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Vocative Forms and Vowel Reduction in Bulgarian Sonderdruck DIE WELT DER SLAVEN HALBJAHRESSCHRIFf FOR SLAVJSTIK Jahrgang XXXI. 2 N.F.X,2 1986 VERLAG OTTO SAGNER MDNCHEN DIE WELT DER SLAVEN HALBJAHRESSCHRIFT FUR SLAVISTIK BegrUndet von Erwin Koschmieder UnteT der Schriftleitung von Heinrich Kunstmann herausgegeben von Henrik Birnbaum' Dietrich Gerhardt· Wolfgang Gesemann Reinhold Olesch . Peter Rehder . Helmut Schaller Josef Schrenk' Joseph Schiltz, Erwin Wedel Redaktion Peter Rehder Jahrgang XXXI, Heft 2 N.F.X,2 Inhalt I. Artike1 R. R u1:i i:: k a: lYpologie del" Diathese slavischer Sprachen in parametrischen Variationen . 225 H. Birn baum: Roman Jakobsons Untersuchungen zum kulturellen Erbe des slavischen Mittelallers . 275 H. Kunstmann: Woher die Huzulen ihren Namen haben 317 G. Toops: Vocative Forms and Vowel Reduction in Bulgarian... 324 E. Hansack: Das Kyrilliseh-mazedonisehe Blatt und der Prolog zum Bogoslo- vie des Exarehen Johannes. ............. , . 336 A. A. Alekseev: Der Stellenwert der Textologie bei der Erforschung altkir- ehenslavischer Obersetzungstexte . ......... , . 415 J. Danhelka: In memoriam Miloslav Svab. 439 I I. Rezension Ch. Hanniek: P. Kawerau, Ostkirehengesehichte IV. Das Christentum in Siidost- und Osteuropa. Leuven 1984 .. 443 Einsendung vo.n satifertigen Artikeln (bitte unbedingt unsere Typoskriptregeln an­ fordern) bzw. von Rezensionsexemplaren an den Schriftleiter Professor Dr. Heinrich Kunstmann, lnstitut filr Siavische Phil%gie der Universittlt Milnchen, Geschwister­ Scholl-Platz 1, D-8000 Milnchen 22. - Eine Verpflichtung zur Besprechung oder Rucksendung zugesandter BUcher kann nicht iibernommen werden. Rezensionen nur naeh Riicksprache mit dem Sehriftleiter. ISSN 0043-2520 © 1986 by Verlag Otto Sagner, MUnehen Aile Rechte vorbehalten Gesamtherstellung: GebT. Pareus KG Printed in Gennany Gedruckt mit Unters!Ulzung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft VOCATIVE FORMS AND VOWEL RED UCTI ON IN BULGARIAN Grammarians generall y agree that Bul garian vocative noun forms arc regularly characterized by onl y three desinences - -1.1, -e and -0 - and that these forms a re ex hi bited o nl y by masculine and feminine nouns whose uninnected (si ngular) forms have the desinence -0 as well as masculine nouns with -0 desinence (Aronson 1968, 60; Scatton 1984, 140). However conventional this classification of vocative forms may be, it can be cons idered al least partly accurate only insofar as "form" is understood to be orthographically distinct. If, on the other hand, forms arc correctly identified on the basis of phonemic oppositions, then the capacity for vocative formation can in no way be limited to those masculine and feminine nouns mentioned above. I propose that, in addi­ tion to such nouns, a ll other stem-stressed singular nouns with desinen­ tial -a, -e and -0, in a ll but the "highest style" of spoken Contemporary Standard Bulgarian (CSB), simila rly exhibit a grammatical opposition vocative: non-vocative, formally characterized by the phonemic opposi­ tions l a/:/;J! ,1e/:/il a nd lolju/. While this proposition is hardly original, it has been rejected (Pdov 1980,238-9). Its relevance to the establishment of an inventory of unstressed vocalic phonemes, ultimately vali d for all spoken styles of CSB, has likewise been overlooked. Grammars and linguistic studies of CSB typicall y make relatively brief mention of vocative forms. For example, the second volume of the Bulgarian Academy Grammar (1983), consisting of 511 pages, devotes the equivalent of only two pages to a discussion of them. This is understand­ able inasmuch as a description of vocative forms, at least from an or­ thographic point of view, is essentially complete once the distribution of the three vocative dcsinences is defined. To summarize E. A. Scatton (1975, 163), whose a nalysis parallels that of H. I. Aronson (1968, 60 - 1), the vocative dcs inences -u, -e and -0 occur in the following mor­ phophonemic environments: Vocative forms and vowel reduclion in Bulgarian 325 (I) Desinence Environment Examples -u In masc. nouns with drugar 'comrade': stems drugdrju in high, non·back, ratdj 'farmhand': rattiju anterior consonantal or slavej 'nightingale': in / jl slaveju utftel 'teacher': utftelju -e In masc. nouns with brat 'brother': brdte stems minfstar 'minister': in non·high, non·back, minfstre anterior consonantal, narod 'nation': narode except for stems ending in tedtar 'theatre': tedtre Icl or the suffix I-i n-I In fern. nouns with stems carica 'czarina': carfee in l·c·1 and sometimes gospOtiea 'Miss': gospOtice I- k-I Ivdnka (given name): Ivanke ulitelka 'teacher': utftelke -0 Elsewhere bdlgarin 'Bulgarian': bdlgarino gospot.d 'Mrs!: gosp6to kradic 'thief': kradeeo majka 'mother': mdjko mat 'man': mato pa/dt 'executioner': palato pala~ 'poodle': pald~o seslrd 'sister': sestro siromdch 'poor man': siromacho stopanin 'landlord': stopdnino utenfk 'pupil': utenfko tend 'woman': Uno Irregular vocative forms, including those that occur in addition to the regular ones, must be listed: 326 Gary lOOps (2) Irregular Regular -- Irregular Bog 'Ood': Bote brat 'brother': brdte -- bnitko tovik .'m an': lovete {orbodl/ja 'rich man': lorha­ dllJlerjo 'daughter': d41te. d!fjo -- lorbadtf gospod 'Lord': gospodi drugdr 'comrade': drugdr)u gospodln 'Mister'; gosp odfne -- drugdr'o orei 'eagle' : 6rl'0 jundk 'hero': junako --juntUe Olec 'father (priest)': 61& kon 'horse': kon)u -- kon'o petel 'rooster'; pitro sfn 'son': s(ne"" sInko stdrec 'old man'; suirle /voTic 'creator' (\loreca -- (}Jorte sllpnig 'husband': sdpru!.e vojn(k 'soldier'; vojn/ko zel 'son/ brother·in·law'; zitko -- vojn({e While the foregoing description of vocative forms is recommended by its economy and thoroughness. there remain, in my view, three basic prob lems, the first of which is more or less evident from the material presented in the Bulgarian Academy Grammar (1983, 114 - 5; see also Cernov 1979, 33 - 4). First, conventional descriptions like the one above fail to take into account the special status of personal names. An application of the given rules yields, therefore. the following infelicitous forms: (a) vocative forms of surnames, which do not exist; (b) vocative forms of masculine given names ending in -a or -j - the forms · Blagoju « Blago)), ·Dragoju « Drago)), ·Nikoldju «Nikold)), ·Nikdlo « Nik6la), ·flijo « IUja)1 do not exist; and (c) vocative forms of feminine given names terminating in -a which native speakers describe as peasant-like or extremely familiar and which the Bulgarian Academy Grammar (1983, 143) describes as hav­ ing a " nuance of stylistic inferiority [stilisJilna nep4lnocennos/] and cru­ dity {grubovatost1" - Marijo « Marija), EMno « Elena), Margar(to « MargarttaF. Common nouns with stem-final / -k-/ exhibit the opposite I Cernov (1979, 33) cites vocative (arms for DObri; DObre, Dragoj: Drag~, Viken­ tij; Vikentip. The Bulgarian Academy Grammar (1983, 11 5) states that the first two forms do not exist. I Hubenova et al. (1983a, 125) use the vocative Lilidno in the address of a contempo­ rary leiter, where one wou ld expect Lilidna. The few other feminine vocative forms in -0, Ka({no« Ka((na) and Cveto « Cveta) , appear in archaic contexts (Hubcnova 1983b, 200; 236). Vocative forms and vowel reduction in Bulgarian 327 tendency. While the personal names (vocative forms) Zfvke « Zfvka), lvdnke « Ivdnka) are stylistically neutral, the corresponding vocative forms of common nouns, e. g. drugdrke 'comrade (fern.), « drugdrka), prepodavdtelke 'teacher' « prepodavdtelka), are considered crude and are replaced by drugdrko and prepodavdtelko, resp. The se<::ond problem is that the description of vocative forms given above applies for the most part only to nouns occurring in isolation, i. e. address clausesJ consisting of a single noun. Thus, conventional descrip­ tions of vocative forms do not account for the fact that the vocative gos­ podfne 'Mister' is not used in the address clauses gospodfn Pop6v 'Mister Popov' or gospodfn d6ktore '(Mister) Doctor,' while the vocative gosp6fice 'Miss' is consistently used in address clauses (gosp61.ice Pop6va 'Miss Popova'); or that both the non-vocative gospol.d and the vocative gosp6t.o occur not only in multiple-noun address clauses (gos­ pol.d "'" gosp6t.a Popova 'Mrs. Popova') but also in isolation (cf. Hubeno­ va 1983a, 107: D6biJr den, gospot.d 'Good day, ma'am'). Similarly, in the address clause Drugdrju akademfk Aleksdndiir Pop6v (as opposed to the theoretically imaginable ·Drugdrju akademfko Aleksdndre Pop6v) 'Comrade Academician AleksandlIr Popov', the appellative function of only the first noun is formally marked (this usage is attested also in Old Church Slavic, Greek and Latin, cf. Vaillant 1977,24)". While it is clear from the data that vocative forms are (for the most part, see Note 4) se­ mantically marked "appellative" and the non-vocative are not so marked, the question of which contexts favor or require the unmarked form in address clauses is best reserved as the topic of a separate study. To the extent that morphophonemic analyses of CSB are not applied solely to the "orthoepic norm [provogovorna norma]" (which proscribes the reduction of unstressed vowels), the third problem, which I have primarily undertaken to discuss here. arises from the fact that the vocative desinences are inherently unstressed (this entails stress retraction for I I follow Brooks (1973) in the use of the term "address clause!' • I use the term "vocative" in reference to form, "appellative" in reference to func­ tion. Non-vocative forms are not strictly non-appellative,
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