Canadian English カナダの英語
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Standard Southern British English As Referee Design in Irish Radio Advertising
Joan O’Sullivan Standard Southern British English as referee design in Irish radio advertising Abstract: The exploitation of external as opposed to local language varieties in advertising can be associated with a history of colonization, the external variety being viewed as superior to the local (Bell 1991: 145). Although “Standard English” in terms of accent was never an exonormative model for speakers in Ireland (Hickey 2012), nevertheless Ireland’s history of colonization by Britain, together with the geographical proximity and close socio-political and sociocultural connections of the two countries makes the Irish context an interesting one in which to examine this phenomenon. This study looks at how and to what extent standard British Received Pronunciation (RP), now termed Standard Southern British English (SSBE) (see Hughes et al. 2012) as opposed to Irish English varieties is exploited in radio advertising in Ireland. The study is based on a quantitative and qualitative analysis of a corpus of ads broadcast on an Irish radio station in the years 1977, 1987, 1997 and 2007. The use of SSBE in the ads is examined in terms of referee design (Bell 1984) which has been found to be a useful concept in explaining variety choice in the advertising context and in “taking the ideological temperature” of society (Vestergaard and Schroder 1985: 121). The analysis is based on Sussex’s (1989) advertisement components of Action and Comment, which relate to the genre of the discourse. Keywords: advertising, language variety, referee design, language ideology. 1 Introduction The use of language variety in the domain of advertising has received considerable attention during the past two decades (for example, Bell 1991; Lee 1992; Koslow et al. -
Natural Phonetic Tendencies and Social Meaning: Exploring the Allophonic Raising Split of PRICE and MOUTH on the Isles of Scilly
This is a repository copy of Natural phonetic tendencies and social meaning: Exploring the allophonic raising split of PRICE and MOUTH on the Isles of Scilly. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/133952/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Moore, E.F. and Carter, P. (2018) Natural phonetic tendencies and social meaning: Exploring the allophonic raising split of PRICE and MOUTH on the Isles of Scilly. Language Variation and Change, 30 (3). pp. 337-360. ISSN 0954-3945 https://doi.org/10.1017/S0954394518000157 This article has been published in a revised form in Language Variation and Change [https://doi.org/10.1017/S0954394518000157]. This version is free to view and download for private research and study only. Not for re-distribution, re-sale or use in derivative works. © Cambridge University Press. Reuse This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs (CC BY-NC-ND) licence. This licence only allows you to download this work and share it with others as long as you credit the authors, but you can’t change the article in any way or use it commercially. More information and the full terms of the licence here: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Title: Natural phonetic tendencies -
The Loyalist Origins of Canada's Identity Crisis
Condemned to Rootlessness: The Loyalist Origins of Canada's Identity Crisis Introduction In the view of the English-speaking Canadian media, Canada has an identity crisis, a situation attributable to divisions within the Canadian body politic that are regularly expressed in constitutional bickering between Quebec and the Rest of Canada and between the provinces and the federal government.1 Yet the identity crisis in the lifeworld of the average English-Canadian appears to possess a somewhat different quality. The following statement from Rod Lamirand, a resident of Surrey, B.C., expresses the subjectivity of this existential unease with remarkable accuracy: 'We [our family] were isolated, self-sufficient, cut off from a close community and from our pasts...Our family was not drawn into a neighborhood of friends because of a shared difference from mainstream society. We didn't have a name for the cultural majority because for the most part they were us. We were part of the dominant cultural society and we had no real culture. The great wash of pale European blood that saturated this continent was uniform in color only. Much of what survived is a hodgepodge of eclectic, meaningless routines...We were the product of white bread and instant coffee, Hollywood and the CBC....'2 (emphasis added) The connection between the Canadian identity crisis mentioned in the English-Canadian media and Lamirand's statement might appear distant. Surely, one might ask, the latter reflects a problem that should be labeled 'English-Canadian' rather than 'Canadian.' It is the position of this paper, however, that the discourses of English-Canadian and Canadian identity are inextricably bound. -
“Cockney and the Queen”
“Cockney and the Queen” The importance and development of the accent known as Estuary English Maren Kristine Haugom MA Thesis UNIVERSITY OF OSLO Faculty of Humanities Department of Literature, Area Studies and European Languages Spring 2012 Abstract For this MA thesis I have chosen to investigate the accent known as Estuary English (EE). Even though it is having a massive impact on the development of the English language (especially in Britain) there are few extensive sources regarding this accent, and even though studies have been conducted they are few and hard to come across. Even linguists agree that there are few sources regarding EE, which makes it an interesting research topic. Due to the structure and (lack of) status of EE it is being discussed by linguists and commoners alike, and the media has acted as a linguistic “battlefield” of sorts where linguists and members of the general public have presented their arguments, suggested definitions, and frustrations regarding the new accent. The fact that the general opinions differ greatly and that definitions are changing continually makes it a very interesting base for research. It is a dynamic topic, a linguistic phenomenon which is happening in our time. As my thesis is being written over the course of only one semester I have chosen not to do field work or conduct a survey, although I will attempt to refer to studies conducted by other researchers where this is feasible. Because of the time limit I have chosen to focus mainly on theoretical aspects, such as the problems regarding a proper definition of EE and the discussion around which phonemic traits are part of the accent. -
Caribbean English As a Challenge to Lexicography
Richard Allsopp CARIBBEAN ENGLISH AS A CHALLENGE TO LEXICOGRAPHY Introduction Almost as soon as the English throne finally broke with Catholicism, with the accession of Elizabeth I, one of her seamen, John Hawkins, sometime treasurer of her Royal Navy, began slave trading in defiance of Spain, and, in 1562, "got into his possession" at Sierra Leona (sic, from Hakluyt as cited in Payne 1907:7) "the number of 300 Negros at least" and sailed to the north coast of Hispaniola (Haiti) where he "made vent of the whole number of his Negros". Buying, transporting and selling slaves took easily 9 months (the 'triangular trade' took a year); but even if the migrated Africans would not have retained many English words from the ship's crew in this first venture - which Hawkins repeated on a much more wide-ranging Caribbean scale in one of Elizabeth's own ships (the Jesus of Lubeck) in 1564/65 - it is historically true that the English language had begun making substantial thrusts from Plymouth to the West Indies and South America long before it did so to North America. It was seamen's English that brought Protestantism's'mailed fist into the rich belly of the New World, as the logical forerunner of the religious hands that guided the Mayflower to North America some half a century later in 1620. If this sounds exaggerated one need only recall that Sir Francis Drake's great plundering armada of 25 ships sailed in 1585 on what is historically known as 'Drake's West Indian Voyage', and a hazardous channel in the Virgin Islands is still known today as 'Drake's Passage'. -
The Vowels & Consonants of English
Department of Culture and Communication Institutionen för kultur och kommunikation (IKK) ENGLISH The Vowels & Consonants of English Lecture Notes Nigel Musk The Consonants of English - - - Velar (Post Labio dental Palato Dental Palatal Glottal Bilabial alveolar alveolar) Alveolar Unvoiced (-V) -V +V -V +V -V +V -V +V -V +V -V +V -V +V -V +V Voiced (+V) Stops (Plosives) p b t d k g ʔ1 Fricatives f v θ ð s z ʃ ʒ h Affricates ʧ ʤ Nasals m n ŋ Lateral (approximants) l Approximants w2 r j w2 The consonants in the table above are the consonant phonemes of RP (Received Pronunciation) and GA (General American), that is, the meaning-distinguishing consonant sounds (c.f. pat – bat). Phonemes are written within slashes //, e.g. /t/. Significant variations are explained in the footnotes. /p/ put, supper, lip /ʃ/ show, washing, cash /b/ bit, ruby, pub /ʒ/ leisure, vision 3 /t/ two, letter , cat /h/ home, ahead 3 /d/ deep, ladder , read /ʧ/ chair, nature, watch /k/ can, lucky, sick /ʤ/ jump, pigeon, bridge /g/ gate, tiger, dog /m/ man, drummer, comb /f/ fine, coffee, leaf /n/ no, runner, pin /v/ van, over, move /ŋ/ young, singer 4 /θ/ think, both /l/ let , silly, fall /ð/ the, brother, smooth /r/ run, carry, (GA car) /s/ soup, fussy, less /j/ you, yes /z/ zoo, busy, use /w/ woman, way 1 [ʔ] is not regarded as a phoneme of standard English, but it is common in many varieties of British English (including contemporary RP), e.g. watch [wɒʔʧ], since [sɪnʔs], meet them [ˈmiːʔðəm]. -
From "RP" to "Estuary English"
From "RP" to "Estuary English": The concept 'received' and the debate about British pronunciation standards Hamburg 1998 Author: Gudrun Parsons Beckstrasse 8 D-20357 Hamburg e-mail: [email protected] Table of Contents Foreword .................................................................................................i List of Abbreviations............................................................................... ii 0. Introduction ....................................................................................1 1. Received Pronunciation .................................................................5 1.1. The History of 'RP' ..................................................................5 1.2. The History of RP....................................................................9 1.3. Descriptions of RP ...............................................................14 1.4. Summary...............................................................................17 2. Change and Variation in RP.............................................................18 2.1. The Vowel System ................................................................18 2.1.1. Diphthongisation of Long Vowels ..................................18 2.1.2. Fronting of /!/ and Lowering of /"/................................21 2.2. The Consonant System ........................................................23 2.2.1. The Glottal Stop.............................................................23 2.2.2. Vocalisation of [#]...........................................................26 -
Newfoundland English
Izaro Zalacain Mendia Degree in English Studies 2019-2020 NEWFOUNDLAND ENGLISH Supervisor: Miren Alazne Landa Departamento de Filología Inglesa, Alemana y de Traducción e Interpretación Área de Filología Inglesa Abstract The English language has undergone many variations, leaving uncountable dialects in every nook and cranny of the world. Located at the north-east of Canada, the island of Newfoundland presents one of those dialects. However, within the many varieties the English language features, Newfoundland English (NE) remains as one of the less researched dialects in North America. The aim of this paper is to provide a characterisation of NE. In order to do so, this paper focuses on research questions on the origins of the dialect, potential variation within NE, the languages it has been in contact with, its particular linguistic features and the role of linguistic distinction in the Newfoundlander identity. Thus, in this paper I firstly assess the origins of NE, which are documented to mainly derive from West Country, England, and south-eastern Ireland, and I also provide an overview of the main historical events that have influenced the language. Secondly, I show the linguistic variation NE features, thus displaying the multiple dialectal areas that are found in the island. Furthermore, I discuss the different languages that have been in contact with the variety, namely, Irish Gaelic and Micmac, among others. Thirdly, I present a variety of linguistic features of NE -both phonetic and morphosyntactic- that distinguish the dialect from the rest of North American varieties, including Canadian English. Finally, I tackle the issue of language and identity and uncover a number of innovations and purposeful uses of certain features that the islanders show in their speech for the sake of identity marking. -
Ba Chelor Thesis
English (61-90), 30 credits BACHELOR BACHELOR Received Pronunciation, Estuary English and Cockney English: A Phonologic and Sociolinguistic Comparison of Three British English Accents THESIS Caroline Johansson English linguistics, 15 credits Lewes, UK 2016-06-27 Abstract The aim of this study is to phonologically and sociolinguistically compare three British English accents: Cockney English (CE), Estuary English (EE) and Received Pronunciation (RP), including investigating the status these accents have in Britain today. Estuary English, which is spoken in London and the Home Counties, is said to be located on a continuum between Cockney English, which is a London working class accent, and Received Pronunciation, spoken by the higher classes in Britain. Four authentic Youtube lectures by an author who considers herself to be an EE speaker were compared with previous research in the area. The findings regarding phonetic differences between the accents displayed many opposing opinions between the Youtube material and the previous research. This is likely to be partly because of regional and social differences, and partly because of the fact that accents change and also depend on the formality of the situation in which they are spoken. Furthermore, accents are not clearly defined units and Estuary English has been shown to be many different accents that also figure on a broad spectrum between Received Pronunciation and Cockney English (and any other regional accents that are spoken in the area). When it comes to attitudes to the three different accents, the Youtube material and previous research seem to agree on most levels: RP can be perceived as cold and reserved and is not the only accepted accent today for people who wish to acquire a high status job, at the same time as it is still associated with the highest prestige. -
Regional and National Standards
Regional and National Standards María Barroso Prieto and Silvia Telenga Outline 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) 2. Varieties of the English Language 2.1. American and British English 2.2. Canadian English 2.3. Australian English 2.4. South African English 3. The dynamics of English(es) 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) ¾ The status of English as a world language is challenging. ¾ Two issues: a) internationalism implies intelligibility b) identity implies individuality ¾ “The future of the English language depends on how the tension between these two principles will be solved.” (Crystal, p.110) 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) ¾However, English is not always welcomed. ¾It can be considered a threat. ¾Three forms of antagonism: 1. “Excessive” influence on lexis 2. Fear of replacement 3. Rejection due to colonial history 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) An example: “The basis of any independent government is a national language and we can no longer continue aping our former colonizers…Those who feel they cannot do without English can as well pack up and go.” – President Jomo Kenyatta, Nairobi, 1974 (Source: The Cambridge Encyclopedia, p. 114) 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) ¾English may be considered threatening and become threatened itself. ¾Yet, English remains the world language. 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) ¾WSE is not a totally uniform, regionally neutral form. ¾WSE is characterized by a “common core”. 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) An interesting observation: ¾On 6 July 1993, 40 newspapers from all over the English-speaking world were collected ¾The result: a fairly universal written SE exists ¾It was in most cases impossible to tell where the newspapers came from Varieties of the English Language BUT As we move away from written SE and move toward informal spoken language, differences increase noticeably 2.1. -
Bermudian English: History, Features, Social Role Luke Swartz
Bermudian English: History, Features, Social Role Luke Swartz (Final paper for Linguistics 153) Abstract Bermudian English has been long neglected in linguistic literature. After a brief introduction to the linguistic history of the Bermuda Islands, this paper examines several interesting aspects of English dialects spoken in Bermuda. First, we examine the islands’ lack of an English Creole. Next, we examine phonological features of Bermudian English and their possible origins. Finally, we close with a discussion of Bermudian dialects’ place in education and society at large. 1. Introduction Virginia Bernhard (1999: 1) notes that, just as mariners once avoided Bermuda for fear of wrecking their ships on its coral reefs, “historians of European colonization have also bypassed Bermuda.” She quotes W. F. Craven, who wrote that “the Bermudas have been largely overlooked, the significance of their history for the most part lost to sight” (xiii). Likewise, the language of the Bermudian people has been largely ignored by linguists and historians alike. Few scholars have studied Bermudian English; the last citation of any length dates to 1933. 2 Nevertheless, the Bermuda Islands present an interesting case study of English dialects, in many ways unique among such dialects in the world. Bermudian dialects of English lack a dominant creole, have interesting phonetic features, and command an ambiguous social status. 2. Background Contrary to popular belief, Bermuda is not actually part of the Caribbean. As Caribbean/Latin American Profile points out, “Often, Bermuda is placed erroneously in the West Indies, but in fact is more than 1,000 miles to the north of the Caribbean” (Caribbean Publishing Company: 51). -
Phonetic Manifestations of /Ai/ Raising Nick Woolums St
Linguistic Portfolios Volume 1 Article 19 2012 Phonetic Manifestations of /ai/ Raising Nick Woolums St. Cloud State University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.stcloudstate.edu/stcloud_ling Part of the Applied Linguistics Commons Recommended Citation Woolums, Nick (2012) "Phonetic Manifestations of /ai/ Raising," Linguistic Portfolios: Vol. 1 , Article 19. Available at: https://repository.stcloudstate.edu/stcloud_ling/vol1/iss1/19 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by theRepository at St. Cloud State. It has been accepted for inclusion in Linguistic Portfolios by an authorized editor of theRepository at St. Cloud State. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Woolums: Phonetic Manifestations of /ai/ Raising Linguistic Portfolios | 1 PHONETIC MANIFESTATIONS OF /Aɪ/ RAISING NICK WOOLUMS 1.0 Introduction The phenomenon of Canadian Raising was first documented in 1942 by Martin Joos. Since then, it has been seen to be a part of other dialects, such as that of US Great Lakes cities. There are different factors involved in this phonological process in different dialects. According to the Language Samples Project, raising occurs before voiceless consonants. ("Canadian English") This rule can be formally stated as such: /ɑɪ/ → [ʌɪ] / ___ [+ cons, - voice] Because the vowel [ɑ] has the features [+low, +back], while the vowel [ʌ] has the features [+mid, +central], this rule not only includes raising, but fronting as well, in a certain sense. This is not to say that the diphthong as a whole is fronted or raised – in both cases, the tongue still occupies the same final position, namely /ɪ/. It is only the onset of the vowel whose tongue position is altered, as it is both fronted and raised.