the expose to was on the continuum of violence violence of continuum the on - - - - - 2

remains unknown. remains phenomenon the capture to able are they which to extent the innovative, are tools these While n.d.). WMC, n.d.; Hollaback, n.d.; (HarassMap, elsewhere and Syria, Egypt, in organizations local some among especially women, against crimes on f responsibility political and moral of aspect the pass feminicide uses Lagarde Marcela scholar Feminist terms. related of emergence the spurred also have femicide of definition the over Debates 21). 2007, art. (Mexico, death in culminates Mihaela Racovita Author: Mihaela abuse. or violence domestic protracted after often woman, the of death with terminate dynamics These countries. many in characteristics similar have which violence, of dynamics determine couples within relations gender patriarchal Widespread available. is on statistics international of analysis in-depth provides also chapter this femicide, on information capture that tools collection data and information better for need the To highlight data. sex-disaggregated homicide female on broadly more focuses GBAV the of edition this on femicide, data time-series cross-sectional, reliable and definitions comparable of absence the In 18). p. 2011, (Spinelli, couple the within inequality of expression ultimate the is partner) intimate (or husband her by woman uxor Latin the from uxoricide called Also sex. her of grounds the on t for term preferred the as femicide’ partner ‘intimate adopting term, the of abroadening than rather p 2013, (ELLA, killings their extent, some to enabling, thus and girls and women against violence sive perva- addressing not for responsibility of a degree hold also and judicial systems political that argues e or the killing of women because of their sex. She She sex. their of because women of killing the or he killing of a woman by her current or former partner partner former or current her by awoman of killing he xtreme category of crime against women, which which women, against crime of category xtreme . 2). Other scholars have opted for a deepening adeepening for opted have scholars . 2). Other for which more solid data data solid more which for femicide, partner intimate , which benefits from a wider availability of availability wider a from benefits , which , meaning ‘wife’—the killing of a of killing ‘wife’—the , meaning to encom to —

89 2 3 4 5 1 LETHAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 90 In view of the challenges inherent in the collection continue to die at the hands of their partners, of sex-disaggregated data on homicide, this edi- family members, and strangers, and many more tion of the GBAV draws on a combination of sources, fall victim to sexual, physical, and emotional vio- including national statistical reports as well as lence, by virtue of their gender. 2015 data from law enforcement and research institu- The GBAV 2014 database reveals that between tions (see Chapter One). This chapter features 2007 and 2012, on average, 60,000 women were information from 104 countries and detailed data killed violently around the world every year, rep- from 96 countries and territories.3 resenting approximately 16 per cent of the global number of intentional homicides (see Figure 3.1).5 These figures have decreased slightly compared The state of female homicide in to the reporting period covered in the 2011 edition ARMED VIOLENCE

of the world of the GBAV. The number of women killed annu- Photo  Police tape ally dropped from 66,000 to 60,000, and the Almost 35 years after the signing of CEDAW and cordons off the body percentage of women among homicide victims of a young woman, in the run-up to the Beijing+20 commemorations, fell from 17 to 16 per cent. Tegucigalpa, Honduras, women continue to face a series of challenges— September 2011. © Orlando Sierra/ and that despite substantive improvements in Men are both the primary victims and perpetrators AFP Photo education, equality, and empowerment.4 Women of homicide in the world, accounting for more than GLOBAL BURDEN BURDEN GLOBAL female vs. male homicide victims per year, 2007–12 per victims homicide male vs. female Legend: Figure Source of countries with high rates of female homicides homicides female of rates high with countries of GBAV, number the the of 2011 edition the Since variations. national and sub-regional, regional, of multitude a mask figures global violence, lethal by affected are women and men which to degree the of apicture painting in useful Although perpetration. and victimization homicide for gap’ ‘gender the of determinants the about questions raise distinctions These 2007). Steffensmeier, and Schwartz 2014; al., et (Lei sex perpetrator’s the on depending dynamics ent differ- follow homicide, particularly and crimes, violent that and perpetration, crime and gender between is alink there that suggest studies Other 2008). Heimer, and (Lauritsen homicide of victims become to women than likely more make men providers— economic main and family the of heads titular as men cast roles—which social and styles life gendered that argue criminologists Some victimization. in gap’ ‘gender this for offered been have explanations pp. 117–18). Various 2011, Secretariat, Declaration (Geneva 2004 since constant almost remained has that a ratio men, are victims homicide of six out five words, other In homicides. intentional all of cent per 80 emale victims (60,000): 16% (60,000): emale victims 84% (317,000): victims ale F M : Geneva Declaration Secretariat (2014) 3.1

E stimated global average proportion of of proportion average global stimated

- Source (Geneva Declaration Secretariat, 2011; 2014). 2011; Secretariat, Declaration (Geneva 2.27, to respectively 2.48 from fell GBAV the of editions current 2011 and the in studied countries for women 100,000 per homicide female of rate average The nine. to down 15 countries from killed, women of rates medium with countries of number the in drop the was change notable most The increases. small registered also rates low very and low with countries of number The 3.2). Figure 16 to (see 12 from increased women 100,000 per 2011 as well as the GBAV 2014 databases. 2014 GBAV the as well as 2011 Note 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Number of countries markedly. decreased rates medium with those increased, generally rates high very and high the as well as low very and low with countries of number the while homicides; female of bution distri- the of apolarization suggests graph The whether Figure 3.2 is pointing to an emerging trend. emerging an to is pointing 3.2 Figure whether assess to is required time over variations country country-by- of examination Acloser practices. reporting improved reflect may they or rates, femicide female influence that factors contextual in shifts to attributable be may changes These 100,000 women, 2004–09 and 2007–12 Figure

2004–09 : This graph is based on 89 countries and territories, all of which were included in the GBAV GBAV the in included were which of all territories, and countries 89 on based is graph This Very low (≤0.9) : Geneva Declaration Secretariat (2014) 3.2

2007–12 N umber of countries, by average female homicide rate per per rate homicide female average by countries, of umber

o 119 eim(–.)Hg 359 Very high(≥6) High(3–5.9) Medium (2–2.9) Low (1–1.9) Female homicide rate per 100,000 women 8

6 7

91 2 3 4 5 1 LETHAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 92 Map 3.1 Female homicide victims per 100,000 women, 2007–12 2015 ARMED VIOLENCE of

LEGEND: Per 100,00 women Very high (≥6) High (3–5.9) Medium (2–2.9)

GLOBAL BURDEN BURDEN GLOBAL Low (1–1.9) Very low (≤0.9) No data

Source: Geneva Declaration Secretariat (2014)

Map 3.1 displays the distribution of female homi- regions, with Western Europe ranking at the bottom cides in the 96 countries and territories9 for which of the scale (see Figure 3.3). In contrast to varia- reliable data was available for the 2007–12 time- tions in the distribution of total homicide rates, frame. As was the case for the GBAV 2011 database the average rate of women killed is relatively flat sex-disaggregated information was unavailable across North America, most of Europe, and West- for most African and many Asian countries. This ern Asia. One possible explanation for this finding suggests that efforts to improve data collection in is that these regions, which exhibit low rates of these regions have yet to produce accessible data. homicide, can have comparatively higher rates of The absence of information results in unequal intimate partner and domestic violence, bringing global coverage of female homicide. The Americas the ratio of male-to-female homicides closer to and Europe have the most developed reporting 1:1. This tendency was also observed in the 2011 systems, such that coverage is almost complete edition of the GBAV. for these regions. According to local and international activists, the At the sub-regional level, Central America and escalation of lethal violence targeting women in the Caribbean exhibit the highest rates of female Latin America may be the result of a confluence of homicide. There is little variation across the other factors, from the increased militarization of the per cent of the total number of women killed in in killed women of number total the of cent per Source (10/10), Western countries). Europe (5/5 Asia Eastern (13/13), Central and (11/18), Europe Asia Southern (9/9), Europe Western (11/11), Europe Northern (13/13), America South (11/14), Caribbean (8/8), the America Central Note 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Rate per 100,000 population homicide, female of rates high very and high 25 display available, is data relevant which for countries 96 the Of 2014). UNODC, 2012; (PAHO, femicide partner intimate and women against violence perpetuate norms social patriarchal and inequality gender tent persis- regions, other many in as well as Europe, 2012). In Beese, and 2013; Liisanantti (Laurent, women’ ‘missing of millions into translating spread, wide- as documented been long have girls baby of infanticide and fetuses female of abortion selective instance, for Asia, In peculiarities. own their exhibit regions 2013). Other (HBS, violence of cycle the perpetuate that factors two redress, judicial of alack and impunity to point also Some 2013). HBS, 2012; (NWI, culture machismo sistent per- the to women, target even or affect directly which wars, drug to response in society and state Figure emale homicide homicide otal F T : This table features only sub-regions in which more than half the countries have reliable data, namely: Northern America (3/3, i.e. 3 of 3 countries in the sub-region), sub-region), the in 3countries 3of i.e. (3/3, America Northern namely: data, reliable have countries the half than more which in sub-regions only features table This : Geneva Declaration Secretariat (2014) America Central 3.3

verage homicide and female homicide rates per 100,000 total population, by sub-region, 2007–12 sub-region, by population, total 100,000 per rates homicide female and homicide verage aiba South Caribbean 10 accounting for more than 54 54 than more for accounting America Central Asia Eastern Eastern Europe with 73 persons killed per 100,000 population in in population 100,000 per killed persons 73 with rates, homicide overall of terms in highest rank also countries Both women. 100,000 per 10.9 homicides of arate with second aclose comes Honduras 100,000). (6.0 per category the for rate base the double than is more women) 100,000 per (14.4 Salvador El for rate The 3.4). Figure (see women 100,000 per homicides female ten than more of rates with out Honduras—stand and Salvador El countries— two that reveals examination A closer killed. women of number total the of cent 47 per for accounted rates highest the with territories and 25 countries the which GBAV,to the according of 2011 edition the in presented that from slightly differs distribution the that indicates finding This homicides. female all of half than more for accounting countries analysed the of one-quarter approximately with skewed, is highly victimization female that suggests This review. under period the Northern Northern America Southern Asia Northern Northern Europe Southern Europe Western Asia Western Europe 93 2 3 4 5 1 LETHAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 94 Figure 3.4 Average high and very high female homicide rates per 100,000 women, 2007–12

‘very high’ >6 female homicides per 100,000 women ‘high’ 3–6 female homicides per 100,000 women

2015 El Salvador

Honduras

South Africa

Guatemala

Bahamas

Russian Federation

Guyana

Belize ARMED VIOLENCE

of Venezuela

Colombia

Lesser Antilles

Kazakhstan

Brazil

Moldova

Belarus GLOBAL BURDEN BURDEN GLOBAL Dominican Republic

Latvia

Ukraine

Panama

Lithuania

Fiji

Puerto Rico

Mexico

Suriname

Philippines

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16

Female homicide rate per 100,000 women

Source: Geneva Declaration Secretariat (2014)

Honduras and 59 in El Salvador, indicating par- A few countries with small populations, such as ticularly high mortality rates due to intentional the Bahamas and Guyana, exhibit very high rates violence. The level of lethal violence affecting of women killed violently. From 2007 to 2012, women in El Salvador is such that it surpasses the an average of 13 women were killed each year overall rate of male and female homicides in some in the Bahamas, while 25 lost their lives annually of the 40 countries with the highest rates world- in Guyana. In the independent countries of the wide, such as Ecuador, Nicaragua, and Tanzania. Lesser Antilles sub-region, an average of four shown in this figure registered changes between zero and one or zero and minus one. minus and zero or one and zero between changes registered figure this in shown Source Note Honduras Salvador El Bahamas Suriname Mexico Ukraine Kazakhstan Belarus Russian Federation South Africa Figure data- GBAV 2014 the Yet trends. of identification the precludes world the around women of cides homi- the on data historical reliable of lack The years: trends and patterns the through homicide Female figures. real the obscures environments conflict in homicide female on data sex-disaggregated reliable of dearth the Still, p. 44). 2011, tariat, Secre- Declaration (Geneva war at not are that countries in occur women and men both of deaths violent of majority the data, available on based that, finding the with is consistent This countries. post-conflict or non- are others (UCDP, the n.d.). All conflict by affected currently are Federation Russian the and Philippines, the Colombia, only killed, women of rates highest the with 25 countries the Of review. under year each during killed were women 46 of average an where Tobago, and is Trinidad exception The yearly. killed were women : The graph shows the five countries with the largest increases and five with the greatest decreases. Another 82 countries that are not are that countries 82 Another decreases. greatest the with five and increases largest the with countries five the shows graph The : Geneva Declaration Secretariat (2014) 3.5

C ountries with the greatest decreases and increases in female homicide rates, 2011 vs. 2014 2011 vs. rates, homicide female in increases and decreases greatest the with ountries -3 -2 -1 Change infemale homicide rate per 100,000 women 0 the past ten years. ten past the over women towards violence lethal in changes certain examine to opportunity an offers base require more targeted policy approaches. South South approaches. policy targeted more require may and homicide female total than inelastic more much be thus may violence of form This 2012). 2013; Thaler, 2013; Jaynes, al., et (Abrahams violence domestic tolerate that norms social by supported high, remained has femicide ner part intimate of level the firearms, illicit of spread the control and inequality gender reduce to efforts policy to due partly years, ten past the over Africa South in decreased has women towards lence vio lethal total of level the 2013). Although al., et 12.9 to (Abrahams 24.7 2009—from to 1999 from half by decreased homicides female of rate the that finds Africa South in femicide of a 2013 study Similarly, 3.5). Figure (see homicide female of rate the in decreases noticeable registered countries of anumber that reveals databases 2014 and 2011 GBAV the in information of A comparison studied. be also may available are trends series 1 12 2 11 Countries for which time- which for Countries 3 4 - - 5 95 2 3 4 5 1 LETHAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 96 Africa still registers some of the highest rates of cide rates, suggesting that crime patterns have homicide and female homicide in the world, although remained stable. This also holds true for a num- these rates are dropping steadily (Jaynes, 2013). ber of Asian countries, such as India, Malaysia, Thailand, Turkey, and Yemen, some of which

2015 In its official statistics, the Russian Federation has have persistently high rates of female homicide also recorded an important decrease in the overall (such as India and Thailand). Several countries rates of homicide and female homicide, the latter whose female homicide rates were among the from almost 13 killings per 100,000 women in the highest in the 2011 edition of the GBAV—such as year 2000, to 10 in 2005, and down to around 5 Brazil, Colombia, Guatemala, and Guyana—also in 2010. Although the rates of female homicide in appear to be holding steady. large Russian cities exceed the national rate, this decreasing pattern holds true for sub-national On the other end of the spectrum, Honduras reg- ARMED VIOLENCE istered by far the largest increase in the rate of

of data on female homicide across the 66 Russian municipalities with female populations of more female homicide, followed by El Salvador. Countries than 100,000 (Geneva Declaration Secretariat, that witness a high volume of narco-trafficking— 2014).13 The murder and dismemberment of a such as El Salvador, Honduras, and Mexico—are Russian journalist by her husband in early 2013, also plagued by rising female homicide rates, widely covered by the media, drew attention to the which has prompted human rights activists to persistence of intimate partner violence in the coun- redub the ‘war on drugs’ the new ‘war on women’ (Fox, 2012b). Mano dura (iron fist) interventions, GLOBAL BURDEN BURDEN GLOBAL try (Balmforth, 2013; BBC, 2013b; Frolov, 2013). designed to improve security and combat drug- Another 37 countries, located mostly in Europe related violence, can have the opposite effect, and Oceania, display little to no change in homi- inadvertently increasing insecurity among the civilian population, and particularly among women Figure 3.6 Female homicide rates per 100,000 women in Honduras, (Carlsen, 2012). Women are targeted as ‘drug 2002–12 mules’, executed as public messages to the

Female homicide rate per 100,000 women authorities to desist from combating drug traffick- 16 ing, or killed to settle accounts with rival gangs (Fox, 2012b; Giacomello, 2013; IRIN, 2014). 14

10 Spotlight on Honduras: a decade of rising lethal violence against women 8 A closer look at the evolution of female homicide 6 in Honduras shows a continuous upward trend 4 (see Figure 3.6). The latest figures from the

2 Observatory for Violence in Honduras, IUDPAS, suggest that lethal violence against women con- 0 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 tinues to escalate in the country, with 629 women Note: For details on the methodology used to calculate the homicide rates based on reported abso- killed in 2013, compared to 606 the previous year lute values, see the online annexe at www.genevadeclaration.org. (IUDPAS, 2014, p. 1).14 In contrast, the Honduran Sources: CONADEH (2013, p. 26); Geneva Declaration Secretariat (2014); IUDPAS (2013, p. 1) Commission of Human Rights reported that 441 given that more than 90 per cent of female homi- female of cent per 90 than more that given Yet p. 93). 2013, (RESDAL, prison in years 40 and 30 between to femicide for penalty minimum the raised recently authorities Honduran homicide, female of 2011). tide To this stem p. 13; Carcedo, 2012, Rodríguez, Gonzáles 2012b; (Fox, women were they because specifically killed were tims vic- the that indicate to tend bodies—which the of many on torture of signs and mutilation by evidenced brutality—as of levels extreme by terized charac- times at are killings the America, Central in elsewhere as 2012b). Honduras In 2013; Fox, (INL, rate homicide female its in arise witnessed consequently has which Honduras, through pass States United the for bound drugs illegal other and cocaine of cent per 80 estimated An 2012a). (Fox, country the in activities associated and trafficking human and drug in rise the as such play, at be may factors contextual multiple that suggests pattern accelerated This 2014). Secretariat, Declaration (Geneva since 2000 cent 125 per by increased had rate homicide total the whereas cent, per 270 than more by increased had rate homicide female the 2012, By 2012. 2011 in and occurring jumps largest the 2007, in with exponentially climb to started rate homicide female the However, activists (NWI, 2012). rights human women of targeting the and crisis institutional 2009 the by generated insecurity the to homicides female of number the in rise the link activists some 2012). Rather, Gallardo, and (Pavon violence domestic to related not are homicides female of majority the that namely noted, have Honduras in activists rights human some what confirms p. 2). This 2014, (IUDPAS, afirearm of use the involved crimes these of cent per 75 than more indoors; occurred cent 28 per while space, apublic in place took killings of cent per 40 to close IUDPAS, to According 2014). 2013 in (CONADEH, lives their lost had women

figure (Geneva Declaration Secretariat, 2014). Secretariat, Declaration (Geneva figure national the of cent 45 per around for account country the in rates homicides female highest the with municipalities ten the Taken together, 2012. in Guatemala in killed women of cent 20 per than more for accounts Guatemala of municipality the p. 2). 2013, Similarly, (60.1) (IUDPAS, Belén (60.1), and (60.5), Alianza (64.1), Cabañas Luis (67.1), Lauterique (64.9), Sabá San (72.0), Norte del (65.9), Antonio San Fernando women), San (118.3 Fe 100,000 per Santa homicides namely average, national the than higher times five almost are that homicide female of rates present palities munici- Honduran nine 2012, from data IUDPAS to According areas. rural and urban in standards reporting different to also but cities, in violence of rates higher to due be only not may disparity This areas. rural do than homicides female of tration concen- ahigher have cities countries, American Central many in that suggests data Sub-national 89). (p. is required effort concerted amore unresolved, go reportedly cides the rate of female victims is significant. is significant. victims female of rate the in rise the Juárez, in violence of victims primary the be to continue Yet men 2008). Vemala, while and Albuquerque 2011; Wright, 2014; (Hooks, killings the of circumstances or victimization overall to compared attention disproportionate awarded was phenomenon the that arguing femicides’, ‘Juárez the on focus the challenged have observers some then Since 2003). AI, 2011; Frate, del (Alvazzi average national the above well was which rate, femicide local spike the in able aconsider- with 2008, in and, women of murders brutal of aseries 1993with in attention national inter attracted Juárez Ciudad of city Mexican The to 2012 2000 from for women:A lethal city Ciudad Juárez

- 97 2 3 4 5 1 LETHAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 98 Figure 3.7 Female homicide rates per 100,000 women in Juárez and Mexico, and male homicide rates per 100,000 men in Juárez, 2000–12 Female homicides in Juárez Female homicides in Mexico Male homicides in Juárez

Female homicide rate per 100,000 women Male homicide rate per 100,000 men 2015 60 600

50 500

40 400

30 300 ARMED VIOLENCE of

20 200

10 100

0 0 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012

GLOBAL BURDEN BURDEN GLOBAL Note: For representational purposes, female homicides are depicted on the primary axis (left), and male homicides on the secondary axis (right).

Source: INEGI (n.d.)

The rate of women killed in Juárez continued to scored that many of the victims belonged to the rise after 2009, reaching almost 60.0 per 100,000 poor working class (often employed in the maquila in 2010, before decreasing in 2011 and 2012, and industry) (Wright, 2013).15 dropping back to 2008 levels (see Figure 3.7). The Not all regions in Mexico are affected by violence year 2010 saw a spike in homicides involving both in the same way over time. In 2012, the state of men and women victims (INEGI, n.d.). Chihuahua, which includes Ciudad Juárez, had In addition to the extremely elevated homicide the highest rate of female homicide—15.2 per rates, the notoriety of Ciudad Juárez is also due 100,000 women—which is almost four times the to the violent circumstances surrounding the kill- national average for the year. And, although the ings, with victims showing signs of torture and rate is still the highest among federal states, it mutilation before being dumped in public places has decreased substantially since 2010, when it (Pineda-Madrid, 2011, pp. 12–13). According to the had reached 34.0 per 100,000 women (almost ten Juárez Observatory of Violence, almost half (48 times the national average for 2010). In contrast, per cent) of the 673 female homicides registered the female homicide rate in the state of Guerrero between 2009 and 2012 took place in the street increased steadily in 2011 and 2012 (see Figure or in a public area, followed by private residences 3.8). In 2012, two other states exhibited rates of (25 per cent) and commercial areas (7 per cent) female homicide that remained higher than the (OSCCMJ, 2013, p. 20). Other analysts have under- national average despite a decrease compared to and shifting priorities. Even where conflict data data conflict where Even priorities. shifting and resources, of absence an situation, security volatile to a due countries, post-conflict and conflict in dire is particularly scarcity Data reintegration. or displacement of burden the bearing by including conflicts, of victims indirect become also can they civilians); as or combatants (as deaths conflict direct of victims become can women men, Like forms. of different variety a takes victimization flict, con- by plagued countries In homicide. female or femicide, partner intimate homicide, intentional of label the under captured is generally women against violence lethal settings, non-conflict In trends establishing in difficulties settings: conflict in killed Women unclear. remain which of extents full the violence, sexual and physical as such violence, non-lethal of forms from suffer also Mexico across cities other and Juárez in women addition, In (4.7). California Baja (8.6)and Durango year: previous the Source 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 27 36 Female homicide rate per 100,000 women Figure Baja California Baja INEGI (n.d.) : INEGI 3.8

F emale homicide rate per 100,000 women in the five most violent states in Mexico, 2007–12 Mexico, in states violent most five the in women 100,000 per rate homicide emale Chihuahua 2007

Durango

Guerrero 2008

Nayarit Operation ‘Cast Lead’, ‘Cast Operation launched Israel 2008—before to 2000 from that found It Territories. Occupied the in as well as Israel in sex, by disaggregated casualties Palestinian and Israeli both on data collects B’Tselem zation organi non-governmental Israeli the instance, For institutions. research rights human local or bodies UN either by is usually it published, when and is rare data sex-disaggregated is available, during conflict than non- or post-conflict periods. post-conflict or non- than conflict during concentrated is more women affecting violence lethal that suggest figures These n.d.d). (B’Tselem, killed reportedly were 60 of age the below women 200 2014, 10 to August 8July Edge’, from ‘Protective Operation During n.d.a–c). (B’Tselem, respectively forces, Israeli and Palestinian to victim fell women Palestinian and 19 Israeli five 2014, 7July until 2009 January in Lead’ ‘Cast of sion conclu- the From woman. Israeli one and officers, police were whom of two women, Palestinian 110 of lives the claimed reportedly operation three-week the Subsequently, women. Palestinian 147 and Israeli 221 killed forces War—security 2000 2009 2010 16 also known as the Gaza Gaza the as known also 2011

- 2012 99 2 3 4 5 1 LETHAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 100 Figure 3.9 Number of women and men killed in Afghanistan, by sex of an increased militarization of public space in the victim, 2010–13 Afghanistan, largely due to the planting of IEDs Women killed Men killed in public areas and the use of suicide bombers, both of which result in a marked decrease in Women killed Men killed 2015

300 3,000 security for all civilians, including children. While some data on civilian casualties is recorded,

250 2,500 little is known about the magnitude of female homicide and violence against women in the country.

200 2,000 From March to September 2012 the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission registered 889 incidents of physical violence and 256

ARMED VIOLENCE 150 1,500

of cases of sexual violence (Hasrat and Pfefferle, 2012, pp. 4–5). Various NGOs and international 100 1,000 organizations have argued that Afghan women are habitually confronted by violence outside the 50 500 conflict setting, particularly in the domestic sphere (APHI et al., 2011; Habib, 2012). In a 2013 study, 0 0 the World Health Organization finds that more 2010 2011 2012 2013

GLOBAL BURDEN BURDEN GLOBAL than one-third of the world’s women have experi- Note: For representational purposes, the number of men killed in Afghanistan between 2010 and 2013 is displayed on the secondary axis. enced some form of physical or sexual violence during their lifetimes (WHO, 2013). These figures Source: UNAMA (2011; 2012; 2013; 2014) vary according to geographical location and context (see Box 3.2). Since 2011, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan has recorded a steady increase in conflict-related deaths of women (see Figure 3.9). The proportion of female-to-male casualties Weapons used in lethal violence remains skewed, as men are the primary victims against women of violence in the country. Yet, in 2013, 235 women The instruments used in the killing of women were reportedly killed, up from 196 in 2011 (UNAMA, vary depending on the contexts, types of perpe- 2014, p. 11). This increase corresponds to the trators, and circumstances of the crimes. This intensification of the war, and more frequent section explores some of this variation, looking Taliban attacks. at the use of firearms in intimate partner violence For every woman killed by an improvised explosive as well as in female homicide. While it is known device (IED) or in ground engagements in 2013, that firearms are frequently used in the killing two more were injured (UNAMA, 2014, p. 11). of men, their use in female homicide is under- Women were killed or injured as they carried researched. Some recent studies have identified out their daily activities, in their homes, while statistically significant links between gun owner- travelling, or while working in the fields (AP, ship and firearm-related deaths (Bangalore and 2014; UNAMA, 2014). These findings suggest Messerli, 2013; Siegel, Ross, and King, 2013). s or awidespread of apart as or civilians target ately deliber to order in war of atactic as commissioned or ‘used is that violence sexual to attention special focus on armed actors can also obscure instances of of instances obscure also can actors armed on focus The 2012). (HSRP, incidents of number the in a rise as interpreted sometimes are conflicts during cases rape of reporting the in increases that possible is It 2011). Green, Hoover and Guberek, Roth, 2013; Wood, and Green, Hoover (Cohen, patterns global of distillation the prevents data relevant of lack The vary. violence sexual conflict-related of evolution the on Opinions N and (Cohen cent) per (43 conflicts 55 in appeared reports such no while cent), per (14 conflicts 18 in widespread or numerous either were violence sexual of reports that shows actors 625 armed and conflicts active 129 in violence sexual on data Recent 3). p. 2013, Wood, and Green, Hoover (Cohen, period the during wars of number largest the experienced region latter the though even Africa, sub-Saharan in than Europe Eastern in wars in frequent more particular—was in rape violence—and sexual basis, aper-conflict on that, indicates Department State US the from Data 1980–2009. period time the during globe the of region every almost in reported incidents with regions, across varies also violence Sexual 2012). Wood, 2009; Mullins, 2006; Neumayer, and (Plümper wars secessionist and genocide, involve that those mobilization, ethnic by characterized those wars, intra-state and inter-state both in occurs it conflict; armed of types different across varies violence Sexual 7). p. 2013, Nordås, and Cohen 2009; (Wood, list this to torture sexual and mutilation sexual added have analysts and scholars recently, More 7(1)(g)). art. s of form other any or sterilization, enforced nancy, preg forced prostitution, enforced slavery, sexual ‘rape, including acts, sexual of category to abroad violence—refers sexual of definition legal the shaped have rulings Court—whose Criminal International the humanity’, against ‘crimes defining In 1). art. 2008, war. in violence sexual on women against violence exual focus specifically four security, and peace, women, with dealing resolutions Council Security UN the Of war during B ystematic attack against civilian populations’ (UNSC, (UNSC, populations’ civilian against attack ystematic exual violence of comparable gravity’ (ICC, 2002, 2002, (ICC, gravity’ comparable of violence exual ordås, 2014, p. 423). p. 2014, ordås, ox 3.2 ox

S 17 This framework calls calls framework This

- - p 24 to contrast in violence, sexual perpetrated edly 132)report of (56 actors state of cent per 42 2009, to 1989 from active 625 actors the Of assumptions. these of both questioned have studies Recent groups. armed non-state of members be to tend they that and crimes, these of perpetrators primary the are men that indicate war of times in violence sexual on Reports 2011). and Bredenkamp, Palermo, (Peterman, rape reported of rate overall the than higher much is violence sexual partner intimate of incidence the Congo— the of Republic Democratic the in as such conflict— armed of cases some in since problematic is This violence. sexual non-combatant or civilian Jovana Carapic Author: Jovana 2 Wood, and Green, Hoover (Cohen, acquaintances or partners intimate as such victim, the to known als individu by perpetrated often is it indeed, female; or male combatants—whether by committed primarily, necessarily or solely, not is violence sexual that appears it Moreover, 2013). (Marks, agroup within status their by shaped rather but homogenous not is violence sexual of experience and in participation women’s that shown have groups armed non-state of dynamics internal the on studies instance, For war. in place takes violence sexual which in context social the to attention increasing paying are Researchers b perpetrated and common is rape, gang and rape ing includ violence, sexual thatwartime underscoring assumption, this individuals—questions or groups, armed of members forces, armed national of part as conflict—whether armed in participants active as women on focusing research Recent 3). p. 2013, Wood, and Green, Hoover (Cohen, war in violence sexual of perpetrators sole the are men that view the fostering thereby men, are perpetrators that assume to tend they instead, victim; the of or perpetrator the of sex the about inquire rarely violence sexual on Surveys Cohen, 2012). i violence sexual of perpetrators predominant the ily necessar not are groups armed non-state that suggest findings These 423). p. 2014, Nordås, and (Cohen 218) of (38 militias pro-government of cent 17 per n war (Green et al., 2013; Leiby, 2009; Nordås and and Nordås 2009; Leiby, 2013; al., et (Green n war 013, pp. 6–7). pp. 013, er cent of non-state armed groups (65 of 275) and and 275) of (65 groups armed non-state of cent er y men as well as women (Cohen, 2013). 2013). (Cohen, women as well as y men - - - - 101 2 3 4 5 1 LETHAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 102 However, research suggests that more factors come into play in the use of firearms and other weapons in female homicides (Killias and Markwalder, 2012).

2015 The presence of a gun in the home can influence lethal violence against women in several ways. Austria, Finland, and Switzerland have very high civilian firearms ownership rates, although the overall rate of murders committed with firearms remains low compared to the world average (Small Arms Survey, 2007). In some cases the presence of a firearm in the home was found to ARMED VIOLENCE

of be an important risk factor for intimate partner femicide, or serious injury resulting from intimate partner violence, particularly when compared with other types of weapons (Shaw, 2013, p. 25). Though there is a lack of data on non-fatal firearms injuries sustained by women, research suggests that lethal incidents form just a small part of over-

GLOBAL BURDEN BURDEN GLOBAL all female victimization (p. 29).

More frequently, guns are used to intimidate and coerce women, yet such cases are severely underreported (Hemenway, 2011, p. 5; Shaw, 2013, p. 29). A pilot survey on removing guns from batterers in California found that women felt safer as a result of the policy (Frattaroli, 2009; Vittes et al., 2013). Accordingly, some US states implemented legislation on court-ordered or police removal of guns from people with a record of intimate partner violence (Frattaroli, 2009; Frattaroli and Vernick, 2006).

Moreover, the presence of a gun in the home has been associated with an increased risk of suicide for the gun owner, spouse, and any children (Hemenway, 2011, p. 3). The lethality of firearms, Photo  Forensic spe- together with the frequent impulsiveness of suicide, cialists remove a body from the scene of a increases the risk of fatality in suicide attempts in homicide–suicide the United States and elsewhere (Lewiecki and incident that left four Miller, 2013). The risk posed by the availability dead, California, May 2014. © Alex Gallardo/ of a gun in the home also applies to homicide– Reuters suicide events, which are among gun-related 49 per cent of female victims in 2010. Ahigher 2010. in victims female of cent 49 per and male of cent per 72 for accounting Brazil, in homicides in used weapons common most the were firearms p. 9). 2012, Similarly, (ISDEMU, firearms of use the involved Salvador El in cides homi- female of cent per 60 than more 2011, In 2014).(UNODC, homicides in use gun of proportion largest the had Americas the that concludes which Crime, and Drugs on Office UN the by study arecent with is consistent This America. Latin in located are homicides female firearm-related of percentages highest the with countries ten the Malta, of exception the 3.10). With Figure (see firearm-related were homicides female of cent 50per than more 2007–12, period the for able is avail- data reliable which for 50countries the of nine In homicides. female in involved ments instru- primary the are firearms cases, some In p. 12). 2012, VPC, p. 27; (Shaw, 2013, women were victims the of cent per 94 that and agun, of use the involved cases of cent per 90 than more that 2011 alone, circumstances in such in died people 1,300 than more that found States United the in events suicide (Grabherr et al., 2010). al., et (Grabherr cases these in weapons of types used quently fre- most the were firearms 2013). Military al., et (Panczak (62) women were majority the 2008, 1991– in Switzerland in recorded events suicide homicide– in killed were who persons 85 the Of 2012). Markwalder, and (Killias perpetrator the of suicide the by followed were homicides which in cases the of cent per 80 in used were firearms Switzerland, in homicides firearm-related on study one to According sphere. domestic the in suicide homicide– of case the in increases fatalities of risk This partners. intimate involve typically which and sphere, family the in committed homicides 18 A study on homicide– on Astudy

103 2 3 4 5 1 LETHAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 104 Figure 3.10 Average percentage of female homicides committed with firearms in 48 countries, 2007–12

Guatemala Trinidad and Tobago Colombia 2015 El Salvador Puerto Rico Brazil Malta Paraguay Panama Mexico Ecuador Macedonia, former Yugoslav Republic of Norway ARMED VIOLENCE Costa Rica of Argentina Portugal Serbia Finland Austria Slovenia Georgia France Chile GLOBAL BURDEN BURDEN GLOBAL Israel Italy Bulgaria Czech Republic Netherlands Denmark Germany Sweden Spain Ireland Luxembourg Cyprus Slovakia Estonia Australia Lithuania Hungary UK (England and Wales) Moldova Poland New Zealand Kyrgyzstan Latvia Romania UK (Scotland)

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100

Average percentage of gun-related female homicides

Source: Geneva Declaration Secretariat (2014) 2013, p. 28).2013, (ONS, firearms of use the involved homicides female of cent 4per and male of cent 9per only knives, with killed were women of cent per 38 and men of cent per 39 where Kingdom, United the in 2011–12 In victims. female and male both involving homicide of instruments primary the were knives rates, ownership firearm low with countries In 57). pp.54, 2013, (Iezzi, incidents remaining the drowning—in or beating, strangulation, as such violence— physical of forms various and cent, 13 per about in instruments blunt third, another in used were weapons bladed afirearm; of use the killings—involved 2012—1,570 to 2000 from recorded homicides female all of one-third Italy In p. 32). 2013, (IEPADES, Munitions and Arms for Law 2009 the of application and adoption the and ecutions, pros- and investigations criminal of improvement the rates, crime highest the with areas targeting policies and programmes of implementation the violence, armed of reduction the for programmes society-led civil students, school secondary and primary among attendance increased including factors, of aconfluence to is attributed mala Guate- in homicides firearm-related in drop This firearms. involving homicides of percentage the in adrop as well as killed, women and men of number overall the in decreases registered 2012 2011 and years The agun. of use the involved homicides male of cent per 85 and homicides female all of cent per 77 to close 2010 3.11). In Figure (see year each firearms with committed are homicides female and male of percentage alarge Guatemala, In 10). p. 2012, (Waiselfisz, (15 men to cent) per compared as weapons penetrating or bladed with killed were cent) (26 per women Brazilian of percentage

Average percentage of firearm-related female homicides Figure Source etc.) (assault, Other explosion Ammunition Gunfire Mine suicide vehicle bomb IED bomb roadside IED Grenade bomb general IED suicide bomb general IED ordnance Unexploded Rocket Vehicle accident bomb vehicle IED Missile Mortar Artillery fire Tank bomb Aircraft 2003–11 type, weapon by Figure Source in Guatemala, 2009–12 Guatemala, in 50 60 70 80 90 100 Percentage of women among those killed those among women of Percentage Percentage of female homicides female of Percentage : Moyes (2012) : Geneva Declaration Secretariat (2014) 3.12 3.11 2009

P P ercentage of firearm-related male and female homicides homicides female and male firearm-related of ercentage roportion of women among those killed and injured in Iraq, Iraq, in injured and killed those among women of roportion 0

2010 Percentage of male homicides homicides male of Percentage 02 04 060 50 40 30 20 10

Percentage of Percentage women among those injured Percentage of women 2011 2012 70 105 2 3 4 5 1 LETHAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 106 2015 ARMED VIOLENCE of GLOBAL BURDEN BURDEN GLOBAL

Photo  Red shoes line the steps of the Piazza della Santissima Annunziata to raise awareness of violence against women during International Women’s Day, Florence, March 2014. © Maurizio Degl’ Innocenti/ANSA El Salvador El Honduras Colombia Bulgaria Slovakia Suriname Panama Bahamas Canada Croatia Costa Rica Hungary Rico Puerto Nicaragua Lithuania States United Paraguay Chile Lesser Antilles Peru Serbia Georgia Finland Italy Republic Dominican Spain Slovenia Switzerland Uruguay Australia Austria Germany Wales) and (England UK 2007–12 territories, and countries selected in femicide partner intimate of percentages estimated Figure Source Percentage of intimate partner femicide partner of intimate Percentage : Geneva Declaration Secretariat (2014) 3.13

T otal female homicide rates per 100,000 women and women 100,000 per rates homicide female otal 01 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 020 10 5 0 15 Percentage of intimate partner homicides

Female homicide average rate for 2007–12 for rate average homicide Female Homicide rate per 100,000 women 25 30 54 05 65 55 50 40 35 45 60 13

70 415 14 75 107 2 3 4 5 1 LETHAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 108 Weapons of war and female casualties cent more than in 2012 (UNAMA, 2014). Small arms In conflict settings, numerous women are killed by fire that occurs in ground engagements primarily IEDs, explosive remnants of war, and artillery fire. affects combatants and causes fewer civilian

2015 In Afghanistan in 2013, for instance, IEDs claimed casualties than explosives do. In Iraq, women were the lives of 177 women (out of 235 killed), 20 per the principal victims of aircraft bombs as well as

B ox 3.3 Gender and the Arms Trade Treaty above other human rights violations that might be committed with the exported weapons, but that are On 2 April 2013 UN member states adopted the Arms not explicitly mentioned in the treaty. Trade Treaty (ATT), the first legally binding global instrument regulating the international transfer of Second, the placement of the reference to gender- ARMED VIOLENCE conventional arms and ammunition. The central pro- based violence in a separate paragraph after the of vision of the treaty requires states parties to assess main criteria listed in Article 7(1) could lead states the risk that weapons to be exported might be used to to distinguish it from the category of ‘risks’ to which commit or facilitate certain wrongful acts, including it might otherwise belong, namely serious violations a serious violation of international humanitarian law of IHL and human rights law. If the reference to gender- (IHL) or human rights law, and to deny the authoriza- based violence had instead been included as an tion of exports if there is an ‘overriding risk’ of such example of a serious violation of IHL or human rights consequences (UNGA, 2013, arts. 7(1)(b)(i)–(ii), 7(3)). law in Article 7(1), the treaty would clearly have acknowl-

GLOBAL BURDEN BURDEN GLOBAL edged the relationship and ensured that states parties Certain acts of violence against women are recognized would be required to deny exports if they detected as a violation of human rights.19 Gender-based and an overriding risk of such violence.22 sexual violence during conflict have also been catego- rized as crimes against humanity and war crimes,20 Third, the phrasing of the provision leaves it open that is, serious violations of IHL. Accordingly, Article to interpretation. The requirement to ‘take into 7(1) of the ATT implicitly addresses violence against account’ the risk of the arms being used for gender- women through references to serious violations of based violence ‘in making this assessment’ could IHL and human rights law. Nevertheless, the treaty imply this is one of the ‘relevant factors’ states includes a further requirement that states parties parties must take into account when making the ‘take into account’ the risk of arms ‘being used to export assessment under Article 7(1). This would commit or facilitate serious acts of gender-based lead to a denial of an export if a determination were violence or serious acts of violence against women made that there was an overriding risk of, for exam- and children’ as part of an export assessment (UNGA, ple, a serious violation of human rights law in the 2013, art. 7(4)). form of violence against women. However, as it stands, the provision could be interpreted as simply For those who lobbied for the inclusion of specific requiring states parties to consider the possibility references to ‘gender-based violence’ and violence that arms to be exported could be used to commit against women, these references in the ATT repre- violence against women without a corresponding sent a coup, especially given the strong resistance requirement for them not to authorize the export. to their incorporation by several states.21 However, In other words, ‘it does leave scope to argue that the explicit references to ‘gender-based violence’ denial is not always required’ (Green et al., 2013, and to violence against women in the ATT also have p. 559). negative consequences. First, the ATT highlights violence against women as a human rights concern Author: Sarah Parker (WHO, 2013, p. 47). The increased policy and policy increased p. 47). 2013, The (WHO, cent per 27 to closer is figure this Europe Eastern in while violence, partner intimate of type some experienced have Europe Western in women of cent 20 per nearly that found have studies Recent 2013). al., et Stöckl 2014; Secretariat, Declaration (Geneva femicide partner intimate and violence partner intimate of victims primary the are women worldwide, victims cide homi of majority the for account men Although sphere. private the side out- violence of victims becoming of risk a higher face women contexts, these In homicide. female of victims all of afraction only for responsible is femicide partner intimate high, extremely are rates homicide female where Honduras, and Salvador, El Colombia, In tackle. to cult diffi is more that homicide female of a subset as seen be thus may femicide partner intimate crime, homicidal of levels low experience that societies In 3.13). Figure (see countries some in cent per 60 than perpetrators—more of ity major the for account partners intimate homicide, female of rates low very and low with countries In femicide. partner intimate larly, particu- and, violence partner intimate examines section this homicide, female on focus chapter’s this To supplement violence. domestic and lence, vio- partner intimate violence, gender-based of continuum the in anchored firmly remains Femicide femicide circle intimate and Death in the family: intimate partner period. same the in men mostly affected explosions ammunition and gunfire, mines, contrast, In 3.12). Figure (see and 2011 2003 between fire artillery and tank

A victim of a landmine explosion learns to walk again, Afghanistan. Afghanistan. again, walk to learns explosion a landmine of A victim 109 2 3 4 5 1 LETHAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 110 Figure 3.14 Number of victims of intimate circle homicide by sex and intimate partner relationships. It also underlines victim’s relationship to the perpetrator, United States, 2012 the need for collecting data on both male and Female victims Male victims female victims of lethal intimate partner violence

Average percentage of gun-related homicides and on groups that may be more at risk. A 2010 2015 Spouse survey on intimate partner violence in the United Girlfriend or boyfriend States finds that some sub-populations, such as Child racial or ethnic minorities, sexual minorities, and Parent households with low income and food security, Sibling were disproportionately affected by intimate partner violence (CDC, 2013; 2014). 0 100 200 300 400 500 Number of homicide victims

ARMED VIOLENCE In Italy, about three-quarters (74 per cent) of the

of Source: Geneva Declaration Secretariat (2014) 126 female homicides recorded by Casa delle Donne in 2012 occurred within the intimate fam- research attention on intimate partner violence ily sphere—inside the couple or nuclear family— has resulted in a flurry of studies and data collec- while the remaining cases were committed by tion initiatives. But while case studies abound, acquaintances, such as colleagues or friends few have attempted to provide a regional or global (Casa delle Donne, 2013, p. 22). While the num- overview of the prevalence of intimate partner ber of documented killings of women increased GLOBAL BURDEN BURDEN GLOBAL violence and intimate partner femicide (UNODC, to 135 in 2013, the distribution by perpetrators 2014; Stöckl et al., 2013). Given the scarcity of remained similar (Casa delle Donne, 2014, p. 12). sex-disaggregated data on victim–perpetrator relationships, many studies fail to distinguish Figure 3.15 Intimate circle female homicide in between male and female victims of intimate Italy, 2000–11, by type of victim’s relationship to partner femicide and opt for inclusive definitions the perpetrator of ‘intimate partner’ to include both current and former partners (Norman and Bradshaw, 2013).

A closer look at two case studies with rich information on the circumstances of homicide, disaggregated by sex of the victims, underlines the need for similarly in-depth information across countries. In the United States, in 2012, women accounted for the majority of intimate partner homicide victims. While women were overwhelmingly killed by their intimate partners, men were more fre- Legend: Spouse or live-in partner: 41.6% quently killed by their children or other relatives Ex-spouse or ex-partner: 17.6% (see Figure 3.14). Mother or stepmother: 12.1% Daughter or stepdaughter: 8.5% These findings make the case for a closer investi- Partner or lover: 7.1% gation of homicide that occurs within the ‘intimate Other relatives: 13.2% circle’—that is, in the family sphere—not just in Source: EURES and ANSA (2012, p. 13) Photo Photo May 2014. © Faisal Mahmood/Reuters © Faisal 2014. May a ‘with love in fallen has she if or rape, or adultery of aresult as nant physical violence and psychological abuse. In some cases, the the cases, some In abuse. psychological and violence physical including ‘honour’, of name the in occur also that violence partner intimate or domestic, family, of types other follow to tends honour of pretext the under awoman of killing the femicide, of aform As 21). p. 2012, al., et Belfrage 76; p. 2014, al., et (Elakkary marriage’ arranged ‘terminate to seeks or community’, or family B and Gill, (Hague, crimes such of perpetrators the are men and tims vic the are girls and women cases, most In 2007, 187). p. Mirza, a broken been have to believed is code honour an when a woman upon perpetrated violence of ‘acts as described be may killings ‘honour’ definition, accepted auniversally lack they Although violence. ofepisodes non-lethal c the is As 2012). al., et (Belfrage prosecute and investigate, tify, p asingle than rather members sphere family family the in several killings involves Honour’ often cides homi such of execution and planning The 44.). art. 2012, (UNGA, underdocumented and underreported grossly are killings ‘Honour’ B committed adultery, engaged in premarital sex, or become preg become or sex, premarital in engaged adultery, committed have to suspected is awoman if as such circumstances, of variety ase with other forms of femicide, they are usually preceded by by preceded usually are they femicide, of forms other with ase n inappropriate person’, dresses ‘in a manner unacceptable to to unacceptable amanner ‘in dresses person’, n inappropriate and (Meetoo family’ the upon brought is shame perceived nd erpetrator, which makes the crimes even more difficult to iden to difficult more even crimes the makes which erpetrator, egikhani, 2013, p. 385). p. 2013, egikhani, ox 3.4 ox 

Demonstrators protest against the killing of a pregnant woman who was stoned and beaten to death by her family for marrying against their wishes, Islamabad, Islamabad, wishes, their against marrying for family her by death to beaten and stoned was who woman a pregnant of killing the against protest Demonstrators

‘ 23 Triggers for ‘honour’ killings include a include killings ‘honour’ for Triggers - -

- - t Meanwhile, 2012). al., et (Belfrage crimes these combating and ing recogniz in officers police assist to programmes training supported have Sweden, as such others, while codes penal harsher enforced have Turkey, including countries, some crimes’ ‘honour To tackle 68). p. HRCP, 2012, 2010; (Chesler, minors include may perpetrators and origin of families their by killed typically are women killings, dowry in Unlike 2007, 187). p. Mirza, and Meetoo 2010; (Chesler, community broader the as well cousins—as and uncles, in-laws, as family—such extended the of members involve to tend latter the that in killings ‘honour’ from differ violence domestic of forms other and passion’ of ‘Crimes 21). p. 2011, Pope, 23: art. 2012, (UNGA, problematic remains therefore traditions cultural from arising honour’ of ‘crimes and behaviour violent individual with associated passion’ of ‘crimes between 167). p. Distinguishing 2012, (HRCP, husbands their by out carried are women married of killings ‘honour’ the of cent per 40 where Pakistan, in case the is as blur, can lines however, 6); p. 2011, Kasselt, and (Oberwittler killings partner intimate from distinguished be can homicides these principle, In 84). para. 2006, (UNGA, women’ other of conduct ‘the influence might they that such public, in out carried be may killings ‘honour’ Some 2010). (Laviosa, phenomenon this of prevalence the of understanding an precludes which accidents, or suicides as disguised are killings Author: Hannah Donges he magnitude of ‘honour’ killings worldwide remains unknown. remains worldwide killings ‘honour’ of magnitude he - 111 2 3 4 5 1 LETHAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 112 Time-series data on female homicide in Italy sup- Although data on intimate partner violence and ports this finding on the predominance of partners family violence in conflict settings is scarce, as perpetrators of crimes in the extended family country-based studies suggest that female vic- circle. Of the 1,459 female homicides registered timization is compounded. By leading women to 2015 between 2000 and 2011, more than 66 per cent take on the roles of combatants, heads of house- took place within the couple, involving a spouse hold, or wage earners, conflict can challenge the or live-in partner, ex-partner, or lover; another 20 ‘classical patriarchy’ and facilitate a certain per cent occurred within the nuclear family and empowerment of women. However, this dynamic involved parents and children (EURES and ANSA, has been found to increase violence against women 2012, p. 13; see Figure 3.15). in some cases, especially if men support patriarchal views, as in Afghanistan (Fluri, 2010, p. 285). The same time-series data reveals that more than ARMED VIOLENCE

of 80 per cent of the 1,459 domestic female homi- Furthermore, the exposure to wartime violence cides that took place in Italy between 2000 and can also translate into violence within the home 2011 occurred in the home, yet only about 6 per or within the couple. A study on intimate partner cent were committed in towns (EURES and ANSA, violence in Palestine finds that exposure to politi- 2012, p. 17; Iezzi, 2013, p. 58). The motives recorded cal violence significantly increased the odds of for family homicides in Italy range from ‘crime of intimate partner violence (Clark et al., 2010), but passion’ to quarrels or disagreements, raptus,24 this dynamic extends across societies. A study GLOBAL BURDEN BURDEN GLOBAL money-related disputes, and mental health issues in northern Uganda concludes that women who (EURES and ANSA, 2012, p. 15; Iezzi, 2013, p. 56). experienced violence during the conflict were at Yet not all family femicides or intimate partner much higher risk of multiple or repeat victimiza- femicides can be attributed to these motives; tion at the hands of family members or intimate ‘honour crimes’, for instance, may have other partners (Annan and Brier, 2010). In May 2013, root causes (see Box 3.4). the brutal murder of a woman by her husband, a doctor in a town in South Sudan, called attention to the persistence of intimate partner violence in Intimate partner violence and domestic conflict-affected societies, not just in households violence in conflict settings that had been directly affected by violence (SIHA Intimate partner violence and violence against Network, 2013). women in conflict and post-conflict settings are Besides direct victimization, women in conflict linked in complex ways. Recent research under- settings also experience lasting effects of intimate scores the need for a holistic approach to under- partner violence and wartime violence. A study stand how these phenomena are related and to of the effects of wartime violence and intimate challenge the ‘prioritization’ of conflict-related partner violence among women refugees at the violence, as perpetrated by combatants, over Thai–Burma border identifies a link between domestic violence, as perpetrated by intimate these types of violence and pregnancy complica- partners in conflict settings (Babalola, Gill-Bailey, tions (Falb et al., 2014). Conflict-related trauma and Dodo, 2014; Hossain et al., 2014a; 2014b; has also been linked to suicide in Afghan women, McWilliams and Ní Aoláin, 2013). particularly through self-immolation (Aziz, 2011). conflict settings, the risk of women falling victim victim falling women of risk the settings, conflict some In home. the in firearms of presence the as such factors, contextual other and perpetrator, of type the incident, the of circumstances the on ing depend force, brute or knives, firearms, with killed are Women regions. and contexts across widely vary homicides female in used instruments The 2007–12. period the for homicide female of rates highest the exhibit Caribbean the and America Central in located those available, is information reliable where countries the Of years. five past the over killed women all of half than more for account women towards countries violent 25 most The substantially. decreased category middle the in those while increasing, generally homicide female of rates high very or high and low very or low with countries of number the with polarized, more become has homicide female of GBAV, distribution the the of edition 2011 the of publication the Since deterioration. as well as improvements highlighting rates, homicide female in variations to attention calls chapter This under-researched. still Africa—are and Asia in others—particularly homicides, on information sex-disaggregated of availability the increased and methods collection data in progress made have countries some While incomplete. remains women against violence lethal of picture global The Conclusion 2014a). al., et (Hossain intervention the after group control the in violence partner intimate in reductions recorded men targeted that d’Ivoire Côte in programme pilot A successful 2013). al., et (Vess women with solely than rather men, with closely more working proposed have ars schol and UN, the including organizations, some settings, conflict in violence domestic To tackle - -

to intimate partner and family femicide. family and partner intimate to contrast home—in the inside than rather spaces, public in perpetrated generally are killings the moreover, members; family or husbands their by than perpetrators unknown by killed women of proportion ahigher with different, markedly are homicide female of circumstances the violence, societal of levels high with countries In violence. ‘hidden’ of type this reduce to needed are policies targeted more that suggesting inelastic, generally remains it regions: and time across variation little shows femicide partner Intimate families. extended and nuclear their of members as well as partners their of hands the at portionately diedispro- to continue women countries many In worldwide. women against violence lethal curb to mechanisms policy context-specific of set broad a for calls femicide in play at factors of variety wide The arms. small for that than is higher fire artillery war,or of remnants explosive IEDs, to 1 Endnotes IUDPAS IED GBAV ATT List of abbreviations 2

exposed, discarded orthrown out inapublic place; or or used violence against her;(iv) The victim’s body was the perpetrator threatened, harassed orinjured the victim lations before oraftershewas killed; (iii)It is known that victim suffered dishonouring ordegrading injuries or muti- tim presents signs of sexual violence of any kind; (ii) The crime stipulates that theoffence occurs when:‘(i) The vic code to include femicide—referred to as a feminicide—as Ar equality (CEDAW, 1979). national actionto tackle discrimination andensure gender Signed in1

ticle 148Bis of thedecree amending theMexican penal In Impr Globa Arms stituto Universitario enDemocracia, Paz y Seguridad 979, theConvention contains anagenda for ovised explosive device Trade Treaty l Burden ofArmed Violence

- 113 2 3 4 5 1 LETHAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 114 (v) The victim was confined for any length of time before 14 While IUDPAS used to produce reports on homicide and her death’ (Mexico, 2011, p. 14; translation: IRB, 2011). femicide in cooperation with the National Police in Hon- 3 For details, see the online methodological annexe at duras, this data exchange ceased in July 2013 with the www.genevadeclaration.org. appointment of a new security minister (Radio Progreso, 2014). Since then, the two institutions have reportedly 4 For more information on the situation of women world- 2015 engaged in a ‘media war’, with the police reporting a wide in 2014, see the speech delivered by the executive marked decrease in homicide numbers in 2013 and IUDPAS director of UN Women, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, at the challenging those figures (Tiempo, 2014). UN commemoration of International Women’s Day 2014 (UN Women, 2014). 15 The maquila industry relies on factories that produce goods for export. In 2006 these factories, also called maquiladoras, 5 In calculating the global number of female homicide victims, accounted for 55 per cent of Mexico’s manufacturing and regional rates were applied to countries for which data was 45 per cent of exports (Kopinak, 2011, p. 635). missing or unreliable. 16 Operation ‘Cast Lead’ was an Israeli military campaign 6 This calculation cannot be carried out for the data set used against Hamas in the Gaza strip that began on 27 December in the 2008 edition of the GBAV, as the data was not 2008 and lasted 23 days. It reportedly claimed the lives ARMED VIOLENCE comparable. of approximately 1,440 Palestinians and 13 Israelis (CRS, of 7 To produce averages, the low and very low categories were 2009, p. 2). grouped together, as were the high and very high categories. 17 UN Security Council Resolutions 1820, 1888, 1960, and 8 To ensure comparability, a number of countries were 2106 address issues related to women, peace, and excluded from the GBAV 2011 and 2014 female homicide security. data sets, partly because some sources were discontinued 18 Following a protracted public debate on a law to ban army and thus not available for the 2014 database. Countries rifles from the home, 18 of the 26 cantons rejected the for which data was available for 2014 but not for 2011 were proposed draft in 2011 (Guardian, 2011). also excluded from this analysis. 19 See Part II of the UN Secretary-General’s report on vio-

GLOBAL BURDEN BURDEN GLOBAL 9 Given the small population of the Lesser Antilles, the eight lence against women (UNGA, 2006) and the 1995 Beijing sovereign states of the region were grouped together and Declaration and Platform for Action (UN, 1995). their rates averaged to produce a regional estimate. While six of the states have very similar rates, they are higher in 20 For example, the International Criminal Tribunals for the St. Vincent and the Grenadines (7.86, based on an average former Yugoslavia and Rwanda recognize sexual violence, of 4 women killed) and in Trinidad and Tobago (6.94, based including rape, as an act of torture, as a crime against on an average of 46 women killed per year in 2007–12). humanity, and as an element of genocide in some circumstances (ICTR, 1998; ICTY, 2002). Note that the Rome 10 These category names—high and very high—reflect the Statute of the International Criminal Court defines ‘crimes fact that they exceed the world average of 2.27 female against humanity’ to include: ‘Rape, sexual slavery, homicides per 100,000 women. enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced steril- 11 The time periods covered by the GBAV 2011 and 2014 data- ization, or any other form of sexual violence of comparable bases overlap by two years, namely from 2007 to 2009, gravity’ (ICC, 2002, art. 7(1)(g)). to allow for two five-year periods, which are averaged. 21 For example, the Holy See argued that the term ‘gender- For details, see the online methodological annexe at based violence’ was unacceptable as it was ambiguous, www.genevadeclaration.org. further noting that it made ‘some victims more equal than 12 The Lesser Antilles region registered an overall decrease others’ (Nielsen, 2012; Whall and Lee, 2012b). compared to average rates recorded in the GBAV 2011 data- 22 In fact, the Holy See, which had argued against the inclu- base. This decline is not consistent across all countries within the region, however; while some female homicide sion of a specific reference to ‘gender-based violence’ in rates decreased, as in Grenada and St. Vincent and the the treaty, suggested that if the term ‘women’ could not Grenadines, others increased, as in Dominica, St. Lucia, and be included instead of ‘gender’, then it would consider Trinidad and Tobago (Geneva Declaration Secretariat, 2014). integrating the section into the section on IHL and human rights law (Whall and Lee, 2012a). 13 The municipality of Ulan Ude has the highest rate of women killed in the Russian Federation, with an average rate of 23 While most victims are women, these attacks can be 11.7 in 2007–12, although a closer look at trends reveals an directed at anyone, but particularly against lesbian, gay, overall decrease, from a rate of 14.7 in 2007 and 18.0 in 2008, bisexual, and transgender persons (UNHCR, 2011). to 8.3 in 2012. The next highest female homicide rates 24 Raptus, also called raptus melancholicus, refers to a state were registered in Chita, Habarovsk, Kemerovo, and Yakutsk of mind characterized by intense anxiety and despair (Milner, municipalities, where they exceeded 9.0 per 100,000 women. 2000, p. 127; Schlesinger, 2004). Bastick, Megan andKristin Valasek. 2014.‘Converging Agendas: Bangalore, Sripal andFranz Messerli. 2013. ‘Gun Ownership and Balmforth, Tom. 2013. ‘Brutal Killing inRussia Highlights Lack of Babalola, Stella, Amrita Gill-Bailey, andMathurin Dodo. 2014. Aziz, Nahid.2011.‘What Self-immolation Means to Afghan Australia. 2009. CrimeStatistics and Police Numbers.P.P. No. 173. APHI (Afghan Public Health Institute) et 2011.Afghanistan al. AP (Associated Press). 2014.‘Afghan Civilian Deaths upin2013 Annan, Jeannie andMoriah Brier. 2010. ‘TheRisk of Return: Alvazzi del Frate, Anna. 2011.‘Whenthe Victim Is a Woman.’ Albuquerque, Pedro andPrasad Vemala. 2014.Femicide Rates AI (Amnesty International). 2003. Intolerable Killings: 10Years of Abrahams, Naeemah, et 2013. al. ‘Intimate Partner Femicide in Bibliography Women, Peace, Security, and Small Arms.’In Small Arms Vol. 126,No. 10, pp. 873–76. Firearm-related Deaths.’ American Journal ofMedicine, killing-domestic-violence-law/24885552.html> 28 January. publications/parliamentary-reports/crime-statistics-and- f09ddbfa-beec-4ba6-b484-ce54a1854356//reports- Mortality Survey 2010. Calverton, MD:APHIet al. up-in-2013-as-war-intensifies-1.2528432> Conflict.’ Social Science and Medicine, Vol. 70, No. 1, Intimate Partner Violence Uganda’s inNorthern Armed In Geneva Declaration Secretariat, 2011,pp. 113–44. com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1112308> Maquiladora Industries Play aRole? 2003/en/ec84829e-d6b3-11dd-ab95-a13b602c0642/ No. 4.2April.

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