Double Defi Pour L'algerie
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ALGERIA: ADVERSARIES IN SEARCH OF UNCERTAIN COMPROMISES Rémy Leveau September 1992 © Institute for Security Studies of WEU 1996. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the Institute for Security Studies of WEU. ISSN 1017-7566 TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface Introduction The context of coup d'état The forces involved in the crisis Questions and scenarios Postscript PREFACE Earlier this year the Institute asked Professor Rémy Leveau to prepare a study on `Algeria: adversaries in search of uncertain compromises.' This was discussed at a meeting of specialists on North African politics held in the Institute. In view of the continuing importance of developments in Algeria the Institute asked Professor Leveau to prepare this revised version of his paper for wider circulation. We are very grateful to Professor Leveau for having prepared this stimulating and enlightening analysis of developments which are also of importance to Algeria's European neighbours. We are also grateful to those who took part in the discussion of earlier drafts of this paper. John Roper Paris, September 1992 - v - Algeria: adversaries in search of uncertain compromises Rémy Leveau INTRODUCTION The perception of Islamic movements has been marked in Europe since 1979 by images of the Iranian revolution: hostages in the American Embassy, support for international terrorism, incidents at the mosque in Mecca and the Salman Rushdie affair. The dominant rhetoric of the FIS (Islamic Salvation Front) in Algeria, which has since 1989 presented a similar image of rejection of internal state order and of the international system, strengthens the feeling of an identity of aims and of a bloc of hostile attitudes. -
Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State
Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State By Neil Grant Landers A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in French in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY Committee in charge: Professor Debarati Sanyal, Co-Chair Professor Soraya Tlatli, Co-Chair Professor Karl Britto Professor Stefania Pandolfo Fall 2013 1 Abstract of the Dissertation Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State by Neil Grant Landers Doctor of Philosophy in French Literature University of California, Berkeley Professor Debarati Sanyal, Co-Chair Professor Soraya Tlatli, Co-Chair Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State addresses the way the Algerian civil war has been portrayed in 1990s novelistic literature. In the words of one literary critic, "The Algerian war has been, in a sense, one big murder mystery."1 This may be true, but literary accounts portray the "mystery" of the civil war—and propose to solve it—in sharply divergent ways. The primary aim of this study is to examine how three of the most celebrated 1990s novels depict—organize, analyze, interpret, and "solve"—the civil war. I analyze and interpret these novels—by Assia Djebar, Yasmina Khadra, and Boualem Sansal—through a deep contextualization, both in terms of Algerian history and in the novels' contemporary setting. This is particularly important in this case, since the civil war is so contested, and is poorly understood. Using the novels' thematic content as a cue for deeper understanding, I engage through them and with them a number of elements crucial to understanding the civil war: Algeria's troubled nationalist legacy; its stagnant one-party regime; a fear, distrust, and poor understanding of the Islamist movement and the insurgency that erupted in 1992; and the unending, horrifically bloody violence that piled on throughout the 1990s. -
Algeria Page 1 of 14
Algeria Page 1 of 14 Algeria Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2006 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 6, 2007 Algeria is a multiparty republic of approximately 33 million inhabitants whose head of state (president) is elected by popular vote to a five- year term. The president has the constitutional authority to appoint and dismiss cabinet members and the prime minister, who serves as the head of government. The president also serves as commander-in-chief of the armed forces. President Bouteflika was re-elected in 2004 after competing against five other candidates in a generally transparent election in which the military remained neutral. While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, there were a few instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of government authority. The government continued to fail to account for thousands of persons who disappeared in detention during the 1990s. Other significant human rights problems included reports of abuse and torture; official impunity; prolonged pretrial detention; limited judicial independence; denial of fair, public trials; restrictions on civil liberties, including freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association; security-based restrictions on movement; limitations on religious freedom, including increased regulation of non-Muslim worship; corruption and lack of government transparency; discrimination against women; and restrictions on workers' rights. RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life There were no reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. -
The Algerian Armed Forces: National and International Challenges
THE ALGERIAN ARMED FORCES: NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL CHALLENGES Carlos Echeverría Jesús Working Paper (WP) Nº 8/2004 1/4/2004 Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 The Algerian Armed Forces: National and international challenges ∗ Carlos Echeverría Jesús THE ROLE OF THE ARMED FORCES: FROM INDEPENDENCE TO THE FIRST STEPS TOWARD DEMOCRACY (1962-1988) The Algerian Armed Forces arose from the National Liberation Army (ALN), particularly from the so-called ‘border army’ which, as General Jaled Nezzar recalls in his Memoirs, began to play a dominant role under the command of Colonel Houari Boumedienne in late 1959: this army relentlessly waged war on the French forces deployed on the borders of Morocco and Tunisia until the conflict ended in 1962 (1). Although the creation of the ALN itself dates back to 1954, it was not until the Summam Congress, on August 20, 1956, that its structure was determined and it became considered an instrument for implementing the policies developed by the party: the National Liberation Front (FLN). The internal struggles within the FLN-ALN tandem, both in and outside Algeria, have been described by many authors: both the confrontations within the National Council of the Algerian Revolution (CNRA) and those at the various FLN congresses during and immediately after the war –the Summam Congress (1956), Tripoli Congress (1962) and Algiers Congress (1964)– aimed at taking control of the embryo of the future Armed Forces. According to Mohamed Harbi, the session of the CNRA held in December 1959 – January 1960 was crucial, as it abolished the Ministry of the Armed Forces, replacing it with an Inter-Ministerial War Committee (CIG), directed by military officers of a General Chiefs of Staff (EMG) led by Boumedienne, who went on to become Defense Minister of the first independent government and, starting in June 1965, President until his death in 1978. -
Le Scénario Se Précise: Toute L'actualité Sur Liberte-Algerie.Com
A la une / Actualité Actualité Le scénario se précise Le renoncement du Président sortant constituera un tournant dans la course au Palais d’El- Mouradia. Mais ce n’est pas encore acquis, puisque le président Bouteflika compte faire durer le suspense jusqu’à l’ultime minute, tout en prenant soin de s’aménager une sortie honorable, voire historique, et tout en s’assurant que son entourage ne soit pas la cible d’une vendetta à son départ À moins d’un mois de la convocation du corps électoral, les choses commencent à se clarifier peu à peu, avec la quasi-certitude que le président Bouteflika ne se représente pas. Ses partisans l’ont, d’ailleurs, compris et commencent déjà à guetter le moindre signal pour appuyer un autre candidat. Il ne reste que Saâdani qui nage à contre-courant et, qui plus est, s’est permis de s’attaquer à Abdelmalek Sellal, l’un des favoris les plus en vue pour succéder à Bouteflika. Le groupe de cadres du FLN, conduit par Abderrahmane Belayat, attend juste le signal pour renverser le patron imposé à la tête du parti. C’est monnaie courante chez le vieux parti et cela n’étonnerait personne, ou presque. En fait, une partie des cadres du parti a déjà choisi son camp, comme en 2004, pour suivre Ali Benflis, qui devrait annoncer sa candidature dans moins d’une semaine. Une autre partie des cadres serait partante pour soutenir Mouloud Hamrouche, au cas où ce dernier venait à se présenter. Mais le gros de l’appareil du FLN, cette terrible machine à gagner les élections, suivra le candidat du pouvoir. -
Autonomous Trade Unions in Algeria an Expression of Nonviolent Acts of Citizenship
KARIM MAÏCHE Autonomous Trade Unions in Algeria An Expression of Nonviolent Acts of Citizenship Tampere University Dissertations 238 Tampere University Dissertations 238 KARIM MAÏCHE Autonomous Trade Unions in Algeria An Expression of Nonviolent Acts of Citizenship ACADEMIC DISSERTATION To be presented, with the permission of the Faculty of Social Sciences of Tampere University, for public discussion in the auditorium 1100 of the Pinni B building, Kanslerinrinne 1, Tampere, on 17 April 2020, at 12 o’clock. ACADEMIC DISSERTATION Tampere University, Faculty of Social Sciences Finland Responsible Professor Emeritus supervisor Tuomo Melasuo and Custos Tampere University Finland Supervisor Doctor of Social Sciences Anitta Kynsilehto Tampere University Finland Pre-examiners Professor Daho Djerbal Professor Marnia Lazreg Université d’Alger 2 The City University of New York Algeria United States Opponent Professor Rachid Tlemçani Université d’Alger 3 Algeria The originality of this thesis has been checked using the Turnitin Originality Check service. Copyright ©2020 author Cover design: Roihu Inc. ISBN 978-952-03-1524-5 (print) ISBN 978-952-03-1525-2 (pdf) ISSN 2489-9860 (print) ISSN 2490-0028 (pdf) http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-952-03-1525-2 PunaMusta Oy – Yliopistopaino Tampere 2020 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Preparing this thesis has been simultaneously challenging and rewarding experience. My deepest gratitude goes to all the Algerian trade unionists who shared their views and experiences. The constructive and valuable comments of the pre- examiners, Professors Daho Djerbal and Marnia Lazreg, helped to improve this work from multiple aspects. I feel extremely grateful for my supervisors Professor Tuomo Melasuo and Doctor Anitta Kynsilehto. This thesis was prepared in Tampere Peace Research Institute (TAPRI). -
DECIPHERING ALGERIA: the STIRRINGS of REFORM? Relations in the Future
EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN BRIEF POLICY RELATIONS ecfr.eu DECIPHERING ALGERIA: THE STIRRINGS OF REFORM? Andrew Lebovich Contemporary Algeria presents a puzzle for outside observers. Since the protests of the Arab Spring toppled SUMMARY governments in Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt, policymakers • Africa's largest country and an important and analysts have devoted increasing attention to Algeria,1 counterterrorism partner for the West since but have tended to see it in rather one-dimensional terms. 2001, Algeria has wrongly been seen as stagnant. Formerly regarded as a bulwark of regional stability, However, the country has gradually begun to Algeria is now more often described as a potential source open up amid a looming economic crisis and the of tension and conflict in the future, especially as the price security and political changes unleashed by the of oil – the bedrock of Algeria’s economy – remains at its Arab Spring and NATO intervention in Libya. lowest levels in more than a decade.2 Algeria has increased security cooperation • At the same time as Algeria faces a looming economic crisis, with its neighbours and reinforced its internal the country has been forced to deal with an increasingly security apparatus to respond to threats of hazardous regional security environment due to terrorist terrorism and instability from outside, as threats in Tunisia, insecurity and political breakdown exemplified by the 2013 In Amenas attack, in Libya following the 2011 NATO intervention, jihadist reportedly organised in north Mali and Libya. occupation and enduring civil conflict in northern Mali, • Algeria has also faced the risk of protest and and a continued flow of weapons, narcotics, people, and unrest as the country waits to see who will fuel across the Sahara. -
National Reactions to the Massacres
© 1999 Hoggar www.hoggar.org + + NATIONAL REACTIONS TO THE MASSACRES J. T. Senhadji 1. Introduction 614 2. Political Parties 616 2.1. Party of Defiance (Ettahadi) 618 2.2. Rally for Culture and Democracy (RCD) 619 2.3. Democratic National Rally (RND) 621 2.4. National Liberation Front (FLN) 622 2.5. Front of Socialist Forces (FFS) 624 2.6. Labour Party (PT) 626 3. Non-Governmental Organisations 627 3.1. Algerian Rally of Democrat Women (RAFD) 628 3.2. Association of the Executives of the Civil Service (ANCAP) 628 3.3. Association of Victims of Terrorism (Djazairouna) 629 3.4 Algerian Medical Union (UMA) 629 3.5. Algerian League for the Defence of Human Rights 629 4. Public Personalities 630 4.1. Omar Belhouchet 631 4.2. Ahmed Ben Bella 631 4.3. Ahmed Taleb Ibrahimi 632 4.4. Abdelhamid Brahimi 633 4.5. Salima Ghezali 635 4.6. Appeal of Algerian Intellectuals 637 4.7. Call for Peace in Algeria against the Civil War 640 4.8. Call for Peace 640 5. Miscellaneous Reactions and Testimonies 642 5.1. Rachid Messaoudi 642 5.2. Captain Haroun 643 5.3. Mohammed Larbi Zitout 644 5.4. Lahouari Addi 645 6. Conclusion 646 + + © 1999 Hoggar www.hoggar.org + + 614 National Responses The regression is so general that it takes the dimensions of a genocide. Torture is systematic. It has become an administrative method of work for the security services which consider it to be the best way of obtaining information. Extra-judicial kill- ings have become common place. The special courts have gone but their legislation has been extended to all the courts of the land. -
Crisis States Programme Development Research Centre Www
1 crisis states programme development research centre www Working Paper no.7 CO-OPTING IDENTITY: THE MANIPULATION OF BERBERISM, THE FRUSTRATION OF DEMOCRATISATION AND THE GENERATION OF VIOLENCE IN LGERIA A Hugh Roberts Development Research Centre LSE December 2001 Copyright © Hugh Roberts, 2001 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce any part of this Working Paper should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Programme, Development Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Programme Working papers series no.1 English version: Spanish version: ISSN 1740-5807 (print) ISSN 1740-5823 (print) ISSN 1740-5815 (on-line) ISSN 1740-5831 (on-line) 1 Crisis States Programme Co-opting Identity: The manipulation of Berberism, the frustration of democratisation, and the generation of violence in Algeria Hugh Roberts DESTIN, LSE Acknowledgements This working paper is a revised and extended version of a paper originally entitled ‘Much Ado about Identity: the political manipulation of Berberism and the crisis of the Algerian state, 1980-1992’ presented to a seminar on Cultural Identity and Politics organized by the Department of Political Science and the Institute for International Studies at the University of California, Berkeley, in April 1996. Subsequent versions of the paper were presented to a conference on North Africa at Binghamton University (SUNY), Binghamton, NY, under the title 'Berber politics and Berberist ideology in Algeria', in April 1998 and to a staff seminar of the Government Department at the London School of Economics, under the title ‘Co-opting identity: the political manipulation of Berberism and the frustration of democratisation in Algeria’, in February 2000. -
Les Presidents Algeriens a L Epreuve Du Pouvoi.Pdf
BADR'EDDINE :MILl LES PRÉSIDENTS ALGÉRIEN À L'ÉPREUVE DU POUVOIR Villa n06, lot. Saïd Hamdine, 16012, Alger " © Casbah-Editions, Alger, 2014. ISBN: 978 - 9947- 62 - 061 - 8. Dépôt légal: 4629 - 2014. Tous droits réservés. SOJ\.1lV1AIRE PRÉFACE.......... ......................... ........... .......... ....................................................................................................... 9 INTRODUCTION ............................ .... ................................................................... 13 PREMIERE PARTIE: DE L'ÉTATET DES IDÉOLOGIES 1. L'État national entre révolution et contre-révolution....... .......... 19 2. Gauche, islamisme et démocratie ............... ........... ............. .................................. 32 3. Les élites algériennes d'hier a aujourd'hui........................ .........................44 4. La genèse des capitalismes algériens ... ....... ....... .... .......... ...... ..... ... ............... 54 DEUXIEME PARTIE: DU pouvom ET DES HOMMES 1. Ferhat Abbas, l'anti-héros .............. ... .. .. .......... ........................................ .. ...... ... .... .. ........ ... 71 2. Ahmed Ben Bella «le frère militant » ............................... ...... ............. .. .... 85 3. Rouari Boumedienne ou l'œuvre inachevée........... ................................ 94 4. Chadli Bendjedid: sujet ou objet de l'histoire? ...... 108 5. Les trois morts de Mohamed Boudiaf............................ ...... 119 6. AliKafi dans la tourmente des années noires.. ...... 128 7. Ce -
Algeria in Transition Routledgecurzon Studies in Middle Eastern Politics
ALGERIA IN TRANSITION ROUTLEDGECURZON STUDIES IN MIDDLE EASTERN POLITICS ALGERIA IN TRANSITION REFORMS AND DEVELOPMENT PROSPECTS Edited by Ahmed Aghrout with Redha M.Bougherira Algeria in Transition Reforms and Development Prospects Edited by AHMED AGHROUT (with Redha M.Bougherira) University of Salford Foreword by PROFESSOR JOHN KEIGER University of Salford LONDON AND NEW YORK First published 2004 by RoutledgeCurzon 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by RoutledgeCurzon 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 RoutledgeCurzon is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005. “To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge's collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.” © 2004 Ahmed Aghrout and Redha M.Bougherira All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress ISBN 0-203-30763-1 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-415-34848-X (Print Edition) To the most cherished memory of my grandmother -
University of Warwick Institutional Repository
University of Warwick institutional repository: http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap/3919 This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. THE FRONT ISLAMIQUE DU SALUT AND THE DENIAL OF LEGITIMACY Myles O’ Byrne B.C.L., M.A. A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in French Studies University of Warwick, Department of French June 2010 Contents Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................. 4 Abstract .................................................................................................................................... 5 List of acronyms ...................................................................................................................... 6 Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 7 Locating my research: bibliographical choices and research contributions ........................... 10 Review of the literature ..................................................................................................... 11 Contributions to the field .................................................................................................