February 1990 Riots in Tajikistan. Who Was
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Human Rights in Tajikistan Human
HUMAN RIGHTS IN TAJIKISTAN In the Wake of Civil War Human Rights Watch/Helsinki (formerly Helsinki Watch) The InterThe Inter-Inter---RepublicRepublic Memorial Society HUMAN RIGHTS IN TAJIKISTAN In the Wake of Civil War Human Rights Watch/Helsinki (formerly Helsinki Watch) The InterThe Inter-Inter---RepublicRepublic Memorial Society Human Rights Watch New York $$$ Washington $$$ Los Angeles $$$ London Copyright 8 December 1993 by Human Rights Watch All Rights Reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Card Catalogue No.: 93-80983 ISBN 1-56432-119-3 Human Rights Watch/Helsinki (formerly Helsinki Watch) Human Rights Watch/Helsinki was established in 1978 to monitor and promote domestic and international compliance with the human rights provisions of the 1975 Helsinki Accords. It is affiliated with the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, which is based in Vienna, Austria. Jeri Laber is the executive director; Lois Whitman is the deputy director; Holly Cartner and Julie Mertus are counsel; Erika Dailey, Rachel Denber, Ivana Nizich and Christopher Panico are research associates; Christina Derry, Ivan Lupis, Alexander Petrov and Isabelle Tin-Aung are associates; ðeljka MarkiÉ and Vlatka MiheliÉ are consultants. Jonathan Fanton is the chair of the advisory committee and Alice Henkin is vice chair. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki gratefully acknowledges grants from the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Nathan Cummings Foundation, the John Merck Fund, and the Rockefeller Family Associates in support of its work on human rights in the former Soviet Union. The Inter-Republic Memorial Society The Inter-Republic Memorial Society was founded in 1989-90, as a historical, educational and human rights organization. -
Executive Intelligence Review, Volume 23, Number 16, April 12
What is LaRouche's tists many of them veterans of the Soviet "There exists no authority on Russia? space program possible solution • • April 1994, laRouche, paroled in On Oct. 12, 1988, in Berlin, laRouche In to this crisis, either issued his famous Food for Peace pro January after five years in prison, made for Russia or for posal, which included collaboration his first visit to Russia, at the invitation of the world within the between the Soviet Union and a free, re the Universal Ecological Academy. bounds of the united Germany to overcome the grow previously accepted ing economic crisis. WHY YOU NEED THIS REPORT: EIR's Special Report, issued in August includes terms of dominant • 1989, laRouche enunci 1994, In November "Russia�s Future: The Three Alternatives": international ated his Paris-Berlin-Vienna Productive Lyndon laRouche's account of his six-day trip economic and Triangle, an infrastructure program for to Russia. "A Reconstruction Strategy for financial institutions." the economic reconstruction of post Russia-And the World Economy" by communist Eurasia. -Lyndon LaRouche Lyndon H. laRouche, Jr. ''Whither Russia: • Situation Report," by Brig. Gen. Paul-Albert in "Prospects for Russian In October 1993, laRouche was elect A Economic Revival," ed to the Universal Ecological Academy Scherer (ret.) "The Military in Post prepared for Feb. 20, for his contributions to the science of Bolshevik Russia," by Konstantin George 1995 hearings at the phy sical economy. The Academy was "Have We Already Lost Eastern Europe Russian State Duma. and Russia?" by William Engdahl founded in May 1989 by a group of scien- Mail 142 pages, $250 EIR 94-004 to: __ Name __________________________________ ________ ____ ______ o Please sene the EIR Special Report, "Russia's future: dictatorship, chaos, or Address ___________________________________________________ _ reconstruction?" to the address shown. -
Cahiers D'asie Centrale, 26
Cahiers d’Asie centrale 26 | 2016 1989, année de mobilisations politiques en Asie centrale 1989, a Year of Political Mobilisations in Central Asia Ferrando Olivier (dir.) Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/asiecentrale/3218 ISSN : 2075-5325 Éditeur Éditions De Boccard Édition imprimée Date de publication : 30 novembre 2016 ISBN : 978-2-84743-161-2 ISSN : 1270-9247 Référence électronique Ferrando Olivier (dir.), Cahiers d’Asie centrale, 26 | 2016, « 1989, année de mobilisations politiques en Asie centrale » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 01 novembre 2017, consulté le 08 mars 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/asiecentrale/3218 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 8 mars 2020. © Tous droits réservés 1 L’année 1989 symbolise, dans la mémoire collective, la fin du communisme en Europe, mais il faudra attendre plus de deux ans pour assister à la dissolution de l’Union soviétique et à l’accès des cinq républiques d’Asie centrale à leur indépendance. Pourtant, dès le début de l’année 1989, avant-même la chute du mur de Berlin, la région fut le siège de plusieurs signes avant-coureurs : le retrait de l’Armée Rouge en Afghanistan ; l’arrêt des essais nucléaires soviétiques au Kazakhstan ; l’apparition des premières tensions interethniques dans la vallée du Ferghana ; l’adoption par chaque république d’une loi sur la langue. Autant de moments qui montrent combien l’année 1989 a marqué l’histoire récente de l’Asie centrale. Ce nouveau numéro des Cahiers d’Asie centrale est donc consacré à l’étude des transformations sociales et politiques survenues au cours de l’année 1989 afin de comprendre à quel point cette année constitue un moment fondateur des mobilisations politiques en Asie centrale. -
The Tajik Civil War: 1992-1997
THE TAJIK CIVIL WAR: 1992-1997 A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY SAYFIDDIN SHAPOATOV IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF EURASIAN STUDIES JUNE 2004 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences _____________________________ Prof. Dr. Sencer Ayata Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. _____________________________ Assist. Prof. Dr. Ceylan Tokluoğlu Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. _____________________________ Assist. Prof. Dr. Pınar Akçalı Supervisor Examining Committee Members Assist. Prof. Dr. Pınar Akçalı _____________________________ Assist. Prof. Dr. Sevilay Kahraman _____________________________ Dr. Ayça Ergun _____________________________ ABSTRACT THE TAJIK CIVIL WAR: 1992-1997 Shapoatov, Sayfiddin M.S. Department of Eurasian Studies Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. Pınar Akçalı June 2004, 122 pages This study aims to analyzing the role of Islam, regionalism, and external factors (the involvement of the Russian Federation, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, and Iran) in the Tajik Civil War (1992-97). It analyzes all these three factors one by one. In the thesis, it is argued that all of the three factors played an active and equal role in the emergence of the war and that in the case of the absence of any of these factors, the Tajik Civil War would not erupt. As such, none of the factors is considered to be the only player on its own and none of the factors is considered to be the basic result of other two factors. -
Glasnost in Jeopardy Glasnost in Jeopardy
GLASNOST IN JEOPARDY Human Rights in the USSR April 1991 A Helsinki Watch Report 485 Fifth Avenue 1522 K Street, NW, #910 New York, NY 10017 Washington, DC 20005 Tel (212) 972-8400 Tel (202) 371-6592 Fax (212) 972-0905 Fax (202) 371-0124 Copyright 8 March 1991 by Human Rights Watch All Rights Reserved. Printed in the United States of America. ISBN 0-929692-89-6 Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number 91-71495 Cover Design by Deborah Thomas The Helsinki Watch Committee Helsinki Watch was formed in 1978 to monitor and promote observance of domestic and international compliance with the human rights provisions of the 1975 Helsinki Accords. The Chairman is Robert L. Bernstein; Vice Chairs, Jonathan Fanton and Alice Henkin; Executive Director, Jeri Laber; Deputy Director, Lois Whitman; Washington Representative, Catherine Cosman; Staff Counsel, Holly Cartner and Theodore Zang, Jr.; Staff Consultant, Ivana Nizich; Orville Schell Intern, Robert Kushen; Intern, Jemima Stratford; Associates, Sarai Brachman, Mia Nitchun, and Elisabeth Socolow. Helsinki Watch is affiliated with the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, which is based in Vienna. Human Rights Watch Helsinki Watch is a component of Human Rights Watch, which includes Americas Watch, Asia Watch, Africa Watch, and Middle East Watch. The Chairman is Robert L. Bernstein and the Vice Chairman is Adrian W. DeWind. Aryeh Neier is Executive Director; Kenneth Roth, Deputy Director; Holly J. Burkhalter, Washington Director; Susan Osnos, Press Director. Executive Directors Africa Watch, Rakiya Omaar; Americas Watch, Juan Mendez; Asia Watch, Sidney R. Jones; Helsinki Watch, Jeri Laber; Middle East Watch, Andrew Whitley. -
Women of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan: Historical Legacies Impacting Contemporary Involvement
WOMEN OF KYRGYZSTAN AND TAJIKISTAN: HISTORICAL LEGACIES IMPACTING CONTEMPORARY INVOLVEMENT BY REBECCA ANNE BLACKBURN THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Russian, East European, and Eurasian Studies in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2011 Urbana, Illinois Adviser: Professor Keith Hitchins ABSTRACT This research explores the development of the status of women in post-Soviet Central Asia. The research shows that women in Kyrgyzstan are more actively pursuing opportunities to contribute to civil society than what is found in Tajikistan, where the pressures for women to return to more traditional roles has resulted in considerably fewer opportunities for female involvement in the sphere beyond the home. This research aims to explain the reasons we see such different levels of female involvement in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, despite their shared history as Soviet republics and the similar economic problems the states experienced with the transformation of their societies in the decades following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Research concerning female involvement in non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the education system, and the problems related to rural life is utilized to explain the divergent paths of the two nations. It is concluded that a primary factor in the development of gender relations is due to the pre-Soviet traditions that have resurfaced in the post-Soviet era with the development of each individual state‟s national identity. -
Tajikistan in Ruins the Descent Into Chaos of a Central Asian Republic
Tajikistan in Ruins The Descent into Chaos of a Central Asian Republic SVETLANA LOLAEVA Several years ago a Dutch student asked an intriguing question: "Why are the sovereignty movements in Central Asia so weak relative to the Baltic republics?" Considering this, Galsworthy's The Forsythe Saga carne to mind. Galsworthy writes of a judge who had livecl in India for many years. Shortly after going there, he said that he did not understand the Hindu character at all. Ten years later he declared that he understood it rather well, but alter forty years, he was sad to admit that he had indeed failed to gain an understanding of it after all. One recalls this example upon hearing complaints of the Tajik democrats' defeat caused by the civil war and when this conflict is explained in terms of democrats versus orthodox Communists. This understandable and quite forgivable mistake is typical of analysts and journalists trying to grapple with the problems in post-Soviet Central Asia. They attempt to apply terms such as "democrat," "totalitarianism," "civil rights," "constitution" and so on from the arsenal used to describe events in Europe and its liberal political culture. These words cannot accurately describe the events in modem Central Asia. Unfortunately, the politicians read the analyses of the scholars and of the journalists and apply the wrong medicines to the disease-often leading to bloody clashes and even graver misunderstandings. This article will attempt to explain the current conflict in Tajikistan, making an effort to leave out political sympathies or antipathies, one-sided appraisals, and to distinguish fact from fiction. -
Kennan Institute Meeting Reports, 1991-2001
OP #281: TEN YEARS AFTER THE BREAKUP: KENNAN INSTITUTE MEETING REPORTS, 1991–2001 Vol. VIII No. 18 1991 provoked. A dissident historian, having The Soviet Coup: Impressions of an Eyewitness talked a few minutes with a lieutenant atop a Kennan Institute Research Associate Mark H. tank, noted with relief, “These guys won’t be Teeter flew into Moscow on August 18th and shooting anyone.” One soldier calmly woke up the next morning to news of a coup. This reprimanded a television reporter with a report was transmitted by him via electronic mail statement of the obvious which everyone from the Institute’s Moscow representational needed to hear: “Hey, I’m human too.” One office. sensed that this was not Prague, not 1968. The events in Moscow of 19–21 August It shortly became clear that the center 1991 were clearly historic. As they began to of events would not be the Kremlin, but unfold, however, one soon came to wonder rather the Russian Federation’s administra- how the clamor, confusion, contradictory tive center, an ungainly white building in the information, and seemingly hourly changes Krasnaia Presnia district. A march down of tide could ever be turned into the kind of Kalinin Prospekt to this newly-christened bound-volume history, neat and compact, White House drew more and more adherents that we pass to succeeding generations. This along the way, but their motives were will surely happen, of course, and there is evidently various. A number of people were little doubt that the accounts of the Carrs, clearly Yeltsin supporters as such, chanting Paleologues, and Trotskys of this August will the Russian President’s name in unison every emerge a good deal sooner after the fact than few minutes. -
Retreating Rights: Examining the Pressures on Human Rights in Tajikistan
Retreating Rights: Examining the pressures on human rights in Tajikistan Executive Summary After almost 30 years of independence, Tajikistan finds itself in a very difficult place, combining extreme poverty with a system that brooks no dissent. Tajikistan’s descent into authoritarianism has taken place gradually but inexorably since the end of the Civil War in 1997 as the President has consolidated power into his own hands and those of his family and close associates, repressing dissent, no matter how minor, with often overwhelming force. Tajikistan now finds itself close to the bottom of the global freedom rankings for political competition, civic space, media and religious freedom as the regime has effectively deployed its multi-track ‘suppress, acquiesce and incorporate’ approach to neutralise alternative voices with a widespread culture of self-censorship. There are real challenges deciding whether, when and how to engage with the country, which come with difficult trade-offs for those involved, where development and human rights imperatives do not always align in the short-term. Western international actors have limited opportunities to influence the situation in a positive direction but it is important that they seek to use what leverage they have to resist further backsliding and put pressure on the regime to curb its excesses. Though diplomatic pressure can sometimes make a difference at the margins, money remains the most important tool available to those seeking to make a difference on the ground. This is both looking at what more can be done to condition or review international aid, investment and lending, as well as taking action where corrupt financial flows from the Tajik elite penetrate the international financial and economic system. -
Helsinki Watch Overview Helsinki
HELSINKI WATCH OVERVIEW Human Rights Developments The demise of communism in Europe has led to significant expansion in the work of Helsinki Watch. With countries fragmenting into their constituent parts, the number of signatories to the 1975 Helsinki accords grew from thirty-five to fifty-three countries, all within the same geographic area that we have traditionally covered. Whereas in 1992 the Helsinki Watch section of the Human Rights Watch World Report dealt with eight countries, this year we cover twenty-four, and the situations that we monitor are increasingly complex. The nature of the human rights abuses that we are monitoring has changed radically. The rigidly uniform system of repression that existed under the communists in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union has given way to a range of human rights abuses that covers the gamut from violations of the laws of war and unchecked violence against minorities and foreigners, to suppression of free speech and association and the imposition of unjust citizenship and residency laws. A few of the countries monitored by Helsinki Watch have maintained systems of repression reminiscent of the totalitarian rule of the communists, while others have seen the eruption of fierce armed conflicts, sometimes ethnic in origin, sometimes reflecting an internal struggle for power, and sometimes a combination of both. Many of the new countries were unstable in 1993, their governments barely able to maintain power and seemingly unable to enforce their own laws. Some, impoverished, looked to the west for aid and trade. Most seemed eager to privatize quickly and viewed the market system as their salvation. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science the Extremes It
The London School of Economics and Political Science The Extremes it Takes to Survive: Tajikistan and the Collapse of the Soviet Union, 1985-1992 IsaaC McKean Scarborough A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics and PolitiCal ScienCe for the deGree of DoCtor of Philosophy, London, May 2018. Declaration I Certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD deGree of the London SChool of EConomiCs and PolitiCal SCienCe is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which Case the extent of any work Carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full aCknowledGement is made. This thesis may not be reproduCed without my prior written Consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infrinGe the rights of any third party. I deClare that my thesis Consists of 103,112 words. 2 Abstract This dissertation reevaluates the Collapse of the USSR and the reform projeCt of “perestroika” that preCeded it from the perspeCtive of Tajikistan. As one of the most peripheral republiCs in the Soviet Union, Tajikistan found its eConomy and soCiety shaken to the Core by the eConomiC and politiCal reforms passed between 1985 and 1991. TraCkinG the development of Soviet reform leGislation in Moscow and its implementation in Tajikistan, this dissertation shows how perestroika was intimately linked to the breakdown of eConomiC order and soCial ties that oCCurred during the final years of the USSR. -
HELSINKI WATCH OVERVIEW Human Rights Developments The
HELSINKI WATCH OVERVIEW Human Rights Developments The map of Europe has changed radically since the demise of communism and the disintegration of the USSR and Yugoslavia, adding seventeen additional countries to the region that Helsinki Watch has traditionally monitored. The human rights situation in the former Soviet bloc has also been utterly transformed. The countries that formerly made up the monolithic Soviet empire had their common repressive policies and abusive practices and were seemingly impervious to the protests of Helsinki Watch. Now, however, we are dealing with new and needy independent states that to one extent or another want our blessings and approval as they reaffirm their own uniqueness. Although human rights abuses continue, they are no longer the same from country to country. Nor do they remain unchanging as was previously the case. The post-communist nations are in transition, and the human rights situations in these countries are also subject to sudden change. Traditional forms of human rights abuses continue: political prisoners, deplorable prison conditions, lack of due process in the courts, denial of religious and cultural freedom, and the repression of free speech, free assembly, and a free press. Actions to intimidate the independent press and to stifle political opposition, often done under pretexts, are becoming increasingly common in the region, especially in parts of the former USSR, as well as in Croatia, Albania and Slovakia. Conflicts over territory, sometimes portrayed by governments, accurately or inaccurately, as ethnic conflict, are also rampant. They have led to armed internal and international conflict in the former Yugoslavia (in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina) and in the former Soviet Union (the Caucasus, Nagorno Karabakh and Moldova).