Understanding Violent Conflict: a Comparative Study Of
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The University of Chicago Old Elites Under Communism: Soviet Rule in Leninobod a Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Di
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO OLD ELITES UNDER COMMUNISM: SOVIET RULE IN LENINOBOD A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY BY FLORA J. ROBERTS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS JUNE 2016 TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures .................................................................................................................... iii List of Tables ...................................................................................................................... v Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ vi A Note on Transliteration .................................................................................................. ix Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter One. Noble Allies of the Revolution: Classroom to Battleground (1916-1922) . 43 Chapter Two. Class Warfare: the Old Boi Network Challenged (1925-1930) ............... 105 Chapter Three. The Culture of Cotton Farms (1930s-1960s) ......................................... 170 Chapter Four. Purging the Elite: Politics and Lineage (1933-38) .................................. 224 Chapter Five. City on Paper: Writing Tajik in Stalinobod (1930-38) ............................ 282 Chapter Six. Islam and the Asilzodagon: Wartime and Postwar Leninobod .................. 352 Chapter Seven. The -
Introduction on the Book Review Roundtable
CIVIL WARS 2018, VOL. 20, NO. 3, 436–437 BOOK REVIEW Introduction on the Book Review Roundtable The Origins of the Civil War in Tajikistan: Nationalism, Islamism and Violent Conflict in Post-Soviet Space, by Tim Epkenhans, Lanham et al.: Lexington Books, 2016, 401 p, £84.63 (Hc). ISBN: 978-1-4985-3278-5 Located in Central Asia and bordering the north of Afghanistan, post-communist Tajikistan experienced a vicious five-year (1992–97) civil war only months into its independence from the Soviet Union, a war which, according to Islam, Iran and Central Asian historian, Professor Tim Epkenhans of the University of Freiburg, took anywhere from 40,000 to 100,000 lives out of a then population of 5.5 million. Tajikistan’s civil war thus took the second highest toll by way of body count in the post-Soviet space after the two Chechnya–Russia wars in the 1990s, which had resulted, according to The New York Times, in an estimated 160,000 dead. It is fair to state that the causes of the Tajik civil war were multiple, including the spread of Islamism among a segment of the population which had been inspired by their Persian speaking kin in Afghanistan and Iran, in addition to serious economic dislocation in the immediate aftermath of communist rule, and the consequent scramble for control of state-owned resources on the local and national levels by armed groups strengthened by ethno-regional and ideological fervour. The war pitted an alliance of neo-Soviets primarily based in the capital city Dushanbe and the southern Kulob region against Islamists largely made up of individuals of mountainous eastern Gharm origins, many of whose parents and grandparents had voluntarily moved in the Soviet era to the newly irrigated southern Vakhsh valley to become state cotton farmers in Tajikistan’s southern Qurghonteppa region, which became the violent epicentre of clashes during the civil war. -
Performing and Remembering Subnational Internationalism in the Age of Developed Socialism
Asymmetries of Internationalism: Performing and Remembering Subnational Internationalism in the Age of Developed Socialism TIMOTHY NUNAN In 1976, Dushanbe’s community of some 150 Iranian socialists traveled 28 kilometers into the mountains to attend the opening of a resort for the exclusive use of the Iranian community in the Tajik SSR. The resort reflected the initiative of several members of the Tudeh Party of Iran exiled to Dushanbe.1 As one exile noted, “on Saturdays and Sundays, more than fifty to sixty Iranian emigrants gathered there with their families. This resort took on the name “Iran Zone” (Iran Zon/Mantaqah-ye Iran).”2 The opening of “Iran Zone” was but one chapter in a long history of exchange between the Persian-speaking lands of the Tajik SSR, Iran, and Afghanistan during the twentieth century. The Soviet Union had sponsored the creation of Tajikistan as a Union Republic in 1929 partly to offer Iranians and Afghans a socialist model. And against the background of the Tajik SSR’s transformation into a “laboratory of socialist development” in the 1960s, Dushanbe also become a place of refuge and education for Iranian and Afghan socialists.3 The opening of a complex like I would like to thank the Volkswagen Foundation and the German Research Foundation for their support. I am also grateful to both Siarhei Bohdan and Natasha Klimenko at the Free University of Berlin for their feedback on various iterations of this article, and to Kurt Schultz of The Russian Review for guiding this article into print. The author acknowledges support by the Freie Universität Berlin. -
The Fault Lines of Violent Conflict in Tajikistan
The Fault Lines of Violent Conflict in Tajikistan A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University. August 2011 Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies (The Middle East and Central Asia) College of Arts and Social Sciences The Australian National University Christian Mark Bleuer 2 Declaration Except where otherwise acknowledged in the text, this thesis is based upon my own original research. The work contained in this thesis has not been submitted for a higher degree to any other university or institute. _________________________ 12 August 2011 3 Acknowledgements First of all I would like to thank my dissertation committee: Professor Amin Saikal, Dr. Kirill Nourzhanov and Dr. Robert L. Canfield. I am extremely grateful to have had the benefit of this high level of expertise on Central Asia while a PhD candidate at The Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies (The Middle East and Central Asia). Professor Saikal provided the firm guidance that kept me on track and reasonably on time with my work. His knowledge of Central Asian culture, history and politics was invaluable. Dr. Nourzhanov’s deep understanding of Tajikistan and Central Asia is what allowed me to produce this dissertation. He never failed to guide me towards the best sources, and the feedback he provided on my numerous drafts enabled me to vastly improve on the work that I had produced. I am also very grateful to Dr. Canfield who, despite being far away at Washington University in St. Louis, graciously agreed to be on my dissertation committee. His comments and criticism were valuable in refining my dissertation into the state that it is now in. -
Tajikistan: an Epidemic of Pneumonia Or Is It Coronavirus After All?
Tajikistan: an epidemic of pneumonia or is it coronavirus after all? Tajik authorities still insist that there are no registered cases of coronavirus infection in the country. But the facts of mysterious deaths of dozens of people, transfer of bodies of deceased with strict precautionary measures, and quarantine of their relatives questions these allegations. Follow us on LinkedIn The first mysterious death in Tajikistan was revealed in early April. According to authorities, at that time a resident of Jabbor Rasulov district of the Sughd region, Khabibullo Shodiev died of pneumonia, and after his death the authorities quarantined all his relatives. The regional hospital of Jabbor Rasulov district where Shodiev was hospitalized was quarantined Central hospital of Jabbor Rasulov district. Photo: CABAR.asia along with the doctors who looked after the deceased. The reports about Shodiev’s death in Tajikistan were the reason for the start of a widespread debate about coronavirus in the public. Representatives of the Ministry of Health and Social Protection were forced to organize a special briefing, where they stated that the resident of Jabbor Rasulov district, died of pneumonia and not of coronavirus. Authorities stated that Shodiev tested negative for coronavirus. However, the Ministry of Health ignored requests from the representatives of civil society and the media for publication of the test Tajikistan: an epidemic of pneumonia or is it coronavirus after all? results thus heightening doubts about the accuracy of the Ministry’s claims. Ten days after the death of Khabibullo Toshev, another resident of Jabbor Rasulov district, Khojimuhammad Toshev, head of the resource center of the Education Department of Jabbor Rasulov district, also died from pneumonia. -
"Book Reviews," Religion, State & Society
Carfax Publishing Religion, State & Society, Vo!. 31, No. 2, 2003 • ",., Taylor Eo Francis Group Book Reviews Politics of Compromise: the Tajikistan Peace Process edited by Kamoludin Abdullaev and Catherine Barnes. Conciliation Resources, London, 2001, 100 pp. (Accord no. 10). £15.00/$25.00. Within months of the appearance of this collection of essays, Tajikistan was caught up in renewed conflict, though this time not of its own making - the aftermath of the September 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States, which saw this impoverished Central Asian state playing host to forces militarily engaged in neighbouring Afghanistan. For the outside world, Tajikistan was a useful base close to the action. Renewed interest in the country did little to help the instability and poverty persisting within Tajikistan in the aftermath of its own civil war which raged from summer 1992 to the peace agreement signed between the government and the opposition in Moscow in June 1997. This useful collection - with background essays by historians and actors in the conflict and its resolution, maps, documents (including the main points of the 1997 peace agreement), a chronology, profiles of key actors and political parties, and internet and book resources for further reading - is aimed at clarifying the issues that caused the war and at helping their resolution. Conciliation Resources, a London based peace-building NGO, hopes the book will renew interest in the legacy of a forgotten conflict among policy-makers, politicians, activists and ordinary people and will help 'draw lessons that could be used elsewhere'. Of all the wars which broke out as the Soviet Union disintegrated, Tajikistan's civil war was unique: it was the only nationwide conflict between different factions which had diverging ideological and religious views of how the state should be structured. -
Political Party Development and Party “Gravity” in Semi-Authoritarian States the Cases of Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan
Taiwan Journal of Democracy, Volume 4, No.1: 33-53 Political Party Development and Party “Gravity” in Semi-Authoritarian States The Cases of Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan John Ishiyama Abstract What has affected the development of political parties in the competitive authoritarian regimes of the former Soviet Union? In this essay, the author examines the development of political parties in the predominantly Muslim Central Eurasian states of Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. In particular, he examines the extent to which political parties have become the primary channels for political recruitment, or the extent to which they have political gravity for electoral candidates. The author finds the greatest level of party gravity in Tajikistan, followed by Azerbaijan, and then Kyrgyzstan. A variety of social and political explanations are provided to account for these differences. Key words: Post-communist politics, semi-authoritarianism, political parties, Central Asia, Southern Caucasus. What has affected the development of political parties in the competitive authoritarian regimes of the former Soviet Union? In this essay, I examine the development of political parties in the predominantly Muslim Central Eurasian states of Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan.1 Although all are decidedly nondemocratic, they resemble “competitive authoritarian regimes” that have active, yet circumscribed, oppositions. Although there is a growing literature on semi- authoritarian regimes,2 there is very little literature on party John Ishiyama is Professor of Political Science in the Department of Political Science, University of North Texas. <[email protected]> 1 These three states were selected (although Azerbaijan is technically in the Caucasus and Kyrgzstan and Tajikistan are in Central Asia) because they share several common characteristics, most notably that they are predominantly Muslim, are all former Soviet States, and each fits the definition of a semi-authoritarian regime. -
Islam After Communism UC-Khalid (E).Qxd 9/15/2006 1:02 PM Page Ii UC-Khalid (E).Qxd 9/15/2006 1:02 PM Page Iii
UC-Khalid (E).qxd 9/15/2006 1:02 PM Page i Islam after Communism UC-Khalid (E).qxd 9/15/2006 1:02 PM Page ii UC-Khalid (E).qxd 9/15/2006 1:02 PM Page iii Islam after Communism Religion and Politics in Central Asia Adeeb Khalid UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley . Los Angeles . London UC-Khalid (E).qxd 9/15/2006 1:02 PM Page iv University of California Press, one of the most distinguished university presses in the United States, enriches lives around the world by advancing scholar- ship in the humanities, social sciences, and natural sciences. Its activities are supported by the UC Press Foundation and by philanthropic contributions from individuals and institutions. For more information, visit www.ucpress.edu. University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England © 2007 by The Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Khalid, Adeeb, 1964–. Islam after communism : religion and politics in Central Asia / Adeeb Khalid. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn-13: 978-0-520-24204-3 (cloth : alk. paper) isbn-10: 0-520-24204-1 (cloth : alk. paper) isbn-13: 978-0-520-24927-1 (pbk. : alk. paper) isbn-10: 0-520-24927-5 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Islam—Asia, Central. 2. Islamic renewal— Asia, Central. 3. Islam and politics—Asia, Central. 4. Religion and politics—Asia, Central. 5. Asia, Central—Politics and government. I. Title. BP63.A34K535 2007 297.2'720958—dc22 2006021901 Manufactured in the United States of America 15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 10987654321 This book is printed on New Leaf EcoBook 50, a 100% recycled fiber of which 50% is de-inked postconsumer waste, processed chlorine-free. -
Mapping Fragile Areas: Case Studies from Central Asia
Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance Mapping Fragile Areas: Case Studies from Central Asia Elizaveta Chmykh Eugenia Dorokhova Hine-Wai Loose Kristina Sutkaityte Rebecca Mikova Richard Steyne Sarabeth Murray Edited by dr Grazvydas Jasutis Mapping Fragile Areas: Case Studies from Central Asia About DCAF DCAF – Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance is dedicated to improving the se- curity of states and their people within a framework of democratic governance, the rule of law, respect for human rights, and gender equality. Since its founding in 2000, DCAF has contributed to making peace and development more sustainable by assisting partner states, and international actors supporting these states, to improve the governance of their security sector through inclusive and participatory reforms. It creates innovative knowledge products, promotes norms and good practices, provides legal and policy advice and supports capacity-building of both state and non-state security sector stakeholders. DCAF’s Foundation Council is comprised of representatives of about 60 member states and the Canton of Geneva. Active in over 80 countries, DCAF is interna- tionally recognized as one of the world’s leading centres of excellence for security sector governance (SSG) and security sector reform (SSR). DCAF is guided by the principles of neutrality, impartiality, local ownership, inclusive participation, and gender equality. For more information visit www.dcaf.ch and follow us on Twitter @DCAF_Geneva. The views and opinions expressed in this study -
The Republic of Tajikistan
COUNTRY FACT SHEET THE REPUBLIC OF TAJIKISTAN May 2014 This Country Fact Sheet was financed by the European Refugee Fund and the Austrian Federal Office for Asylum and Immigration. The opinions expressed in the report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout the report do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of IOM concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries. IOM is committed to the principle that humane and orderly migration benefits migrants and society. As an intergovernmental organization, IOM acts with its partners in the international community to: assist in meeting the operational challenges of migration; advance understanding of migration issues; encourage social and economic development through migration; and uphold the human dignity and well-being of migrants. Publisher: International Organization for Migration (IOM) Country Office for Austria Nibelungengasse 13/4 1010 Vienna Austria Tel: +43.1.585 33 22 Fax: +43.1.585 33 22 30 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.iom.int _____________________________________________________ © 2014 International Organization for Migration (IOM) _____________________________________________________ All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form -
Republic of Tajikistan
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights REPUBLIC OF TAJIKISTAN PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 28 February 2010 OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report Warsaw 6 July 2010 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................................................................... 3 II. INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................... 5 III. BACKGROUND AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT................................................................ 5 IV. ELECTION SYSTEM AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK .................................................................. 7 V. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION ................................................................................................... 8 A. FORMATION AND COMPOSITION OF ELECTION COMMISSIONS ....................................................... 8 B. TRANSPARENCY OF ELECTION COMMISSION WORK ...................................................................... 9 C. FUNCTIONING AND ACTIVITIES OF ELECTION COMMISSIONS ...................................................... 10 VI. VOTER REGISTRATION AND VOTER LISTS......................................................................... 11 VII. CANDIDATE REGISTRATION.................................................................................................... 11 A. ELIGIBILITY CRITERIA AND REGISTRATION REQUIREMENTS ....................................................... 11 B. NOMINATION AND REGISTRATION OF CANDIDATES ..................................................................... -
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The European Proceedings of Social & Behavioural Sciences EpSBS ISSN: 2357-1330 https://doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.12.04.388 SCTCMG 2019 International Scientific Conference «Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism» OUTSKIRTS OF EMPIRE IN MAELSTROM OF GLOBALIZATION: GORNO-BADAKHSHAN IN 1992-1994 Vladimir Shorokhov (a)*, Dmitry Ovsyannikov (b) *Corresponding author (a) St. Petersburg State University, 7–9, Universitetskaya emb., St. Petersburg, Russia, [email protected], +79219723084 (b) St. Petersburg State University, 7–9, Universitetskaya emb., St. Petersburg, Russia, [email protected], +79046447954 Abstract The article provides an analysis of the military-political situation in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region in 1992-1994. The authors consider the events taking into account synchronous global trends of globalization. The new technological order gave rise to centrifugal and destructive processes on the periphery of the world system. The attempt to form national statehood in Tajikistan was blocked due to the disunity of various ethno-local groups of the population. Various actors were involved in the bloody civil war which lasted from 1992 to 1997. Before the war, their activities were checked by an alternative world development project and effective control over border regions. The policy of democratization, cultural “revival”, promotion of private initiative and foreign investment which began during the “restructuring” era opened the region for criminal-financial flows (drug trafficking) and migrants from neighboring Afghanistan. The attempts to raise status of the GBAO and legitimize the Autonomous Republic of Badakhshan were not successful; participation of a large number of actors aggravated the situation and did not contribute to the unity of the Pamir.