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National Identity and Regional Integration in Central Asia: Turkestan Reunion

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National Identity and Regional Integration in Central Asia: Turkestan Reunion NATIONAL IDENTITY AND REGIONAL INTEGRATION IN CENTRAL ASIA: TURKESTAN REUNION by Hasan Ali KARASAR A Dissertation Submitted to the Institute of Economics and Social Sciences in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations Ankara Institute of Economics and Social Sciences Bilkent University 2002 ii İMZA SAYFASI iii To D. Ş. iv ABSTRACT The existing conceptual and terminological anarchy in the literature about the Central (Inner or Middle) Asian region was a starting point of this dissertation. Thus, the basic objective for this study was to review the literature as to which terms were used by whom, when and with what kinds of motives? With the final objective of trying to bring some clarifications to the field. This is a historical study with an eventual international relations repurcassions in mind. Historically, the term Turkestan has been used by many. It differs from most of its contemporary alternatives. It is not only a geographic and political term but also a politico-ethnic one, in Persian, Turkestan means “the country of Turks.” The term has also been used in the literature to cover four different names and areas: Western or Russian (then Soviet) Turkestan, Eastern or Chinese Turkestan, Southern or Afghan Turkestan as well as the Greater (Uluğ) Turkestan to encompass all. Extensive review of encyclopedical and primary sources and the researcher’s numerous interviews and long-time field observations on the subject reveal significant findings. First of all, the region was called with different names by different peoples throuought its history. However, from the 7th Century AD on, the name Turkestan has been the longest survived one. Furthermore, toward the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th centuries, the rise of Turkestanism among the political elite of Turkestanis was witnessed. It is most likely that the liberal athmosphere of February 1917 Revolution resulted in the declaration of Turkestanist national statehoods in the region, namely Turkestan Autonomy, Bukharan and Khorezmian People’s Soviet Republics and Alaş Orda Government. The 1924 national-territorial demarcation (razmezhevanie) was not totally a product of central planning in Moscow but have had an important native initiative too. During the period between 1924 and 1991, Turkestani intelligentsia at home and abroad continued their Turkestanist stance at different levels while reaching its height when Nazi Germany decided to establish Turkestan Legions to “liberate” Turkestan from the Bolshevik tyranny. Even after 1991, when all five Union Repulics gained their independences, a search for regional integration and strengthening already existing common Central Asian-Turkestani solidarities continued with an increasing degree on the both ruling elite and opposition camps in the regional states. Although, historically, while there exists: no “Turkestani nation” in western meanings of the term, no single “Turkestanish language” in modern terms, no contemporary political entity called Turkestan, and no consensus over its geography; the concept of Turkestan has survived through the centuries and its heritage has been claimed by the modern political cadres of the region. It is hoped that, the study may provide new visions for those bewildered by the complexities of the daily politics of the region. This study explains that history and common Turkestani identity are key to understand inreasing integration efforts of Central Asian leaderships in the post-Soviet period. However, in this process the Soviet legacy and the very definitions of the ethnic identities during the Soviet period are still quite in affect despite the efforts to re-write Turkestani history by the regional administrations in the 1990s. It is also underlined that just like all three Turkestani movements at beginning of the 20th century, Basmacıs, Jadids of Turkestan Autonomy and Alaş Orda and National Communists were all Turkestanists in different levels, in the post-Soviet period, leaderships and oppositions of the independent Central Asian states use Turkestan idea and Turkestanism in different levels as well. Thus, ultimate purpose of this work is to outline the dynamics of the Turkestani regional identity and its reflections on the daily politics of Central Asian states. v ÖZET Bu tezin başlangıç noktası literatürde Merkezî (Orta veya İç) Asya bölgesi hakkında var olan kavramsal ve terminolojik karmaşayı incelemek idi. Bu sebeble çalışmanın temel amacı literatürün detaylı bir araştırmaya tabi tutulması yolu ile bu bölge için hangi terimlerin, kimler, ne zaman aralıklarında ve ne tip motifler ile kullanıldığını tesbit etmekti. Elbette bunu takib eden amaç ise saha çalışmalarındaki terminolojik kargaşaya biraz olsun son vermekti Bu çalışma sonuç olarak uluslararası ilişkiler merkezli bir tarih araştırmasıdır. Tarihi olarak Türkistan terimi pekçok şekilde kullanılmıştır. Bu terim pekçok modern alternatifinden ayrıdır. Çünkü Türkistan sadece bir coğrafi ve politik kavram değil aynı zamanda etno-politik bir kavramdır. Farsça bir kelime olan Türkistanın sözlük anlamı “Türklerin ülkesi” dir. Literatürde bu kavram dört ayrı terimi ve bölgeyi kapsayacak şekilde kullanılmıştır. Batı veya Rus (Sovyet) Türkistanı, Doğu veya Çin Türkistanı, Güney veya Afgan Türkistanı ve bunların hepsini kapsayan Uluğ (Büyük) Türkistan. Konu hakkında detaylı ansiklopedik ve birincil kaynak taramalarının yanı sıra araştırmacının röpörtajları, uzun süreli saha gözlemleri bir dizi önemli bulgu ile neticelenmiştir. Öncelikle bu bölge tarih boyunca farklı halklar tarafından farklı kavramlar ile adlandırılmıştır. Ancak Milâttan sonra 7. asırdan bu yana kullanılan Türkistan terimi tüm bu adlar ve kavramlar içinde en uzun süre yaşayan olmuştur. Öyle ki 19. asrın sonu ve 20. asrın başlarında Türkistanlıların siyasi seçkinleri arasında, Türkistancılık adı konulmamış bir siyasi hareket haline dönüşmüştür. 1917 Şubat ihtilalinin liberal atmosferinden yararlanan Türkistanlılar millî-Türkistancı devletlerini kurmuşlardır. Bunlar Türkistan Muhtariyeti, Alaş Orda Hükümeti, Horezm ve Buhara Halk Cumhuriyetleri idi. Bu tezin bir başka bulgusu ise 1924 yılında gerçekleşen millî- sınırların tesbiti(razmezhevanie)nin şimdiye kadar sanılanın aksine sadece Moskova’nın değil aynı zamanda önemli ölçüde yerli millî Komunistlerin inisiyatifleri ile gerçekleşmiş olduğudur. 1924-1991 yılları arasında hem Türkistandaki hem de sürgündeki Türkistan seçkinleri farklı düzeylerde Türkistancılıklarına devam etmişlerdir. Bu hareket İkinci Dünya Savaşı sırasında Nazi Almanyasının Türkistanı Bolşevik zulmünden “kurtarmak” için Türkistan Lejyonlarını kurması ile doruk noktasına ulaşmıtır. 1991 yılında Orta Asya devletlerinin bağımsızlıklarını kazanmalarından sonra dahi Türkistan merkezli entegrasyon ve birleşme arayışları hükümetler ve muhalefetler nezdinde mevcut entegrasyonu arttırma siyasetine dönüşmüştür. Her ne kadar tarihi olarak batı standartlarında bir “Türkistan milleti”nden, modern anlamda bir “Türkistan dili”nden, yaşayan ve Türkistan adını taşıyan siyasi bir yapıdan, hatta ve hatta terimin anlamı ve kapsadığı coğrafya hakkında mevcut bir fikir birliğinden bahsetmek mümkün olmasa da, Türkistan kavramı yüzyıllar boyunca yaşamış ve bölgedeki modern siyasi kadrolar tarafından şu anda sahiplenilmektedir. Bu çalışmanın bölgedeki gündelik siyasi hayatın karmaşık yapısından açmaza düşen araştırmacılara yeni vizyonlar sunması ümid edilmektedir. Bu çalışma Sovyet sonrası dönemde bölgedeki liderliklerin entegrasyon çabalarını anlamada tarihin ve ortak Türkistanlı kimliğinin anahtar olduğunu açıklamaktadır. Ancak aynı zamanda 1990’larda bölgedeki hükümetlerin yeni tarih yazımındaki çabalarına karşın Sovyet mirası terminolojinin mevcut etkisine de dikkat çekilmektedir. Ancak aynı 20. asrın ilk çeyreğinde olduğu gibi farklı kamplardaki Türkistanlı seçkinler, aynı Basmacıların, Cedidlerin ve Milli Komunistlerin farklı seviyelerde Türkistancı olmaları gibi, Sovyet sonrası dönemde de Orta Asya ülkelerinin liderlikleri ve muhalefetleri arasında farklı seviyelerde Türkistancılığın ve Türkistan fikrinin kullanıldığı gözlemlenmektedir. vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Writing this dissertation has been one of the most exiting, instructing and fruitful experience, which the researcher has had. Number of people have contributed: some providing excellent academic, physical and psychological environment; some helping with the content and methodology; and yet others displaying their deep belief in me under all conditions. In this context, Bilkent University has provided the most outstanding contribution, which made all others possible. Dissertation advisor Assoc. Prof. Dr. Hakan Kırımlı is the person with the lion’s share in the success. Throughout the PhD program and during the dissertation work, he has provided excellent guidance, support and encouragement, always with admirable patience. I have been very lucky to know him and work as his research assistant during my doctoral studies, which has made my experience at Bilkent University a memorable one. Some during the study but some at the dissertation committee: Prof. Norman Stone, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Timur Kocaoğlu, Assist. Prof. Dr. Pınar Akçalı and Dr. Sergei Podbolotov provided insightful comments and extended their warm appreciation which made the researcher feel that he has done a valuable work. With their contributions at different times, colleagues and friends at the Department of International Relations made the life rich and enjoyable and thus worth
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