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New Speakers of Irish: Shifting Boundaries Across Time and Space IJSL 2015; 231: 63 – 83 Open Access Bernadette O’Rourke* and John Walsh New speakers of Irish: shifting boundaries across time and space Abstract: While traditional Irish-speaking communities continue to decline, the number of second-language speakers outside of the Gaeltacht has increased. Of the more than one and half million speakers of Irish just over 66,000 now live in one of the officially designated Gaeltacht areas. While “new speakers” can be seen to play an important role in the future of the language, this role is sometimes undermined by discourses which idealise the notion of the traditional Gaeltacht speaker. Such discourses can be used to deny them “authenticity” as “real” or “legitimate” speakers, sometimes leading to struggles over language ownership. Concerns about linguistic purity are often voiced in both academic and public discourse, with the more hybridized forms of Irish developed amongst “new speakers” often criticised. This article looks at the extent to which such discourses are being internalised by new speakers of Irish and whether or not they are con- structing an identity as a distinct social and linguistic group based on what it means to be an Irish speaker in the twenty first century. Keywords: new speakers, Irish, language ideologies, authenticity DOI 10.1515/ijsl-2014-0032 1 Introduction Since political independence, the Irish state’s policy on the Irish language has consisted of two interlinked components: the maintenance of Irish as the “native” language of the Gaeltacht (core Irish-speaking districts) and its revival elsewhere in Ireland (Ó Riagáin 1997). These policies have had mixed levels of success. While traditional Irish-speaking communities continue to decline (Ó Giollagáin et al. 2007), there has been a steady increase in the number of new speakers *Corresponding author: Bernadette O’Rourke: Heriot-Watt University, Edinburgh. E-mail: b.m.a.o’[email protected] John Walsh: National University of Ireland, Galway. E-mail: [email protected] © 2015 O’Rourke, Walsh, published by de Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License. Brought to you by | University of Glasgow Library Authenticated Download Date | 5/16/19 1:10 PM 64 Bernadette O’Rourke and John Walsh outside of the Gaeltacht who acquired the language at school as an academic subject. Such acquisition was in line with language policies since 1922 which made the teaching of Irish obligatory. In a small, but growing number of cases, new profiles of speakers are also emerging from Gaelscoileanna [immersion schooling in Irish]. Of the more than 1.7 million speakers of Irish (approximately 41 per cent of the population) returned in the most recent Census (2011), 77,185 (1.8 per cent) define themselves as daily speakers outside of the education system1 and 110,642 (2.6 per cent) as weekly speakers. Significantly, about three-quarters of all daily speakers of Irish outside of education (59,230 people) live outside the Gaeltacht (Central Statistics Office 2012: 40–41). By the broadest definition, most people in the Republic of Ireland2 who have gone through the Irish education system have been exposed to the language and could be defined as new speakers. However, in this article we define the term more specifically to include those individuals who acquired the language outside of the home and who report that they use Irish with fluency, regularity and com- mitment. This draws loosely on the concepts of Catalan language converts (Woolard 2011: 622) and neofalantes of Galician (O’Rourke and Ramallo [2011: 153], 2013, this issue) used to describe first-language Spanish speakers who become predominant and sometimes exclusive users of Catalan and Galician re- spectively. The decision by Catalan and Galician new speakers to adopt mono- lingual practices in the minority language is facilitated by the linguistic proximity with their contact language, Spanish, something which is more difficult between linguistically distant languages such as Irish and English (O’Rourke 2011a). Given that most frequent speakers of Irish outside the education system are not based in the Gaeltacht and therefore unlikely to be traditional native speakers, new speakers can be seen to play an important role in the future of the language. However, this role is sometimes undermined by ethnocultural dis- courses about the Irish language which tend to idealise the notion of the tradi- tional Gaeltacht speaker (Tovey et al. 1988). Concerns about linguistic purity are also voiced in both academic and public discourse, with the more hybridised forms of Irish developed amongst new speakers often criticised (Walsh 2007). 1 The census of the Republic of Ireland distinguishes between speakers of Irish within and outside the education system. This is due to the fact that Irish is a core subject at primary and secondary level and many people returned as “speakers” are in fact students studying it at school (Walsh 2012: 28–29). 2 This article discusses new speakers in the Republic of Ireland only. In Northern Ireland, no traditional Gaeltacht communities remain so the speech community is overwhelmingly dominat- ed by new speakers (Walsh 2012: 36–39). Data collection for this project is ongoing and it is in- tended to analyse new speakers of Irish in Northern Ireland at a later stage. Brought to you by | University of Glasgow Library Authenticated Download Date | 5/16/19 1:10 PM News speakers of Irish 65 Such discourses can in turn be used to deny new speakers authenticity as “real” or legitimate speakers and lead to certain struggles over language ownership (O’Rourke 2011b). In this article, we examine the language ideologies of new speakers of Irish and explore how they position themselves as Irish speakers in the 21st century. Our analysis is based on a qualitative study of a corpus of narrative life-histories. The issues of identity and ideology examined in this article are part of the com- plex and changing relationships between language and place for minority lan- guages such as Irish in a globalised world. In the next sections we examine the notions of language, place, authenticity and boundaries and look at how they shape discourses about the Irish language in the 21st century. 2 Theoretical framework – language, authenticity, place and boundaries In general, to be considered authentic, a speech variety needs to be, as Woolard (2008: 304) suggests, “ ‘from somewhere’ in speakers’ consciousness, making its meaning profoundly local”. This search for authenticity and its link to place and territory forms part of what Makoni and Pennycook (2007) describe as being tied up with the “metadiscursive regimes” used to describe languages more generally, firmly locating them in Western linguistic and cultural suppositions in which the notions of linguistic territorialisation are embedded. The link to physical place and the idea of “where you come from” are also inherent in definitions of the native speaker (Rampton 1995), definitions which although problematised in lin- guistics and its related strands (see, for example, Doerr 2009; Davies 2003; Ramp- ton 1990), continue to circulate. Along with place, authenticity is also linked to time and nostalgia for the past. This re-assembling of the past, as Bucholtz (2003) highlights, is a residue of Romanticism where rural peasant populations, suppos- edly untouched by urbanity, often came to be valorised as authentic sources of cultural and linguistic knowledge. In a world where mobility and global flows are blurring the notion of lan- guage as fixed and monolithic, notions of authenticity and legitimacy have been problematised (Coupland et al. 2005; Coupland 2003; Heller 2003). Social and geographical mobility can prompt shifts away from the traditional view of lan- guage as bounded and unitary and towards one which embraces hybridity, multi- plicity and fluidity (Woolard and Frekko 2013; Pujolar 2007; Duchêne and Heller 2007). When a minority language is relocated into new spaces, transformations in its use and in the forms of language used often occur (Woolard and Frekko 2013). Brought to you by | University of Glasgow Library Authenticated Download Date | 5/16/19 1:10 PM 66 Bernadette O’Rourke and John Walsh These transformations prompt us to explore key issues which have emerged in the current theoretical debate about the period of “second modernity” described in Sørensen and Christiansen (2012), including shifting boundaries across time and space and changing ideologies about linguistic authenticity and ownership. However, as Woolard (1998) points out, such shifts are not always clear-cut and speakers often struggle between on the one hand naturalising claims to authen- ticity based on origins and ancestral identities, and on the other, an attempt to cultivate coherence based on a “both-and” model of being rather than an either- or model. In this article, we posit a spectrum of language ideologies ranging from es- sentialism to social constructionism. By linguistic essentialism, we mean the idea of language as fixed and bounded, as a code rather than practice and as naturally given or taken for granted.3 This is contrasted with social constructionism which emphasises “the idea that society is actively and creatively produced by human beings” and that “the world [is] made or invented – rather than merely given or taken for granted” (Marshall 1998: 609; see also Giddens 2001: 98). Giddens’ notion of “social reflexivity” is in line with this position and pertinent to new speakers of minority languages. It refers to the fact “that we have constantly to think about, or reflect upon, the circumstances in which we live our lives. When societies were more geared to custom and tradition, people could follow estab- lished ways of doing things in a more unreflective fashion” (Giddens 2001: 650). As our data will reveal, becoming a new speaker is also deeply reflexive and relies on innovative and creative linguistic choices which were far less readily available to earlier generations of Irish speakers.
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